Article Citation: Buhari Bello Kware (2018). "As the Struggle Continues, Victory Is Certain!": A Synopsis of the History of Students' Struggle in Nigeria. DEGEL: The Journal of the Faculty of Arts and Islamic Studies, Vol. 16. ISSN 0794-9316
“AS THE STRUGGLE
CONTINUES, VICTORY IS CERTAIN!”: A SYNOPSIS OF THE HISTORY OF STUDENTS’
STRUGGLE IN NIGERIA
By
Buhari
Bello Kware, Ph. D
Cabinet
Office, Sokoto, Sokoto State
Abstract
The
history of students’ struggle in Nigeria has been a long and dynamic one. It
started under the colonial period when it possessed all the basic necessities
to be revolutionary, partly resulting to the country’s independence. It
continued to exist with such spirit even after independence, but was soon
forced to go down, but more drastically especially from the 1990s to date, by a
number of factors. The basic argument of this paper is that, if there will be a
renaissance in students struggle in the 21st century Nigeria, then
hopefully indiscipline and lack of patriotism, one of the major challenges
hindering the nation’s development and prosperity, would be overcome. And also,
students’ rights will be taken into serious consideration by the affected authorities
from campuses to national levels, thereby, enhancing the country’s educational
system.
Introduction
The
resurgence of a true and sincere students’ struggle in Nigeria is pivotal to
the need for inculcating self discipline and patriotism in the minds of the
teaming youths, a requirement for the development of the country, especially in
the 21st century. Indeed, students’ struggle is a worldwide
phenomenon. However, over the years, it has proved to be realizable in a formal
manner, only through the agency of student unions. A Student union on its own
side, is an association of students in a particular place of education with
stipulated modus operandi of the association, purposely and primarily to protect and
defend not only their interests but also the entire society.[1]
Student unionism all over the globe is as old as the beginning of tertiary
education. [2]
Hence, the historical progress of
tertiary institutions around the globe witnessed the emanation of several
student unions. Examples of these include among others, St. Andrews, founded in
United Kingdom in 1864; Association d
Etudiants, founded in France in 1877;
Union National des Etudiants de
France, founded in 1907 in France; Association
des Anciens de Sadiki, founded in
Tunusia in 1905; Association des
Etudiants Musulmans Nord-Africains, founded in Algeria in 1919; and the
Union of African Descent (1917), the Gold Coast Students Union (1924), Nigerian
Progress Union (1924), as well as the West African Students Union (1925), all
founded in London.[3] Today, there are hundreds of thousands
students unions around the globe. While
some of these are based on political and religious affiliations, others are
basically non-religious and non-political, but solely working in the interest
of the students first, and the society at large.
From the beginning, student unions and
the struggles undertaken under their aegis drew inspiration from worldwide
trending struggles for social justice such as the struggle for women’s right,
sexual equality, social justice for students, as well as racial equality,[4]
a struggle over which the influence of individuals like Edward Wilmot Blyden
and Marcus Garvey, etc., was overwhelming. It could, therefore, be understood
that from inception, students struggle was a struggle in search of justice,
specifically, to protect the interest of the subalterns especially against
highhandedness of the authorities affected. It was with this style that
students’ struggle was invented in Nigeria under the colonial period, as a
milestone in the history of tertiary education in the country. However, other
vital happenings produced by historical processes such as the World Wars and
the rise of labor unionism became factors that informed students with
consciousness to pursue their struggles with more vigor.
Students struggle continued to be very
active in Nigeria, although with some deficiencies through the post colonial
periods down to the 1990s. However, from the dawn of the 21st
century to date, student activism in Nigeria has witnessed a downfall more than
ever before. This was invariably, inherent from the changing patterns of the
nature of the education system of the country, the nature of its leadership and
what its economic system dictates.[5]
Nevertheless, with students unions still operating in all the tertiary
education campuses in Nigeria up to date, the challenges facing students
struggle cannot be deemed a failure. Optimistically, as the struggle continues,
victory is certain. What is seriously needed is a revolutionary resurgence that
will give a new impetus to the struggle. The argument of this paper is that
with resurgence in active and sincere students’ struggle, quite a number of the
challenges that have been crippling Nigeria’s nation building project since
1960 will be hopefully overcome, the central concern here, being the presence
of undisciplined and unpatriotic youths.
Against this backdrop, this paper aims
to bring to the fore, a brief summary of the major trends in the history of
students struggle in Nigeria. For this reason, it is structured into parts.
This introduction is followed by a sub section titled “Students Struggle in
Nigeria during the Colonial Period”. This in turn is followed by another sub
section entitled “Dimensions of Students Struggle in the Post Colonial Period”,
after which Conclusion follows. However, before going into the main discourse,
a sub section will be dedicated to discuss very briefly on who the students
are, only for the purpose of clarity.
The Students
As
advanced by Abbass, a simple definition of student shows that he is a person
who is undergoing a course of study in a particular and recognized place of
training.[6]
Put differently, a student is a person who studies or learns a particular
academic subject. Students, as observed by Momoh do not constitute a social
class. They are rather a transitory social category whose members usually enter
the labour market in various capacities. They come from families belonging to
different classes in the social strata.[7]
However, as the dominated classes of every society have the higher number in
terms of population than the dominant class, most of the students are also
members of the dominated class.
Students’ Struggle in Nigeria during the Colonial Period
It
has earlier been mentioned that students’ struggle are usually pursued through
the agencies of students unions. In Nigeria, before any student union was
created in the country, Nigerian students studying in London championed the
formation of the West African Students Union in 1925. Its pioneer President,
Ladipo Solanke was a Nigerian. Later in
1948, when the University College Ibadan was established, student unionism was
launched in the University of Ibadan with Kunle Adepoju as one of its founding
fathers. This later resulted to the rise of various student unions across the
country precipitating the eventual formation of the National Union of Nigerian
Students (NUNS) in 1956, with late Ambassador Emmanuel Obe as its first
National President.[8]
Indeed, student activism during the colonial period was characterized by
militancy, diplomacy, and violent actions.[9]
The first generation of student activists was
richly resourceful and seriously committed to the struggle. In fact, quite a
number of them transformed to become nationalist who fought for Nigeria’s
independence. No wonder, at independence, most of the members of the emergent
political elites were once student activists- for instance, Nmandi Azikwe,
Samuel Akintola, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, and Kingslewy Mbadiwe.[10]
To sum up what students struggle looked like during the colonial period, Peter
and Ebimbowei noted that:
Student
unionism in the early days in Nigeria was feared and respected by the
government, students and various managements (authorities) across the country’s
tertiary institutions. These pressure groups were ideology based with a high
sense of intellectual debates and resisted oppressive tendencies and policies
of government and administrators of institutions of higher learning. They make
bold to express their views to authorities when they erred and generally
enjoyed the patriotic support of the student community.[11]
This
is despite the fact that Nigeria’s educational system was a byproduct of
colonialism which was basically introduced to serve the interest of the
dominant class in the State, and therefore, not directed towards imparting
knowledge that will infuse revolutionary ideas and radicalism into the
students’ minds.[12]
Notwithstanding, Nigerian students, especially due to the high level of
consciousness in them as they are informed by various factors as discussed
above, were able to rise against certain inconsistencies caused by the
authorities, especially through protests. For instance, from the 1940s to 1960
when independence was granted, the following protests were recorded:
1. The
Kings College Strike of 1944;
2. The
protest against the Western Regional Housing bill (May
1959);
3. The
Protest against the Eastern Regional Pension Bill (1959);
4. The
protest against Harold Macmillan’s government’s attitude
to
Africans’ condition in Southern Africa;
5. The
protest over Sharpville shooting (1960);
6. And the
protest against the French for testing atomic weapons
in
the Sahara (February 1960).[13]
Dimensions of Students Struggle in the Post Colonial Period
Just
as during the colonial period, students’ struggle in the period immediately
following Nigeria’s independence was very active. It had remnants of
nationalist ideas and was very revolutionary in nature. This is observable in
at least six major happenings that followed immediately after independence.
These include:
1.
the students protest against the proposed
Anglo-Nigerian
Defense pact in November 1960;
2.
the protest against the murder of
Patrice Lumumba in February
1961;
3.
the protest against the press law;
4.
the protest against the proposed
Preventive Detention Law in
1963;
5.
the protest against the census manipulations
of national
population figures 1962-963;
6.
And the various protests preceding and
during the Nigerian
civil war 1967-1970.[14]
All these protests were basically
championed by Nigerian students from different higher institutions of learning
across the country. One interesting feature that cut across all the above
mentioned protests, however, is this- they all displayed the high level of
consciousness among the Nigerian students and their commitment towards the
defense of not only the territorial integrity and sovereignty of their country,
but also the search for social justice and human rights in favour of themselves
and the masses at large. This is more so because, to take the students protest
against the Anglo-Nigerian Defense pact as an example, the Nigerian students
considered the pact as an attempt to mortgage the sovereignty of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria, and that was why they protested against it.[15]
They gave it such consideration, having it at the back of their minds that a
crucial aspect of the Defense pact is an undertaking by both governments to
afford one another with mutual defense assistance and to consult each other on
measures to be taken jointly or separately to ensure fullest cooperation
between them for such purpose.[16]
And this is synonymous to Nigeria’s continuity to be under the erstwhile
colonialist’s influence despite the so called independence, especially
considering the huge gap between the two nations in terms of economic
development as well as the asymmetrical nature of their relationship from the
beginning of colonialism down to the period of independence, always at the cost
of Nigeria.[17]
Meanwhile, as early as 1963, as
observed by Momoh, religious organizations and some moral re-armament crusaders
had started appearing in various campuses of tertiary education institutions
all over the country. This was with the view to lower the radicalism of
students’ movements and direct their energies from politics.[18]
This, however, was not much a success, as students even beyond the 1960s,
continued to engage themselves in various sorts of struggles concerning
inconsistencies created by not only their institutions’ administrators at the
lower level, but also the administrators of the country at large. Some of the
protests undertaken by the students include:
1. The
protest over the murder of Adepujo in 1971;
2. The
protest over the introduction of National YouthService in
1973;
3. The
protest over police disturbance of Adepeju’s memorial
processions in February 1974;
4. The
protest against Gowon’s detention of critics (1974-1975);
5. Students
protests against the February 1976 attempted coup
d’etat, led by Colonel Dimka;[19]
6. The
“Ali Must Go” protest of April 1978;[20]
7. The
protest over Technical Education Programme (1978-
1979);
8. The
protest over university admissions in 1979;
9. The
Ahmadu Bello University (ABU) Zaria rice revolt of 1981;
10.The Ife
Massacre of 1981;[21]
11.And the
protest against the IMF/World Bank loan due to be
taken by Nigeria under the Leadership of
General Ibrahim
Babangida in December 1985, etc.[22]
Unfortunately,
for the students’ movers however, amidst these protests and peaceful
demonstrations, it became apparent that the state and the ruling class (at most
times, the military dictators) were ready to suppress the students’ movements.
The strategies adopted by the various military governments, and sometimes
civilian governments in so doing were succinctly presented by Momoh to include:
First,
they made conditions of study unbearable and costly to students through the
withdrawal of subsidy on basic teaching and research infrastructure as well as
feeding. The second was the rationalization of courses being taught at
universities, and the reduction in students’ admissions. Third was the
militarization of Nigeria’s tertiary institutions and high handedness of
university administrators. Hence, whenever students made legitimate demand on
the state, they were brutally suppressed. For instance when the university of
Ibadan students, in 1971, demanded campus reforms and improved welfare, the
university authorities invited police who unleashed terror on the students,
leaving one student Kunde Adepoju, dead…[23]
There
are many more examples on the ways through which the government or school
authorities used the instrumentality of the Nigeria Police Force to coercively
suppress students’ movements. But for the purpose of this paper, two more
examples will be cited. First, with regards to the “Ali Must Go” Saga, which
broke out in Nigerian higher institutions of learning specifically against the
increase in feeding and boarding fees by the Federal Military Government, in
1978. The government reacted by deploying anti-riot policemen to the nation’s
University campuses, leading to the death of another student Akintunde Ojo, via
police gunshot.[24]
The second example was in ABU Zaria, in 1986, where at the invitation of the
Vice Chancellor of the day, Professor Ango Abdullahi, police fired many
protesting students who were commemorating the 8th anniversary of
the Ali Must Go crises, to death.[25]
With the above few examples, one cannot
agree less with Adebayo who posited that the relationship between students and
police in Nigeria has developed into what could be called a Mephistophelian
relation characterized by fiendishness.[26] The
university authorities on their own side had variously rusticated and expelled
many student activists.[27]
Indeed, it was the attitude of the Nigerian military leaders towards students’
unionism that led to the ban of the National Union of Nigerian Students (NUNS).
The ban was, however, lifted by the Shagari led administratio in 1980, and
consequently, there was the eventual formation of the present National
Association of Nigerian Students at Lagos in 1983.[28]
In essence, the above discussed
measures taken by the governments and the authorities of various institutions
of higher learning in Nigeria, coupled with the changing nature of the
educational system, leadership, as well as the economic management of the
country, all of which are increasingly being affected by the continuously
spreading menace of corruption, in the recent times have severely affected
student unionism in many negative ways. Thus, despite the creation of NANS in
the 1980s, from 1990s to date, students’ unionism in Nigerian tertiary
institutions is increasingly being characterized by the prevalence of cultism,
corruption, misappropriation of funds, regional and ethnic politics, as well as
undue support of politicians, all for the selfish benefit and interest of the
union leaders.[29]
Obviously for the above reason, the
politics of acquiring a position of leadership in the contemporary students
unions in the Nigerian universities is increasingly becoming a dirty one. For
instance, a recent study in the university of Calabar has revealed that the
quest for money, power and influence is the main contributing factors of
acquiring political power on campus at all cost. And that it was the decadence
of the larger Nigerian society that swept into the university campus to such an
extent that, just like the mainstream politicians, only a handful of greedy
die-hards are attracted to this politics of power, influence, and money, amidst
violence and strife.[30]
This singular example cited with the University of Calabar is just a depiction
of what is obtainable in most of the campuses all over the country.
The Recent Trend
Moreover,
the overall followership of the student activists has also gone down. It was
indeed for this reason that in recent times, many unjust practices were
undertaken by the government but the students remained silent. There were for
instance debates and counter debates concerning the appropriateness or
otherwise of the removal of fuel subsidy by the federal government in recent
times but the students were virtually silent about it. At campuses level, for
example, in May 2013, the students of Usmanu Ɗanfodiyo
University Sokoto tried to stage a protest against the school’s authorities
over lack of electricity and water supply. It was few days to the examinations,
but the students were forced to leave the school before 12pm on May 28th,
and on their resumption were forced to pay 1000 Naira each for the damages
caused during the protest. Unfortunately, due to the lack of sound leadership
and followership as well as solidarity in the contemporary students’ unionism
in Nigeria, no students from other universities were there to launch nationwide
protests in support of their fellows in UDUS, just as it was done in 1986 to
show solidarity to the ABU students who were attacked by police while on
protest in 1986.
All these shows the extent to which
students who were once known for their high level of consciousness and
dedication to the development of Nigeria, as well as uncompromising patriotism,
have unfortunately turned into something else. One has to call for resurgence
in students’ unionism. Not only a usual type of unionism, but responsible
unionism. For a responsible student unionism, the readers can be referred back
to the suggestions forwarded by Abbass twenty seven years ago.[31]
Conclusion
This
paper attempted to give a synopsis of the history of students’ struggle in
Nigeria. This was done with the view to highlight the major milestones in the
history of students struggle. It has been discussed that during the colonial
period, students struggle in Nigeria was very sound with an ideological base.
Also, even after independence, it continued with even more vigour. However, it
was soon suppressed by a combined effort of the successive military
governments, the higher institutions of learning authorities, as well as the
overall decadence in the Nigerian societies. These factors eventually resulted
to the overall demoralization of students struggle in Nigeria. As a result,
from the 1990s to date, students’ activism in Nigeria has been witnessing a
serious downfall. However, since the struggle is still on, and student unions
are still operating all over the country, then hopefully, Aluta Continua, Vitoria e certa! The contention of the paper has
remained this. With resurgence in true and patriotic students struggle, Nigeria
shall be able to overcome some developmental challenges, especially the lack of
self discipline and patriotism among the youths.
References
Abbass,
I. M., “On Responsible Students Unionism”, Being a paper presented at the
Orientation, matriculation and Opening Ceremony of Kaduna State Polytechnic,
Zaria, 30th May to June 1st 1991.
Adebayo,
P. F., “Students’ Crises: The Dimension of Student-Police Relations in
Nigeria”, np, nd.
Adeola,
A. O. and Bukola, A. B., “Students Participation in Governance and
Organizational Effectiveness in Universities in Nigeria”, Meditteranean Journal of Social Sciences, Vol. 5 No. 9, May 2014.
Bako,
A., “The Political Economy of University Education in Nigeria during the
Colonial and Post Colonial Periods: A Preliminary Historical Examination” A
Seminar Paper Presented at UDUS, Sokoto, 1992.
Fafunwa,
A. B., A History of Education in Nigeria,
London, Allen and Uwin Ltd, 1982.
Kware,
B. B., Students’ Struggle in the History
of Education in Nigeria, Zaria, Gaskiya Corporation Ltd, 2014.
Momoh,
A., “Popular Struggles in Nigeria, 1960-1982”, African Association of Political Science, 1996.
Peter,
Z. E. and Ebimbowei, S. T., “Leadership and Students Unionism, Challenges and
Solution in the Nigerian Tertiary Education System (Colleges of Education,
Polytechnics, and Universities)”, European
Scientific Journal, Vol. 11 No 25, 2015.
Uche,
R. D. and Ogar, O. E., “Leadership Conflicts Among Students on Nigerian
University Campuses: The Experience of the University of Calabar, Calabar
Nigeria”, British Journal of Education, Vol.
5, No. 3, March 2017.
Yandaki,
A. I., The State in Africa: A Critical
Study in Historiography and Political Philosophy, Zaria, Gaskiya
Corporation, 2015.
[1] I. M. Abbass,
“On Responsible Students Unionism”. A paper presented at the Orientation,
matriculation and Opening Ceremony of Kaduna State Polytechnic, Zaria, 30th
May to June 1st 1991, p. 1.
[2] B. B. Kware, Students’ Struggle in the History of
Education in Nigeria, Zaria, Gaskiya Corporation Ltd, 2014, p. 3.
[3] Ibid, pp. 3-8.
[4] Ibid, p. 5.
[5] I. M. Abbass,
“On Responsible Students Unionism”…, p.3.
[6] Ibid, p. 1.
[7] A. Momoh,
“Popular Struggles in Nigeria, 1960-1982”, African
Association of Political Science, 1996, p. 154.
[8] Z. E Peter and
S. T. Ebimbowei, “Leadership and Students Unionism, Challenges and Solution in
the Nigerian Tertiary Education System (Collegesw of Education, Polytechnics,
and Universities)”, European Scientific
Journal, Vol. 11 No 25, 2015, p. 385.
[9] B. B. Kware, Students’ Struggle in the History of
Education in Nigeria…, p. 9.
[10] A. Momoh,
“Popular Struggles in Nigeria, 1960-1982”…, p. 159.
[11] Z. E Peter and
S. T. Ebimbowei, “Leadership and Students Unionism, Challenges and Solution…,
p. 385.
[12] I. M. Abbass,
“On Responsible Students Unionism”…, p.3.
[13] A. Momoh,
“Popular Struggles in Nigeria, 1960-1982”…, p. 160.
[14] Ibid.
[15] B. B. Kware, Students’ Struggle in the History of
Education in Nigeria…, p. 11.
[16] Ibid, p. 12.
[17] For more
details on this, see A. I. Yandaki, The
State in Africa: A Critical Study in Historiography and Political Philosophy, Zaria,
Gaskiya Corporation, 2015.
[18] A. Momoh,
“Popular Struggles in Nigeria, 1960-1982”…, p. 161.
[19] Ibid, p. 159.
[20] B. B. Kware, Students’ Struggle in the History of
Education in Nigeria…, p. 91.
[21] A. Momoh,
“Popular Struggles in Nigeria, 1960-1982”…, p. 159.
[22] B. B. Kware, Students’ Struggle in the History of
Education in Nigeria…, p. 93.
[23] A. Momoh,
“Popular Struggles in Nigeria, 1960-1982”…, p. 161.
[24] B. B. Kware, Students’ Struggle in the History of
Education in Nigeria…, p. 117.
[25] Ibid, pp. 117-118.
[26] P. F. Adebayo,
“Stuidents’ Crises: The Dimension of Student-Police Relations in Nigeria”, np,
nd, p.1.
[27] B. B. Kware, Students’ Struggle in the History of
Education in Nigeria…, p. 13.
[28] Ibid.
[29] B. B. Kware, Students’ Struggle in the History of
Education in Nigeria…, p. 13.
[30] R. D. Uche and
O. E. Ogar, “Leadership Conflicts Among Students on Nigerian University
Campuses: The Experience of the University of Calabar, Calabar Nigeria”, British Journal of Education, Vol. 5,
No. 3, March 2017, p. 6.
[31] See I. M.
Abbass, “On Responsible Students Unionism”…, p.3.
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