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Islamic Fanaticism in Northern Nigeria: An Overview

Cite this article: Abdulhamid, H., Mohammed, M. & Buhari, K. 2025. “Islamic Fanaticism in Northern Nigeria: An Overview”. Sokoto Journal of History Vol. 13, Iss. 01. Pp. 103-118. www.doi.org/10.36349/sokotojh.2025.v13i01.001

ISLAMIC FANATICISM IN NORTHERN NIGERIA: AN OVERVIEW

By

Hassan Abdulhamid

Dept. of History and Security Studies, Umaru Musa Yar’ Adua University, Katsina

and

Mamman Mohammed

Dept. of History and Strategic Studies, Federal Uni. Dutsin-Ma, Katsina State

and

Kabir Buhari

Department of History, Isa Kaita College of Education, Dutsin-Ma, Katsina State

Abstract: This paper surveys fanatic egoism among the Muslim religious sects in northern Nigeria. This fervor was believed to have been engrained from sturdy immoderations, robust intemperance and educational decadence. It was agreed that fanaticism is promptly acquiring propound impetus in many expanses which in northern Nigeria thus, it’s characterized as pot-pourri of sectarianism because, each sect exhibit taut ideological beliefs and stiff interpretation, inordinate reproaches of opponent through hate-speech and sometimes open hostilities to individual and the state. Thus fanatics are likely found from each sects because transcendent values of Islam were somehow steered and the cardinals of Islam were unsafe from interrogation. This odium become wild phenomena in northern so much so that, fellow Muslims are addressed with variant names: munkir (indefinite fellow), kafir (unbelief) and taghut (idol) an important situation which wanes eminence of Islam by establishing fiasco of supremacy, aversion and repugnance between Muslim. This paper agreed that fanaticism in Islam is known through enthusiasm, gradations or misconceptions of ethics, values and traditions. It believed that there is no sect in northern Nigeria which is free from fanaticism and, the scale of this problem is subject to individuals’ belief or practice.

Keywords: fanaticism, sect, group, belief, thought, view

Introduction

Among the most cumbersome feature of northern Nigeria is fanaticism in Islam. In this expanse every religious group, sect, movement or faction manifest the best of its ideology, belief and practice differently from one another. Thus ideological uproars and tumults occurs almost annually. Between izala, shi’a and the sufi, three dominant groups in the region each hold peculiar beliefs and practices in order to demonstrate its power of influence or supremacy over others so much so that, ideological misconceptions trims attitudes of keenness or extreme devotion and heighten the ethos of sectarianism among them. Thus credos of Islam and other galactic orders of shari’a were turned other way rounds because, every Muslims is obliged to choose amid suitable sects thereby delimiting inter and intra-sectarian vicissitudes or reproving religious rites through hate-speech and ethical blame. Some deliberately overhauled the shari’a and questioned its authority using unjustified testimonies, some acclaimed certain religious powers or positions in order to balance their equation. Consequently observation of the five daily prayers was contrariwise, fasting was inversely carried-out and no fatwa (religious order) is commonly acknowledged, marriage contraction is strictly on sectarian affiliation. And, each sect openly accuse the modus-operandi of its foes by containing its eventual slipups or challenging its ideological bases through derogatory approaches like munkir (deviant), taghut (idol) and kafir (infidel).

Islam in northern Nigeria

History of Islam in northern Nigeria was thoroughly discussed by scholars like such as Adamu, Fafunwa and Alkali. These individuals reckoned ways through which the religion of Islam and Islamic civilization had stretched to many parts of northern Nigeria like the role of the Arabs scholars, the impact of Berbers, the influence of north African scholars, the contribution of the Fulani, the role of the Bornoans (Borno Scholars) and of course indigenous scholars. It was believed that rise of Islam in this region had influenced the socio-political and socio-cultural activities of people by making important cities like Borno, Katsina, Kano and Zaria as centers of learning and scholarship.[1] With the imposition of British colonial administration in northern Nigeria, Islam and Islamic civilization witnessed significant change like advent of Christianity and Western Education where Islam and Islamic Education predominated for centuries. The disproportion created civilizational clash because, Ulama’ were consigned to square-zero and learning centers were knocked to the floor through administrative polices and Educational Ordinances. During the time teenagers begun to abandon studies in Islam in favor of Western education, alcoholism and smoking became rampant and Muslim girls started to occupy streets as harlots.[2] Junaid termed the period as Fitna (evil) or antithesis of Islam. He said:

…Ulama’ started to acclaimed epithets for self-recognition instead of scholarship. Northern Nigeria has now became a pasture for the wild animals… ’after it was the destination of visitor from cities and villages… even on the pasture provides nourishment no one can be seen there…’ Except chameleon taking refuge in the branches of the tree…’ The chameleon stood there talking to me then, it became speechless…’ The chameleon resolves its eyes indicating by that…’ Passage of the time has changed the things you are seeing around here…’ As it changes the color of its camouflage…’ I understand that the world changes its conditions and that makes me sleepless….[3]

The Concept of Fanaticism

Fanatic literary mean devotee, zealot, sting, hound or maniac. This word originated from Latin verb fanatice which mean intensely, heatedly or ragingly. It could be seen from noun form: fandom, used to identify a fan or devotee particularly in sport thus, it’s associated with lifestyle or other activities related to worshipping or scale of conviction dissimilar from the conventional slants.[4] This egoism develops from stung ideological variances or theological dilutions contrary to the teachings of Islam. Fanaticism is defined as fortifying faith or belief beyond normality or percussion of dissent. It can be seen as absence of reality involving excessive power over others or immoderation characterized by exertion and fervor of intensity. The entomology of the word could be seen from the driving vigor leading to indictment of other gods and attacking sacred places or defying sacred rites or rituals. Fanatic is someone who exhibit extreme religious commitments differently from the mainstream or someone who enthusiastically conceived religious pastime, it may be anybody who develop distinct religious beliefs or views.[5]

Fanaticism from the Earliest Times 

History of fanaticism could be traced from the rise of Great Fitna, a horrific eon which claimed lives of important Muslim in 661AD. This tragedy created saga of tripolarity in Islam by dividing the religion of Islam into smaller ineffective sectarian groups namely: Ahli Sunnah wal Jama’ in other words, Sunni (the faithful Muslim) who owns the majority, the Kawarij (the splinters or leavers) and finally the Mu’tazalite (the rejecters). This tripartite nature had installed sacrilegious temper between them through ideological distress and marginalization. In the late 9th century the Sunni accrue admirers who in-turn planned to lessen the Shi’a and extend their frontier in wider spectrum through strict adherence of Qur’an and stem compliance to hadith (tradition of Prophet).[6] The Kharijite are associated with the cohorts of Ali bin Abi Talib (600-661AD) during the eon of Great Fitna though, he outraged them in later times. These people firmly accept denotative and disregard connotative interpretation of Qur'an, they acclaimed that Allah had decreed Ali to be the Caliphate and any arbitration is rather considered blasphemy. To Kharijite everyone could become Caliph provided his morality is confirmed therefore Caliph shall be legitimately endorsed and any unfair nomination is subject to withdrawal. 

The Mu’tazalite emerged in reaction to the belief of the earliest generations: the Sunni and Kharijite. The locus of this sect is noticed from the theological conflicts of how the Muslim community (Ummah) should be define for example who is a Muslim and who is not? And, what qualify or disqualify a Muslim? In an attempt to answer these questions, a movement known as Mutakallimun (Muslim theologians) emerged-out. This group elevated reasons and intellects as an important source of knowledge consequently, referred to as rationalists or free-thinkers of Islam because, they postulated that if anyone derives knowledge of the religious obligations then what place had revelation occupied in the life of Ummah? This is clear evidence on how Mu’tazalite buoyed aql as legal source of moral rather than knowledge.

The Murji’ite (postponers) is yet another sect born in the early years of Islam. This credence established distinct view on the concept of Iman (belief) and aml (works).[7] They believed that inward expression of Iman is obligatory arguing that, failure to perform aml is rather considered essentially irrelevant to Iman, they alleged that if a sinner is regarded as Muslim his fate therefore, shall be postponed until hereafter. Qadirite is another is yet another sect born in the early years of Islam. This sect was built upon belief in Qadr (destiny) in other words individuals’ fate. They believed that fate of individual has been destined since before his inception and, no cause of modifications whatsoever could alter consequently, they are named Mujbira (compulsionists) because they opposed free-will doctrine built upon belief in ultimate morals as responsible for aml and vetoed capacity of the individual on every aml.

Fanaticism in Northern Nigeria

According to Karen and Ess needs for safeguarding orthodox tenants of Islam were what facilitated birth of tasauwuff (Sufism). Sufism is a religious movement aimed at strengthening relations with Allah through repentance, abstinence, renunciation, poverty, patience, trust and acquiescence.[8] Sufis are identify with puritanical breakthrough of barring all sort of writs dissenting the Qur'an or Hadith thus, they are called Muwahhidun (Unitarians) or Ahl Tauhid because of their loyalty to Harakat al-Salafiyyah (followers of the Prophet PBUH).[9] Among many other forces which strengthened the rise of Sufism in Hausaland is 1804 jihad movements which saw the establishment of a descent Islamic societies. Although the goal of the Jihadist was to revive the lost glories of Muslim where Islam could reign therefore, their ideals Dar al-Slam (the home of Islam) versus Dar al-Harb (the home of non-Muslim) prepared ground for factional moves. This ideal stimulated Mahadism, a religious belief which proposed return of Jesus (PBUH), Imam Al-Mahdi who was believed to free the world from evils and replaced tyranny with justice. The locus of this ideology was from extreme perfection of tauhid and reproving the unislamic rules of the British often termed as antichrist.[10] Patton described the occupation of British as follows:

Gog and Magog are coming, they approach,

They are small people, with big ears,

They are those who cause destruction at the ends of the earth,

When they approach a town, its crops will not sprout...

The fertility of the world will be taken away,

The place that once gave seventy bushels will not give seven,

Anti‑Christ is coming,

He will come and have authority over the world,

The Mahdi and Jesus,

They are coming In order to straighten out the tangle [of the world].[11]

Other sectarian groups found in northern Nigeria are Shi’a movement, Wahhabi group, Sufi orders, Kala-Kato sect, Mu’allamu movement, Salihawa, Digawa and Yan Fukafiki groups and Boko Haram members thus, the region was smeared: the melting-pot of religious clatters where ordinary Muslims are addressed by their sectarian inclinations.

Shiism

Shi’a is an Arabic term which mean party or section. It’s inclined to identify deepest level of religious belief in support of Ali bin Abi Talib. This movement arose out of the epoch of Great Fitna which provoked tripolarity in Islam. In theory Shi’ite acclaimed succession right directly from Muhammad PBUH but in practice, they believed other Caliphs were usurpers.[12] Shi’a exercise colossal educational influences through occupation of fountain of knowledge and authority. There are many sub-sects within Shi’a movement like Isma’ili who believed in esoteric knowledge (batin) and taqiyya (dissimulation), a dogmatic belief on the concept of immortality of Imam (religio-political leaders) whose return would save the world from dangers.[13] While the Twelvers acknowledged line of twelve infallible Imams whom were divinely chosen to construe the law and theology. They validate mutu’a (temporal connubial relations), acknowledged infaqi (payable tax), ordained taqiyya (dissimulation of faith) and hold their Imams more than the state authority.[14] The Zaydis group of Shi’a believed with first five Imams and rejected infallibility of the hidden Imam and, the Seveners on the other hands rectitude the first seventh Imam after the demise of Isma’il bin Jafar al-Sadiq who left behind two hear apparent: Musa al-Khazim and Isma’il. While the Alawi interprets pillars of Islam as symbolic rather than applied, and celebrate an eclectic group of Christian and Islamic holidays.[15]

Prior to Iranian revolution of 1979, there was virtually no Shi’a sect in Nigerian. The birth of this movement could be seen from the commitment of Ibrahim Yaqub al-Zakzaki (b. 1953) who outwardly supported the Iranian tragedy by inspiring young Muslim under auspice of Muslim Student Society of Nigeria to revive the lost glory of Islamic ruling thus, they called for the overthrow of Nigerian government. The community of Isma’ili sect could be found in all strata of Muslim including civil and public services and economic trade virtually throughout northern Nigeria. Their activities include demonstrations like Quds holds on every last Friday of Ramada (ninth month of Hijrah), Ashura holds on every tenth of Muharram (first month of Hijrah) and Milad holds on every twelfths of Rabi’ Auwal (third month of Hijrah). By 2012 this sect introduced great trek (tattaki) to commemorate the fortieth days after the demise of Imam Hussein.[16]

Sufism                                            

 Sufism is a religious order born in the dying decades of 7th century. This orders was built upon ascetic practices and other related rituals. Sufism may have been traced from the group of sahaba who occupied a spot in the holy Mosque of Medina. Between 8th and 9th centuries Sufis claimed the knowledge of ma’rifah (spiritual knowledge) used to establish permanent relation with God through principle of taubah (repentance), istiqama (righteousness), taqwa (awareness), sidq (truthfulness), ikhlas (sincerity), tumanina (serenity), muraqaba (contemplation), mushahada (witnessing) and ma’rifah (cognizance) and other guidelines like ahwal (capacity), fana’ (annihilation), baqa’ (permanency with God), hulul (pantheism), Istighraq (drawing), dhawq (testing) and jazba (rapture).[17] Sufi believed that ma’rifah is cosmic knowledge which need extreme privacies though erroneously disclosed by some unscrupulous members thereby scandalizing the tenants of Islam and the order.[18]

Mahadism

Mahadism is a doctorial belief founded in support of Imam Al Mahdi, the long awaiting deliverer who would relive the world from cruelties and recurs justice.[19] This belief could be traced from the provision of hadith which stressed the reappearance of Prophet Jesus PBUH which said: ‘…after every century there will be a reformer who would transform the universe from ethical and intellectual depravity into a just Islamic society...’ Recurs of Jesus PBUH formed part of the fundamentals of Islam thus, after every century the return of Al-Mahdi is ever awaits and every success is associated with Al-Mahdi. For example the triumph of 1804 jihad organized by Usman bin Fodiyo (1744-1817) who was upon called, the Mahdi of his time. Rise of Mahadism in northern Nigeria could be enthused to Hayatuddin bin Sa’id bin Usman bin Fodiyo.

Consciousness of this ideology forced Hayatuddin out of Sokoto to Sudan where purportedly the Mahdi of the time emerged but, his mission rather ended in Balda where he amassed cohorts from the eastern fringes of the Caliphate like Mandara, Marwa and Mubi.[20] This ideology contravene the epitomes of Islam through false declarations and arbitration of principles of respect and obedience to upper authority for example, in 1895 Mallam Abubakar claimed the Mahdi of Kazaure and in 1902 Mallam Jibril called himself the Mahdi of Gombe. However in 1949 Mallam Isa of Satiru and Mallam Njidda of Bima pretended Mahdi of their domains and, in 1958 Mallam Hanafi made the same declaration in Gwandu. These declarations generated hostilities with the constituent authorities and individuals because Mahdist disregard anything Western oriented, they nullify anybody who is akin to European to European cultures or civilizations and strongly oppose constitutions.[21]

Wahhabism

The term Wahhabism in an eponym of Syrian clerics, Muhammad Ibn Abdulwahhab (1703-1892). Wahhabism is coined to designate religious group who vetoed all literalist writs, puritanical approaches like Ijma (consensus) or Ijtihad (interpretation) but strongly adhered to a particular Mazhab (School of Thought). Thus etymology of Wahhabism concept could be traced from the foundation laid by the scholar in ‘teachings pure Islam’ out of what he considered impure Islam.[22] Though some Wahhabis confined the Quran and hadith but disclaimed anything bid’a (innovation) like dancing and purged pilgrimage to shrines but employs conservative way of dress in a segregated forms otherwise known as conservative Muslim.[23] They often beleaguer Sufi on heretical practices such as tawassul (intercession) and leveling it as shirk (polytheism), kufr (infidelity), riddah (apostasy) or bid’a (innovation) and, threaten the concept of tauhid (monotheism).

The Wahhabis carried-out bellicose propagation through rebuff of extravagances in the early 18th century thus, allied with Muhammad Ibn Sa’ud to formed Muwahhidun (Unitarian) or ahl-Muwahhidun (people of unity), a movement which stretched to other Islamic dominions using names such Sunni or Ahl Sunnati wa Jama’. Bingham justified how the Wahhabis stand on the cardinals of Islam as follows:

…Sunni fundamentalists contemporary goals are to restore the perfection of early Islam practiced by Muhammad and his Companions, who are Righteous Ancestors, to establish a utopian society by imposing their interpretation of Islamic law on all members of society; annihilating local variants of Islam in the name of authenticity and purity; transforming Islam from a personal faith into an authoritarian political system, establish a pan Islamic caliphate governed according to the strict principles, often conceived as stretching from Morocco to Indonesia and the Philippines; and, finally, subjecting the entire world under the domination of extremist Islamic ideology….[24]

The birth of Jama’tu Izalatu Bid’a wa Iqamatu Sunnah (JIBWIS) otherwise known as Izala was a typical example of Wahhabism in sub-Saharan Africa. This development was linked with the event which took place in Dogondaji, an adjacent of Jos, Plateau State were Sheikh Isma’il Idiris, a disciple of Sheikh Abubakar Gumi who occasionally preach to military groups. During the preaching session Idiris applauded his antagonism to Sufi whom he often regarded as kafir (unbelievers) and their practices bid’a (forbidden).[25] This approach secured him followers more especially youth who chilled with the inspirational talks of Idiris. In his Where I Stand Gumi expressed hid fear over the over-domination of the youth in the organization as follows:

“I was somewhat worried that most members of the new association were young men and women, who combined their learning with a lot of vigor and enthusiasm. My fear was that they might not be very patient in their preaching, especially with older scholars in the society, many of whom had been brought up in a centuries-old tariqa.

Salihawa

Salihawa (sg, Basalihe) is a noun name coined to describe a peculiar religious group with unique unrelated thoughts and activities in northern Nigeria. The etymology of this group could be seen from the verb word salaha, which mean veneration or serviceability thus they believed to have been the guardian of Islam. Salihawa associate themselves with the aftermath of battle of Bard which occurred in March, 624AD where Muhammad PBUH directed his troops to carried greater jihad (spiritual struggle) instead of the lather jihad (physical struggle). From this epoch people started separating themselves through khalwa for them to protect Islam from possible immoderations and unheeded cosmopolitan in-place of rural life believing that, whoever live city for years has to undertake an oath of validation. Salihawa prepared to eat from their produce barely and rarely accept modernity vis-à-vis Boko or modern Courts instead they resolves their disputes through Maijama’a (leader of the group) who is naturally unoffended and, they do not pray after anybody with dissimilar creed. On his effort to portray how Salihawa originated, Sani stated:

…Salihawa hardly use modern means of transportation like bicycle, motorcycle, motor vehicle etc. They do not wear garments with button or any dress of European style. They oppose the use of radio or any modern means of communication. They do not go to hospitals, especially their women due to their extreme observance of purdah…[26]

Maitatsine

The eponymy Yantatsine is applied to describe a fanatic block in northern Nigeria formulated by Muhammad Arab Marwa or Maitatsine These people are string to the Qur’an thus referred to as Qur’aniyyun (adherents of the Qur’an) or Kala Kato (says of bullion) and rejected hadith and ijma’a.[27] Exclusively, Yantatsine are dissimilar to other sects because of their mischievous enchantments against opponents and this offered them great impetus over the state and individuals thus, their contempt was impulse.[28] Their ideology could be seen from lines of contradiction on what was enshrined in Islam like principles of daily prayers and fasting.[29] In some cases Yantatsine pretends Mahadism by fantasizing ‘just’ society using open-convictions and intense spiritualties thus, Maitatsine himself was considered the Mahdi of his time. These vows were what ablaze waves of clashes in 1982 in Kano, Borno and Kaduna and, Kano again in 1984, Jimeta in 1985, Gombe in 1993 and Funtua in 1991.[30] Mallam Dalhatu described the beliefs of Yantatsine as follows:

 ….Muhammadu Marwa Maitatsine and his disciples didn’t practice ablutions before prayer, observed no direction for Qibla, they face the direction of their holy Ka’aba…In addition, he criticized wearing of watches, use of electric light and loudspeakers in mosques, and he forbade riding bicycles and cars. According to Maitatsine all these people (that engage in the culture of using these items) were pagans. Any Muslim who include Allahu Akbar in his prayer or read any book besides the Qur’an was declared pagan….’

Boko Haram

Jama’atu Ahl Sunnati lid Da’wati wal Jihad (people committed to propagation of hadith and jihad) otherwise Boko Haram is a fanatic group which emerged in late 1990s in northern Nigeria. Their name came up from the speech delivered by their leader immediately after the Geidam attack of September 2004 as follows: …In the name of Allah, Peace and Mercy! We are the group called Boko Haram that is ‘Boko is forbidden’ but we love to call ourselves Jama’atu Ahl Sunnah Lid Da’wati wal Jihad…[31] Since then, the group employed radical approach in founding Islamic Caliphate where Shari’a reigns through serialize attacks, kidnapping and clandestined bombardment of public places such schools, hospitals, markets, parks and sacred places.[32] It was stalwartly disputed that Boko Haram was instituted by Ustaz Lawan Abubakar even though, from the escalatory stuffs of their felons like Ustaz Muhammad Yusif and malefactors of the group like Abubakar al-Shekawi (Shekau) Boko Haram bore its name perhaps, because of their temperaments on modern ethics and values associated to Western education (Boko).

From that time Boko Haram resorted to violence as means of pursuing their goals, for example, the group attacked Geidam and Kanamma Police Stations, Yobe State on 24th December, 2003, Bama and Gwoza Police Stations, Borno State on 21st September, 2004.[33] These attacks becomes erratic in hit-and-run ploys more especially to militaries and para-militaries, diplomats, and strategic places more especially where they could clutch public attentions for example the Kano attack of 2012 which detonated Army Barrack, Police Station, State Security Headquarters, Passport and Immigration Offices at the same day.[34] The leader of the group Shekau, confessed how successful the Kano attacks was as follows:

…Disorder is worse than killing. Everyone knows democracy is unbelief, and everyone knows the constitution is unbelief, and everyone knows that there are things Allah has forbidden in the Qur’an, and that are forbidden in countless hadiths of the Prophet, that are going to the Western schools…We ourselves haven’t forbidden anything, we haven’t told the Muslim community to abandon anything, we simply stand on the path of truth…[35]

Other religious sects that exhibited fanatic etiquettes on different scales comprises the Digawa, and the Yanfukafiki groups whose fanatic magnitude differs from point to another by holding peculiar profligacy.[36] The Digawa religious identity is much associated with separatism simply because, they mastermind khalwa (seclusion) as part of religious practice usually in a diga (hole-like structure) where they spend uncountable days. Digawa prepare to permanently remain in diga because of the belief that, Islamic world is filled-up with impurities, and other ungodly activities which must to be sanitize through separatism.[37] In practice Digawa resembled Salihawa in many ways like khalwa and Mahadism because they awaits Mahdi who would help world out of catastrophes. However they are very primed to rural life because they hold a belief that, lives in a hay as opposed to Modernity is more sacred consequently, they always wanted to free themselves from worldly material.[38] Their children attended Makarantun Allo purely where Qur’an is taught and gives little respect to hadith and ijma’ (jurisprudence) believing that, much of what these sources of Shari’ (Islamic legal system) contain are lies made by ordinary people and not Muhammad PBUH.[39]

Another smaller ineffective sectarian group is northern Nigeria is Yanfukafiki (some flying wings). Although the name is tactically used to identify religious movement who owns power of flying-without-wings but, it was a derision obsessed to discredit their alleged spiritual power. Yanfukafiki holds dissimilar religious ideologies both in theory and practice compared to Digawa and Salihawa because their belief on khalwa was very sting. They believed that, khalwa made ordinary Muslim saintly-being (waliyyi) an important stage of possessing power of flying-without-wings.[40] To them preservation of Islamic tenants through khalwa is duty bound to all Muslim as a result, they hardly live in cities and urban areas nor do they agree with dwellers of cities thinking that, their beliefs were acculturated. A clear depiction of the Yanfukafiki group was forwarded by Sani as follows:

‘…Yanfukafiki considered any Muslim outside their sect as polluted or an unbeliever. Like the Maitatsine creed the Yanfukafiki also don’t believe in any other book than the Qur’an, thus they are tagged as Qur’aniyyun by other Muslim groups. This is because of their rejection of the tradition of the Prophet Muhammad and insistence on adhering only to the Qur’an as a code of conduct…’[41]

An Analytical View

If at all religion is viewed as belief concerning the existence and worshipping of deity or any divine presence therefore, all related approaches tactically applied to deceive, manipulate or heighten individual egoism through fanatic sentiment shall be disdain at all coast. These could be seen from the differing blocks of intolerance amid followers and immoderations of religious writs or presenting unconstructive critism on religious ethics through gap of ethical censures or acute betrayal of core religious values. It’s understood that Islamic fanaticism is propelled by proselytizers virtually from all Islamic sects who generally regard their sectarian bond than the core religious values thus, when passing fatwa (religious ruling) they narrowly offshoot their opponent and condemn their practices in turn consequently, there has never been unified fatwa and no single scholar is acknowledged by all sects in all ramifications.[42]

Ethical superiority is yet another vigor which flag fanatic egoism. This potency triggered superiority complex, install shrill separation and worsen sectarian preeminence through inter and intra-sectarian slits, struggle or even domineering propensities. Because each sect presents the best of its practices rather than conventional practices so much so that, the far-right always viewed themselves holiest and their opponent inordinate even if they present the best of the shari’a.[43] Another way by which Muslim demonstrate fanatic tendency in northern Nigeria is enigmatic talk interpreted as shatha or shaziyyah meaning ecstatical utterances. Even though shatha is acceptable during the Holy or Divine Presence, a moment when worshipper hear with ear of Allah, hold with the hand of Allah or speak by dint of His knowledge but it’s found to be made willfully spoken largely by the group known popularly as Yan’hakika. This group claimed Tijjaniyyah affiliation but completely withdrew the ethics of the order because they distinctively oriented themselves with apparent translation of shari’a using ethical justification on principle of tazahuri (specious) which further inflict more indictments to the order. For example the talks delivered by Dan Anti during milad session in Koki, Kano somewhere in 2014 depicted their zenith in Kano.[44] He said:

In a similar statement Maiguduma stated in one of is preaching session in Mina:

The formation of furtive network by undesirable youth mostly, who claimed Tijjaniyyah ties further hike the rate of fanaticism in some parts of northern Nigeria. They are known as Shehi-shehi, a mockery to oppose their false pretention of scholarship and to deter their commitment of working against the order. These people exploit their cohorts upon institutionalizing the concept of tazahuri in all religious ramifications and creating vacuity between the possessions of people, their minds and their souls. They often used the unnecessary convictions of Komi Allah (All is He), a highly complicated principles on the visionary of God in order to subdue their cohorts firmly.[45] This made them fell devoured using certain ethical aggrandizement like sale of charms or potion, acquisition of position through fake acclimations of linage or educational status thereby making the religion of Islam somewhat unserviceable. These people deviates from the essentials of Islam vis-à-vis saum (fasting), zakka (alms) and even salawatu al-khamsa (five daily prayers) in place of rites or rituals that are not even glaringly encompassed in ibada (worship).[46]

‘…As for he who associate with us yet fallow anything in violation of the pure and noble sacred law, miring himself in the forbidden thing as leaving the command, I bear witness to God and to all of you, I have nothing to do with such person. O God surely I’m innocent before you from what these people have fabricated… And lets those who opposed the commandments of the prophet beware, lest some trial befall them and grievous penalty be inflected on them…’[47] 

Reference

Arabic Sources

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Academic Papers

I. Linden, “The Isawa Mallams, c.1850‑1919: Some Problems in the Religious History of Northern Nigeria” Unpublished Paper, Department of History, Ahmadu Bello University, 1975

N.D. Danjibo,” Islamic Fundamentalism and Secretarian Violence: The Maitatsine and Boko Haram” Crises in Northern Nigeria Peace and Conflict Studies Paper Series, Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan, 2009

 

Journals

M.N Alkali, ‘’Borno Under the Sayfawa Dynasty; A Study of the Origin, growth and Collapse of a Dynasty 891-1846’’, Borno Sahara and Sudan Series Studies in the Humanities and Social Sciences, 2013

J.M Pessagno, “The Murji’a, Imam and Abu Ubayd,” JAOS, Vol.95, No3.1975

S.C Judd, “Ghaylan al-Dimashqi: The Isolation of a Heretic in Islamic Historiography,” IJMES, Vol.31, 1999   

I. Weisrnann, "The Naqshbandiyya-Khalidiyya and Salaf Challenge in Iraq," Journal of the History of Sufism Vol.4, 2003-4

M.S. Doran, “Somebody Else’s Civil War,” Journal of Foreign Affairs, Feb. 2002

J. Kaltner and Q. Wiktorowicz, “Killing in the Name of Islam: Al Qaeda’s Justification for September 11,” Journal for Middle East Policy, Vol.10, No.2, 2003

T. Albertini, “The Seductiveness of Certainty: The Destruction of Islam’s Intellectual Legacy by the Fundamentalists,” Philosophy East and West, Vol.53, No. 4, 2003

A. Dallal, “Appropriating the Past: Twentieth-Century Reconstruction of Pre-Modern Islamic Thought,” Islamic Law and Society, Vol.7, No.1, 2000

H. Fattah, "Wahhabi Influences, Salafi Responses: Shaikh Mahmud Shukri al-Alusi and the Iraqi Salafi Movement 1745-1930," Journal of Islamic Studies, Vol. 14, 2003

Q. Wiktorowicz, “The New Global Threat: Transnational Salafis and Jihad,” Middle East Policy, Vol.8, No.4, 2001,

E.A. Doumato, “Manning the Barricades: Islam according to Saudi Arabia’s School Texts,” The Middle East Journal, Vol.57, No.2, 2003

W. Adebanwi and E. Obadare, Introducing Nigeria at Fifty: The Nation in Narration,” Journal of Contemporary African Studies Vol.28 No.4, 2010

Q. Wiktorowicz, Anatomy of the Salafi Movement, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, Vol. 29, No. 3, 2006

A. Thurston, “The Salafi Ideal of Electronic Media as an Intellectual Meritocracy in Kano, Nigeria’’, Journal of the American Academy of Religion, forthcoming, Vol. 26

P. Lubeck, Islamic Protest under Semi-Industrial Capitalism: ‘Yan Tatsine Explained, Africa, Vol.55, No.4, 1985.

A. Adesoji, Between Maitatsine and Boko Haram: Islamic Fundamentalism and the Response of the Nigerian State, Africa Today, Vol.57, No.4, 2011

B. Eveslage, Clarifying Boko Haram’s Transnational Intentions, Using Content Analysis of Public Statements in 2012, Perspectives on Terrorism, Vol.7, No.5, October 2013

 

 

 

Chapters in Books

A.M Kani, ‘’The Place of Katsina in the Intellectual History of Bilad Al Sudan up to 1800’’, In, I.A Tsiga and A.U. Adamu, Islam and the History of Learning in Katsina, Ibadan: SBL, 1997

D. Bryan, ‘’Fanatics, Mobs and Terrorists: The Dynamics of Orange Parades in Northern Ireland’’, In, M. Hughes, G. Johnson, (ed) Fanaticism and Conflict in the Modern Age, London: Frank Cass, 2005

A.I Yandaki, ‘’The Izala Movement and Islamic Intellectual Discourse in Northern Nigeria: Case Study of Katsina’’, In, I.A Tsiga & A.U Adamu, Islam and History of Learning in Katsina, Ibadan, Spectrum Book Limited, 1997

C.C Harmon, ‘’Fanaticism and Guerrilla Warfare in the Late Twentieth Century’’, In, M. Hughes and G. Johnson, Fanaticism and Conflict in the Modern Age, (eds.), London, Frank Cass, 2005

 T. Hodgkin, Mahdism, messianism and Marxism in the African setting, In, Y.F Hasan, (ed) Sudan in Africa, Khartoum, 1971

J.V. Ess, “The Logical Structure of Islamic Theology” In, G.E Von Grunebaum, Logic in Classical Islamic Culture, (ed), Wiesbaden, 1970

I. Linden, “Between Two Religions of the Book: The Children of the Israelites c.1846‑c.1920,” In, E. Isichei (ed), Varieties of Christian Experience in Nigeria, London, 1982

P.E. Lovejoy, “Problems of Slave Control in the Sokoto Caliphate,” In P.E. Lovejoy, (ed), Africans in Bondage; Studies in Slavery, and the Slave Trade, Madison, 1986

F. Mier, ‘’The Cleanest About Predestination: A Bit of Ibn Taymiyyah’’, In F. Mier, ‘Essay in Islamic Piety and Mysticism’, Netherlands: Brill, 1990,

F. Mier (et-al), ‘’The Mystics Path’’, In, B. Lewis ‘The World of Islam: Faith, People and Culture’, New York: Thames and Hudson, 1976

A.G. Saeed, ‘The Sokoto Caliphate and Al-Mahadism: The Clash at Danki between Shayk Hayat b. Sa’id and Lamido Zubairu, 1892’, In, B. Bobboyi and A.M. Yakubu, The Sokoto Caliphate: History and Legacies 104-2004, Vol.1, Kaduna: Baraka Press and Publishers Ltd, 2006

C.J. Adams, ‘’Mawdudi and the Islamic State’’, In J.L. Esposito (ed), Voices of Resurgent Islam, OUP, 1983

B. Haykel, “On the Nature of Salafi Thought and Action” In, M. Roel, Global Salafism Islam’s New Religious Movement, (ed), Columbia University Press, 2009

S. Adejumobi, “Identity, Citizenship and conflict: The African Experience,” In, W.A. Fawole and C. Ukeje (ed.) The Crisis of the State and regionalism in West Africa, Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA), 2005

A. Mustapha, ‘’Understanding Boko Haram’’, In, A. Mustapha, Sects & Social Disorder: Muslim Identities & Conflict in Northern Nigeria, (ed), London, 2014

 

Published Books

J.R. Willies., (ed), Studies in West African Islamic History, London: LUP, 1979,

P.B Clerk, West Africa and Islam, London: LUP, 1982,

J.N Paden, Religion and Political Culture in Kano, Barkley: CUP, 1973,

J.M Abu Nasr, The Tijjaniyyah Sufi Order in the Modern World, London: OUP, 1965,

M. Gada, A Short History of Early Islamic Scholarship in Hausaland, Kaduna: NPP, 2010,

S.J Hogben, A.H.M Kirk-Greene, The Emirates of Northern Nigeria: A Preliminary Survey of their Historical Traditions, London: OUP, 1966

C.N Uba, Islam in African History, Kaduna: Baraka Press & Publishers, 2001

M. Hiskett, The Development of Islam in West Africa, Longman, 1984

P.B Clarke, West Africa and Islam, London, EAP, 1982

Y.B Usman, The Transformation of Katsina 1400-1883 and the Overthrow of the Sarauta System and Establishment of Emirate, Zaria: Ahmadu Bello University Press, 1982

O.F Ibrahim, Price of the Time of the Times: Ado Bayero and the Transformation of the Emirate Authority in Kano, Canada, AWP Inc. 2001

M.L Klassen, Bad Religion: The Psychology of Religious Misbehavior, Lanham, M.U.P, 2007

F.P Hopkins, ed, Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History, Cambridge University Press, 1901

K. Armstrong, Islam: A Short History. Modern Library, 2000

C. Thomas, The Essential Koran: The Heart of Islam. Harper Collins, 1993,

N.J Dawood, The Koran. Ed, Penguin, 1990,

S.T Hunter, The Future of Islam and the West. Praeger, 1998

J.A Hassaun, Better than a Thousand Months: An American Muslim Family Celebration. Ibn Musa, 1997

B.B Lawrence, Shattering the Myth: Islam beyond Violence, PUP, University Press, 1998

A. Schimmel, Islam: An Introduction. State University, NYP, 1992

M. Viorst, In the Shadow of the Prophet: The Struggle for the Soul of Islam. Anchor, 1998

S. Hart, Indoctrinated Nazi Teenaged Warriors: The Fanaticism of the 12th SS Panzer Division Hitlerjugend in Normandy, 1944.

A.J Wensinck, The Muslim Creed, Cambridge University Press, 1932

A. Patton, “Ningi Raids and Slavery in the Nineteenth‑century Sokoto Caliphate,” Slavery and Abolition, Vol.II, 1981

F. Mier and L. Silver, ‘Khurasan and the End of Classical Sufism’, 1999,

Y. Dutton, The Origin of Islamic Law: The Qur’an, the Muwatta and Medina Amal, London: Curzon Press, 1999

R. Seesemann, The Divine Flood: Ibrahim Niasse and the Roots of a Twentieth Century Sufi Revival, 2011,

J.N Paden, Religion and Political Culture in Kano, 1973

Y.A Qadri, The Tijaniyyah in Nigeria: A Case Study, 1981

Y.A. Qadri, The Tijaniyyah in Nigeria: A Case Study, 1986

A.H.R. Gibb and J.H. Kramers, Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam, Leiden:

K. Siddiqui, Issues in Islamic Movement, London, 1980,

M.M. Aziz, Studies in the Early Hadith Literatures, Indian, American Press Publication, 1978        

R. Loimeier, Islamic Reform and Political Change in Northern Nigeria, 1997

D. Commins, Islamic Reform: Politics and Social Change in Late Ottoman Syria, New York, OUP, 1990,

D. Commins, The Wahhabi Mission and Saudi Arabia, London: I.B. Tauris, 2006,

S. Deringil, The Well-Protected Domains: Ideology and the Legitimation of Power in the Ottoman Empire 1876-1909, London: I.B. Tauris, 1998

R.L.  Bingham, Bridging the Religious Divide, Parameters, 2006

R.H. Dekmejian, Islam in Revolution: Fundamentalism in the Arab World, Second Edition, Syracuse University Press, 1995

A. Bin Baz, The Political and Constitutional Systems in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Dar al-Matbouat al-Sharkiyya, Beirut, 2004

M. Prokop, “Saudi Arabia: The Politics of Education,” International Affairs, Vol.79, No.1,

A. Moussalli, Radical Islamic Fundamentalism, Beirut: AUB, 1992

R.W. Shenton, The Development of Capitalism in Northern Nigeria, Toronto, 1986

C. Harrison, France and Islam in West Africa, 1860—1960, Cambridge, 1988

M. Hughes, G. Johnson (eds). Fanaticism and Conflict in the Modern Age, London, Frank Cass, 2005

Z. Wright, On the Path of the Prophet: Sheikh Ahmad Tijjani 1737-1815 and the Tariqa Muhammadiyya, Atlanta: African American Islamic Institute, 2005

O. Adeniyi, Power, Politics and Death: A Front-Row Account of Nigeria under the Late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, Lagos, 2011

 

PhD, M.A, B.A., (s)

A. Patton, “The Ningi Chiefdom and the African Frontier: Mountaineers and Resistance to the Sokoto Caliphate” Ph.D. Thesis, Wisconsin, 1975

Z.V. Wright, “Embodied Knowledge in West African Islam: Continuity and Change in the Gnostic Knowledge of Shaykh Ibrahim Niasse”, PhD. Thesis, Northwestern University, 2010

A.S Mohammad, A social interpretation of the Satiru Revolt of c.1894‑1906, M.Sc. Thesis, A.B.U, 1983

R. Bulliet, ‘’Conversion of Islam in the Medieval Period: An Essay in Quantitative History’’, M.A Thesis, H.U.P, 1979

S.Y Adam “The Evolution of the Salgawa Group of the Tijaniyyah Order, 1923-2012,” M.A. Thesis, History, BUK, 1987

 

News Papers

J. Shiklam, “How Boko Haram Activities Destroy Economy of the North,” This Day, August 20,

2012

N. Boustany, “Bin Laden Now a Target in Arab Media; Criticism Emerges as Scholars Emphasize Distance from ‘Distortion of Religion’,” Washington Post, November, 23rd 2001

J. Irish, Nigerian President: Boko Haram is West Africa’s Al Qaeda, Reuters, May 17, 2014

 



[1] J.R. Willies., (ed), Studies in West African Islamic History, London: LUP, 1979, Pp.133-146, P.B Clerk, West Africa and Islam, London: LUP, 1982, Pp.30-31, J.N Paden, Religion and Political Culture in Kano, Barkley: CUP, 1973, Pp.74,75, M. Gada, A Short History of Early Islamic Scholarship in Hausaland, Kaduna: NPP, 2010, Pp.4,44,53, S.J Hogben, and A.H.M Kirk-Greene, The Emirates of Northern Nigeria: A Preliminary Survey of their Historical Traditions, London: OUP, 1966, P.161, C.N Uba, Islam in African History, Kaduna: B.P.P, 2001, P.169, M. Hiskett, The Development of Islam in West Africa, Longman, 1984, P.65, M.N Alkali, ‘’Borno Under the Sayfawa Dynasty; A Study of the Origin, growth and Collapse of a Dynasty 891-1846’’, Borno Sahara and Sudan Series Studies in the Humanities and Social Sciences, 2013, P.106.

[2] O.F Ibrahim, Price of the Time of the Times: Ado Bayero and the Transformation of the Emirate Authority in Kano, Canada, African World Press, Inc. 2001, Pp.30-31, J.S Hogben, A History of Islam… P.102

[3] A.I Yandaki, ‘’The Izala Movement and Islamic Intellectual Discourse in Northern Nigeria: Case Study of Katsina’’, In, I.A Tsiga & A.U Adamu, Islam and History of Learning in Katsina, Ibadan, Spectrum Book Limited, 1997. Pp.43-57

[4] C.C Harmon, ‘’Fanaticism and Guerrilla Warfare in the Late Twentieth Century’’, In, M. Hughes and G. Johnson, Fanaticism and Conflict in the Modern Age, (eds.), London, Frank Cass, 2005, P.101, M.L Klassen, Bad Religion: The Psychology of Religious Misbehavior, Lanham, Maryland University Press, 2007, Pp. 23,24.

[5] F.P Hopkins, ed, Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History, Cambridge University Press, 1901, P.401, A.S Mohammad, A social interpretation of the Satiru Revolt of c.1894‑1906, M.Sc. Thesis, A.B.U, 1983, Pp.164,172‑73, T. Hodgkin, Mahdism, messianism and Marxism in the African setting, In, Y.F Hasan, (ed) Sudan in Africa, Khartoum, 1971, Pp.109‑27

[6] CRS Report, Islam: Sunni and Shiites, January 28, 2009. No.32, P.974, Al Hakim, Mustadrak, Vol.3, P.128, Al Hakim, Riyadh al-Nadira, Vol.3, P.110, Abul Fidah, Tarikh, Vol.2, P.238, Abul Fiadh, Tarikh Kamil, Vol.2, P.139, Ibn Kathir, Al Bidayati Wal Nihayati, Vol.8, P.128, Bukhari, Sahih al-Bukhari, Vol.2, No.8, Vol.52, No.143, Vol.12, P.73, D. Abdi Aziz. Fatwan Aziz, Chapter 6, P.166, Inb Hisham, The Life of the Prophet, (ed), Lebanon: Darr al-Jil, 1998, Vol.3, Pp.8,205,299, Al-Tabri, Tarikh al-Rasul wa al-Muluk, Vol.4, P.340, Vol.4, Pp.347,427

[7] S.C Judd, ‘‘Ghaylan al-Dimashqi: The Isolation of a Heretic in Islamic Historiography,” IJMES, Vol.31 (1999): Pp.161-185; J.M Pessagno, “The Murji’a, Imam and Abu Ubayd,” JAOS, Vol.95, No.3, 1975, Pp.382-393, J.V. Ess, “The Logical Structure of Islamic Theology” In, G.E Von Grunebaum, Logic in Classical Islamic Culture, (ed), Wiesbaden, 1970, Pp.21-50, R. Bulliet, ‘’Conversion of Islam in the Medieval Period: An Essay in Quantitative History’’, M.A Thesis, H.U.P, 1979, S.C Judd, “Ghaylan al-Dimashqi: The Isolation of a Heretic in Islamic Historiography,” IJMES, Vol.31, 1999, Pp.161-185, J.M. Pessagno, “The Murjia, Imam and Abu Ubayd,” JAOS, Vol.95, No.3, 1975, Pp.382-393.        

[8] CRS Report, Islam: Sunni and Shiites, January 28, 2009. No.32, P.974, M.M. Aziz, Studies in the Early Hadith Literatures, Indian, American Press Publication, 1978, Pp.18, 31-32, A. Al-Rufai, Tarikh al-Khulafa’u, Al-Qahirat, 1979, P.145, P.K Hitti, History of the Arabs…’’, P.140, Al Hakim, Mustadrak, Vol.3, P.128, Al Hakim, Riyadh al-Nadira, Vol.3, P.110, Abul Fidah, Tarikh, Vol.2, Pp.129-238, Ibn Kathir, Al Bidayati Wal Nihayati, Vol.8, P.128, D. Abdi Aziz. Fatwan Aziz, Vol.6, P.166, Ibn Kathir, The Beginning and the End, Beirut: The Revival of the Arabic Tradition Publishing House, 2001, Pp.569-666, Ibn Hisham, The Life of the Prophet, (ed), Lebanon: Darr al-Jil, 1998, Vol.3, Pp.8,205,299

[9] H. Mumin, Nurr al-Basar fi Manaqib Ahl Nabiy al-Mukhtar Sallallahu Alaihi wa Sallam, Lebanon: Dar al-Fikr, (no date), Pp.98-110, 114-120, K.M. Khalid, Rijalu Haula al-Rasul, Lebanon: Darr al-Fikr, Ibn Jarir, The History of Messengers and Kings, Vol.3, P.251, Al-Tabri, Tarikh al-Rasul wa al-Muluk, Vol.4, P.340-7, Shihata, Tarikh al-Ummah al-Arabiyyah, Vol.2, Pp.73,81, Al-Najjar, al-Khulafah al-Rashidun, P.71, Bakhit, Asr al-Khulafah al-Rashidun, P.230,

[10] Interview, Habibullahi Sheikh, Daura, Age 52, 12/07/2020                                                                                        

[11] A. Patton, “The Ningi Chiefdom and the African Frontier: Mountaineers and Resistance to the Sokoto Caliphate” Ph.D. Wisconsin, 1975, A. Patton, “Ningi Raids and Slavery in the Nineteenth‑century Sokoto Caliphate,” Slavery and Abolition, Vol.II, 1981, Pp.114‑45,

[16] O. Minchakpu, Shi’ite Islam and its Threat to Nigeria, 2016, O. Runsewe, Here’s some background on Shiite and Sunni relations in Nigeria, 2015, T. Falola, “Violence and Conflict in the 1990s” Tom Young Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003.

[17] F. Mier, ‘’The Cleanest About Predestination: A Bit of Ibn Taymiyyah’’, In F. Mier, ‘Essay in Islamic Piety and Mysticism’, Netherlands: Brill, 1990, Pp.309-334, F. Mier and L. Silver, ‘Khurasan and the End of Classical Sufism’, 1999, Pp.189-219, F. Mier (et-al), ‘’The Mystics Path’’, In, B. Lewis ‘The World of Islam: Faith, People and Culture’, New York: Thames and Hudson, 1976, Pp.117-128, Z. Wright, On the Path of the Prophet: Sheikh Ahmad Tijjani 1737-1815 and the Tariqa Muhammadiyya, Atlanta: African American Islamic Institute, 2005, P.9, Y. Dutton, The Origin of Islamic Law: The Qur’an, the Muwatta and Medina Amal, London: Curzon Press, 1999, Pp.42-52

[18] Interview, Sheikh Hamza Safana, 75, 07/08/2021

[19] Hitti, P.K. 1937/1940, P.198; Williams, J.A. 1971: P. 192, Williams, J.A. 1971, P.197, Al-Hajj, 1973, P.79 Al-Hajj, M.A. 1973, P.79, Last, D.M. 1967, Pp.10, 745

[20] A.G. Saeed, The Sokoto Caliphate and Al-Mahadism…, 1892, Bobboyi and Yakubu, (ed), ‘’The Sokoto Caliphate…’’, Vol.1, 2006, Pp.160-16, D. Yahaya, ‘’The Baggers The States and Shari’a..’, 1975, D. Yahaya, ‘’Secularism and Challenges to Islamic..’’, Vol.3, No.1-2, 1978, Festus, ‘’Nigeria Teacher Education…’’, 1988, P.39, Al-hajj, “The Mahdist Tradition in Northern…’’, PhD. Thesis, 1982, Haywood, ‘’The History of the Royal West African Frontiers…’’, Pp.66-7, 89, Saeed “The British Policy towards the Mahdiyya…’’, Vol.2 No.3, 1992, Pp95-119

[21] A.H.R. Gibb and J.H. Kramers, Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1974, Pp.30, 312, K. Siddiqui, Issues in Islamic Movement, London, 1980, P49, Last D.M. 1967, Pp.7475, Al-Hajj, M.A, 1973, P.79, Last, D.M 1967, Pp.74,75, Saeed A.G.1985, Pp.95-119, Saeed, A.G. ‘The Sokoto Caliphate and Al-Mahadism: The Clash at Danki between Shayk Hayat b. Sa’id and Lamido Zubairu, 1892’, In, B. Bobboyi and A.M. Yakubu, The Sokoto Caliphate: History and Legacies 104-2004, Vol.1, Kaduna: Baraka Press and Publishers Ltd, 2006, Pp.160-16, Buba, M.L. 1975, Pp.11-12, Col. Haywood, A. & Brig. Gen, Clark, F.A.S. 1964, Pp.66-67,89.

[22] Sheikh Sukairaj, Dutsin-Ma, Age 72, 11/12/2021                                                                            

[23] I. Weisrnann, "The Naqshbandiyya-Khalidiyya and Salaf Challenge in Iraq," Journal of the History of Sufism Vol.4, 2003-4, Pp.229-40, D. Commins, Islamic Reform: Politics and Social Change in Late Ottoman Syria, New York, OUP, 1990, Pp.12-31, D. Commins, The Wahhabi Mission and Saudi Arabia, London: I.B. Tauris, 2006, Pp.132-4,190, S. Deringil, The Well-Protected Domains: Ideology and the Legitimation of Power in the Ottoman Empire 1876-1909, London: I. B. Tauris, 1998, Pp.44-92

[24] R.L.  Bingham, Bridging the Religious Divide, Parameters, 2006, P.36.

[25] R.M Amara, The Izala Movement in Nigeria: Its Splints, Relationship to Sufi and Perception of Shari’a Reimplementation, Bayreuth, 2011, Pp.155, A. Dallal, “Appropriating the Past: Twentieth-Century Reconstruction of Pre-Modern Islamic Thought,” Islamic Law and Society, Vol.7, No.1, 2000, P.347, H. Fattah, "Wahhabi Influences, Salafi Responses: Shaikh Mahmud Shukri al-Alusi and the Iraqi Salafi Movement 1745-1930," Journal of Islamic Studies, Vol. 14, 2003, Pp.127-48, Q. Wiktorowicz, “The New Global Threat: Transnational Salafis and Jihad,” Middle East Policy, Vol.8, No.4, 2001, P.20, E.A. Doumato, “Manning the Barricades: Islam according to Saudi Arabia’s School Texts,” The Middle East Journal, Vol.57, No.2, 2003, Pp.230-248, M. Prokop, “Saudi Arabia: The Politics of Education,” International Affairs, Vol.79, No.1, Pp.77-89, R.H. Dekmejian, Islam in Revolution: Fundamentalism in the Arab World, Second Edition, Syracuse University Press, 1995, P,37, A. Bin Baz, The Political and Constitutional Systems in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Dar al-Matbouat al-Sharkiyya, Beirut, 2004, P.228, A. Moussalli, Radical Islamic Fundamentalism, Beirut: AUB, 1992, P.151, C.J. Adams, ‘’Mawdudi and the Islamic State’’, In J.L. Esposito (ed), Voices of Resurgent Islam, OUP, 1983, P.105

[26] Interview, Mallam Musa, Salihawa, Safana, Age 71, 06/12/2021

[27] Interview, Mallam Aminu Allah Kara Lafiya, Rijiyar Lemu, Kano, Age 51, 18/02/2022

[28] Interview, Sheikh Hamza Safana, 75, 07/08/2021

[29] Interview, Sheikh Sukairaj, Dutsin-Ma, Age 72, 11/12/2021

[30] N.D. Danjibo, ” Islamic Fundamentalism and Secretarian Violence: The Maitatsine and Boko Haram” Crises in Northern Nigeria Peace and Conflict Studies Paper Series, Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan, 2009, Pp.1-21, W. Adebanwi and E. Obadare, Introducing Nigeria at Fifty: The Nation in Narration,” Journal of Contemporary African Studies Vol.28 No.4, 2010, P.382, S. Adejumobi, “Identity, Citizenship and conflict: The African Experience,” In, W.A. Fawole and C. Ukeje (ed.) ‘’The Crisis of the State and regionalism in West Africa’’, Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA), 2005, Dakar, Senegal, P.19.

[31] SaharaReporters.com. 22 Jan. 2012.

[32] Interview, Imam Tayyabu Liman, Unguwar Liman, Katsina, Age 78, 05/07/2021

[33] A. Thurston, “The Salafi Ideal of Electronic Media as an Intellectual Meritocracy in Kano, Nigeria’’, Journal of the American Academy of Religion, forthcoming, Vol.26, A. Adesoji, Between Maitatsine and Boko Haram: Islamic Fundamentalism and the Response of the Nigerian State, Africa Today, Vol.57, No.4, 2011, Pp.99-119, M. Last, From Dissent to Dissidence: The Genesis & Development of Reformist Islamic Groups in Northern Nigeria, Pp.18–53.

[34] H. Hoechner, Traditional Quranic Students (Almajirai) in Northern Nigeria: Fair Game for Unfair Accusations?  In, P. Montclos, Boko Haram, Pp.63–84. A. Mustapha, ‘’Understanding Boko Haram’’, In, A. Mustapha, Sects & Social Disorder: Muslim Identities & Conflict in Northern Nigeria, (ed), London, 2014, Pp.147–198, J. Irish, Nigerian President: Boko Haram is West Africa’s Al Qaeda, Reuters, May 17, 2014, B. Eveslage, Clarifying Boko Haram’s Transnational Intentions, Using Content Analysis of Public Statements in 2012, Perspectives on Terrorism, Vol.7, No.5, October 2013, Pp.47–76, J. Shiklam, “How Boko Haram Activities Destroy Economy of the North,” This Day, August 20, 2012

[36] Interview, Sheikh Sukairaj, Dutsin-Ma, Age 72, 11/12/2021

[37] Interview, Imam Tayyabu Liman, Unguwar Liman, Katsina, Age 78, 05/07/2021

[38] Interview, Sheikh Hamza Sufiyanu, Kazaure, Age 55, 17/08/2021

[39] Interview, Sheikh Sukairaj, Dutsin-Ma, Age 72, 11/12/2021

[40] Interview, Imam Tayyabu Liman, Unguwar Liman, Katsina, Age 78, 05/07/2021

[41] Interview, Sheikh Sukairaj, Dutsin-Ma, Age 72, 11/12/2021

[42] Interview, Imam Tayyabu Liman, Unguwar Liman, Katsina, Age 78, 05/07/2021

[43] Interview, Mallam Umar Ibrahim, Jega, Age 67, 04/09/2021

[44] Interview, Mallam Ibrahim Hamdallah, Niger, Age 65, 04/11/2021

[45] Interview, Mallam Ibrahim Hamdallah, Niger, Age 65, 04/11/2021

[46] Interview, Sheikh Sukairaj…11/12/2021 The worth problem face by the Tijjaniyyah is Yan’hakika if at all are part of us. This is because I don’t believe that Yan’hakika are part of us having diverted from our teachings even though, there is nobody called himself Tijjani without affirming to the Tijjaniyyah doctrines and you know…. ‘You cannot just answer the name that you don’t deserve, it’s not even possible. But what triggered these problems are illiteracy or improper education, doctoral sentiment, abject poverty and above all, unapt murid and unqualified muqaddam and anti-care response from government.

[47] R. Seesemann,The Divine Flood: Ibrahim Niasse and the Roots of Twentieth….’, Pp.119-127, M.A. Skiraj, Kashf al-Hijab…’, Pp.94,229-300, M.A. Skiraj, Tanbih al-Ikhwan…’, Pp.106-7

Sokoto Journal of History

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