Migration and Settlement of the Igbo in Warri 1930-2012

Cite this article: Rhogho, B. O. 2025. “Migration and Settlement of the Igbo in Warri 1930-2012”. Sokoto Journal of History Vol. 14, Iss. 01. Pp. 92-102. www.doi.org/10.36349/sokotojh.2025.v13i01.002

MIGRATION AND SETTLEMENT OF THE IGBO IN WARRI 1930-2012

By

RHOGHO Bright Oghenevwegba

Department of History, College of Education, Warri

Abstract: Throughout human history the desire to move has been part of man. Migrants leave their homeland for a host community where they intend to find succor. The Igbo people are widely spread throughout Nigeria. A significant number of them migrated to the Western Niger Delta especially Warri. Warri is among the cities in Nigeria that played host to Igbo migrants. Works on migrant communities had not been done in Warri. This work is therefore directed to examine Igbo migration and settlement in Warri. The work examined factors that motivated Igbo migration to Warri and their socio-economic activities in the city. The relationship between the Igbo migrants and the indigenous people of Warri was characterized by peaceful coexistence.

Introduction

Warri is geographically located in the northwestern Niger Delta in south-south Nigeria and is the home to the Ijaw, Itsekiri and Urhobo ethnic groups. The three ethnic groups are among the most several ethnic groups in what is today Delta State.¹ The Itsekiri, Ijaw and Urhobo have had great intercourse in the area during the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial epochs. The term Warri is not the name of a tribe or clan. The name was used to described an administrative unit by the British Colonial Administration in the late 19^th century as the Warri Division.² Warri was a centre of government and port. It was a city that shoulders the tributaries of the Atlantic Ocean. It sits on the bank of River Warri which joined River Forcados and River Escravos through Jone Creek in the Niger Delta. The 1952 population census put the town’s population at 19,526.³ Due to natural increase and continuous settlement and migration, the population of the city reached 311, 970 in 2006.⁴ The population of the city also became heterogeneous in terms of ethnic and tribal composition with Christianity as the dominant religion. It needs to be noted that Warri had continued to occupy a place in the social, economic, political and historical aspirations of the three dominant ethnic groups in the city. The Itsekiri and Urhobo had a number of ethnic commercial enclaves within the modern city of Warri and its vicinity. But the Ijaw did not possess such enclaves as the Itsekiri and Urhobo but their numerical strength in the city had raised significantly. The strategic location of Warri near the coast within the Niger Delta region favoured it to serve as the transit route for the Atlantic slave trade and later for the palm oil trade and other produce from the hinterland, consequently becoming the main area of focus in terms of physical development. The city eventually emerged as the headquarters of the old Delta Province and the centre of trade in the region.⁶

Colonialism in Nigeria led to the emergence and expansion of most urban towns and this facilitated rural-urban migration.⁷ During the colonial period Warri functioned as an administrative headquarters and a commercial centre. The economic opportunities which Warri had during this period attracted migrants from diverse ethnic groups in Nigeria such as Igbo, Yoruba, Hausa, Nupe, Edo etc, especially in the 1930s and 1940s. Since Nigeria’s independence in 1960, Warri has been experiencing impressive growth both in size and importance, particularly because of its location in the heart of Nigeria’s oil region. Due to the concentration of oil deposits within and around Warri, the territory became known as “Oil City”, hosting one of the country’s refineries. It was also because of its strategic location that Warri became the regional headquarters of the Niger Delta Oil fields.⁸ Warri is one of the major centres of Nigeria’s oil industry. It is also the fastest growing urban area in Delta State, although is not the capital of the state. Asaba is the capital but Warri had retained its position as the commercial centre and main industrial heart-beat of the state.⁹ Warri is one of the hubs of petroleum related businesses in southern Nigeria. The growth of the city as a result of the presence of oil in the area had created considerable stress in its resources. As the petroleum business increased Warri became a major commercial centre attracting people from far and near. This intensified the competition for the city’s limited available resources especially land. The Igbo migrants came from the eastern part of Nigeria to Warri in search of opportunities in the booming economy. The Igbo were known to be one of the migrant groups in Nigeria. Their readiness to travel especially when seeking opportunities had carried many of them far beyond their native environment. The Igbo migrants co-existed very well with the indigenes of Warri and their arrival did not destabilize the relationship among the indigenous groups in any way. The Igbo were known to have contributed immensely to the socio-economic development of Warri.

Geographical Setting and Historical Development of Warri

Warri is located in the northwestern Niger Delta about hundred kilometres south of the Benin lowlands on the borderland of the Niger Delta. It occupies an area of about 1,520 square miles, and is bounded roughly by latitude 5⁰20 East 6⁰ North and longitudes 5⁰5 and 5⁰40 East.¹⁰ It is located about 64 kilometres from the Bight of Benin on a stretch of the navigable channel on the Warri river. It is linked to the Forcados and Escravos rivers, two of the major coastal rivers in this part of the Nigerian coastline. Warri is accessible by water from the other four coastal ports of Nigeria namely; Lagos, Port Harcourt, Calabar and Koko, with which it is interlaced by a network of creeks and rivers and to the northern parts of the country by the Niger/Benue waterway. Warri is located on the highest point of navigation on the river for ocean going vessels.¹¹ Warri is low-lying and traversed by numerous streams and creeks. It is a region of mangrove swamps and fresh water rain forests and swamps. As a result of the nature of the environment, occupational specialization evolved among the locals in the pre-colonial era. Specifically, Urhobo people of Warri mainland were predominantly farmers in the pre-colonial and colonial epochs, while the Ijaw and Itsekiri of the water terrain took to fishing and salt making. Therefore, the economic specialization encouraged the growth of market centres in the local trade between fisher folks and food crops grower. The markets were also located in places accessible to the two or all of the ethnic groups.¹² The main exports were palm oil and karnels, rubber and timber, and there was a very large inland trade of fish, rice and garri, a local food stuff made from cassava plant.

The type of soil in Warri is mainly loamy sedimentary common or widespread in the Niger Delta. However mud and clay are to be found in the lowest lying swampland. Surface soil had a grayish colour although the immediate subsoil is lateritic with a red and yellowish tinge. Surface soil are easily bleached and wash when exposed to the rains to become white sand. Warri lies within the tropics; consequently, it is hot and humid for most of the year. Temperature ranges from 25⁰C in the wet months to 32^oC in the short unnoticeable dry season. Even at night temperature rarely fall below 21⁰C. The city is mainly under the influence of the south-west trade wind as a result of the proximity to the Atlantic Ocean and the Equator. This explains why a true harmattan season is a rarity. Except for the light dust, the occasional cold nights are nothing compare to what obtains a few hundred kilometres inland in a northern direction.¹³The region experience moderate rainfall and moderate humidity for most part of the year. The climate is equatorial and is marked by two distinct seasons: the dry season and the rainy season. The dry season lasts from about November to April and is significantly marked by the cool “harmattan” dusty haze from the north-east winds. The rainy season spans May to October with a brief dry spell in August, but it frequently rains even in the dry season. The area is characterized by tropical equatorial climate with annual rainfall amount of 2673.8mm. The natural vegetation is of rainforest with swamp forest in some areas. The forest is rich in timber trees, palm trees, as well as fruits trees.¹⁴

One could not assume that the various population groups in pre-colonial Nigeria had lived in isolation from one another. There were evidences of different forms of interactions among the people. The main ethnic groups of Ijaw, Itsekiri and Urhobo in Warri operated as independent political entities but have no serious inter-ethnic conflicts in the pre-colonial era. The idea of political domination of one group by another in the region came with colonial rule, which brought to the notice ethnic differences and in some cases created new divisive sentiments.¹⁵ Before the advent of British colonialism in the Niger Delta region, Itsekiri, Ijaw and Urhobo inter-group relations was characterized by close socio-economic interaction. They had lived together in the area in relative peace and interacted with each other through trade contacts and marriages for centuries before the arrival of the British in the area.¹⁶ The respective geographical locations of the three ethnic groups determined their different occupations and the nature of their commercial and other relations.¹⁷ The occupation of the Itsekiri who were located at the coast were fishing, salt-making and pottery. Fishing was mainly the occupation of men, while pottery was essentially the occupation of women. They produced pots for holding water and other domestic utensils for domestic uses.¹⁸ The occupation of the Ijaw who were also located at the coast were mainly fishing, salt-making and canoe building. While the Urhobo in the hinterland were mainly agricultural people who engaged in farming crops such as cassava, pepper, plantain etc. the Itsekiri and Ijaw, majority of whom depended on fishing, making of salt, pots and utensils exchanged the products of their occupations for cassava products, plantain, yam, pepper and other produce with their Urhobo neighbour who were an agricultural people living on the mainland just outside Itsekiri and Ijaw territories. The itsekiri served as middlemen in the local trade. Most of the Ijaw groups could not reach the Urhobo directly especially in the Forcados River area. The Itsekiri then served as the link between them and the Urhobo people.¹⁹ Many among the groups took advantage of inter-ethnic interactions to establish series of close contacts through inter-marriage. There were no serious case of disagreement but minor quarrels such as acts of piracy and abduction arose from their social and commercial transactions.²⁰

The name Warri was used to describe an administrative unit by the British Colonial Administration in the 19^th century as the Warri Division.²¹ Since the beginning of colonial rule in 1900, Warri became the seat of government. In May 1906, the Southern Protectorate of Nigeria was amalgamated with the Colony of Lagos and both placed under one administration. The whole country was divided into three province of Western, Eastern and Central Province, and Warri then became the headquarters of the Central Province. In 1914, the whole country was further divided politically and the Central was renamed Warri Province.²² In 1952 the name was again changed to Delta Province as a result of a riot in the province.²³ By 1960, Warri was still the provincial headquarters of the Delta Province. Since independence in 1960, the presence of oil in the city made it to be known and is hosting one of the country’s refinery. In the 1970s and 1980s, Warri was popularly known as ‘Oil City’ because of its role and contribution to Nigeria as a major urban centre of the oil producing Niger Delta. The oil economy and the associated industries have combined to give Warri a dynamic lease of life.

Migration and Settlement of the Igbo in Warri

The Igbo occupy a great portion of southern Nigeria. They are located in five (Anambra, Imo, Enugu, Abia and Ebonyi) out of the thirty six states of the federation. They are also found in the present Rivers, Cross Rivers, Bayelsa, Akwa-Ibom, Delta, Benue and Kogi states. The Igbo are bounded on the south by the Delta region, on the east by the Cross River and Akwa-Ibom people, on the west by the Urhobo and in the north by the Idoma and Igala. Igboland lies between latitude 4⁰15 and 7⁰05 north and longitude 6⁰00 and 8⁰30 west and covers area approximately 41,000 square kilometres.²⁴ The Igbo are to be found on almost every surface of the country. It was said that:

When the Hausa-Fulani were told that the white man travelled to the moon, they were quick to ask if the white men saw any Igbo man on the moon. When the response was negative, the Hausa-Fulani dismissed the story as mere fiction. The white men did not go anywhere. There was nowhere in the heavens and on the earth where you will not find an Igbo man. Go and tell the white men that they are joking. In fact, it is also a common saying among the Hausa that if you go to any village or town and you do not see an Igbo, just take the next exit, they say the people must be evil.²⁵

The Igbo in general are dynamic, a restless people who are determined to succeed especially in business. The Igbo are resolute and adventurous and always eager to learn any language and to mix with any other ethnic group so that they succeed in their businesses. Culturally, the Igbo have tended to maintain their identity through their observance of their tradition and religion. Their culture has been influenced and modified by other cultures as they too have influenced and modified other cultures. To sustain their central identity they have to maintain a close link with their roots in their homeland.²⁶ The Igbo, due to their desire for adventure have migrated to most Nigerian cities. The presence of the Igbo in most of these major cities in the country has been attributed to insufficient land in the heavily populated eastern areas and scarcity of fertile land.²⁷ The unfavourable land tenure system, under which many farmers were squatters on the land they farmed also contributed to their desire to “check out”. As a result of this problem many Igbo ventured into trading and manufacturing, which eventually required more market outlets that could not be found in their home areas. The new economic activities made the Igbo to develop a migratory tradition.²⁸

However, with regards to Igbo migration to different parts of the country, colonization can also be said to be another driving force. Colonization of Nigeria and the political development that come after it motivated the migration of various ethnic groups in the country. The colonial period saw a tremendous increase in the volume of trade, both with Igbo and in relation to the rest of Nigeria. The reason for this was the growth of urban communities, the need for cash incomes, which gave a strong motivation for trading and the improvement of internal communications.²⁹ The gradual substitution of traditional currencies also facilitated Igbo movement. Apart from the traditional currencies being regionally based, their bulkiness made them unsuitable for major transactions like precolonial currencies.³⁰ The decline of internal warfare also made it safe for traders to travel to other areas. The Igbo migrated in significant numbers in response to the attraction of the new opportunities for business which colonial rule provided. Here they have the advantage of number, and of the spread of literacy through the massive missionary penetration of their homeland during the preceding years.³¹ The Igbo moved to any area in Nigeria whose homeland offered opportunities for business. The Igbo migrated in significant numbers to as far as Kano and as far West as Lagos. They went into Yoruba and Edo lands as hands in the cocoa and rubber plantations. They went into the lands of the Upper Cross River as farm labourers, and into the Ibibio land and Calabar as traders etc. The economic penetration of the Igbo to other area also extended to the delta, a strange terrain. They penetrated the Delta first as fish traders and as labourers in the seaports. In these areas of business they did well. As labourers they were willing to undertake any job, while as fish traders they used their connections in the interior to undercut their delta competitors.³² The initial Igbo that came to Warri were few in numbers and they came from the present Anambra state. They were few because of the poor means of transport.³³ It was after 1945 that Igbo migrant began to move into Warri in significant number to do business. The reason for this was that Warri began to open up for development and the availability of transport system such as the lorry. Another reason for this was that the Igbo were ready to take any jobs that the indigenes of Warri were not interested in taking. Examples of such jobs include carpentry, petty trading, manual labour etc. As a result of this an Igbo woman, Madam Rose became a major supplier of labour to John Holt Transport, a large employer of labour. She brought people from her ethnic group to take up employment in Warri. These people in turn brought their friends and families who in the absence of wage employment found avenues in trade and services. The Igbo who owned businesses also began to predominate after 1945 and these covered carpentry, transportation, consumer manufactures, wholesale and retail trading, crafts like, bicycle repair, auto mechanics, construction labour, teaching, tailoring etc. By 1952 the continuous flow of Igbo migrants into Warri made them to constitute nearly a third of the population numbering 6,058 in a figure of 19,526.³⁴The Igbo in Warri do not dwell in any restricted quarters unlike the Hausa, but a large number lived in areas such as Ginuwa, Lower and Upper Erejuwa and Ometan. The significant strength of the Igbo as a result of their number among the ethnic groups in Warri; the town was described as a ‘stranger town’ an adjective used to describe Aba at the time. Between the 1940s and 1960s, some Igbo encouraged by their business successes acquired plots of land and built houses in the Ginuwa, Ometan, Father Healey and Igbi Streets areas of the Agbassa layout and settled in the town.³⁵ Examples of such Igbo businessmen include Michael Onwanchukwu and Lawrence Igbougbo.

The fallout of the January and July 1966 coup degenerated into a civil war, a bitter war of animosity and personality clash between the Federal Government under Col. Yakubu Gowon and the Military Administrator of the Eastern region under Col. Odumegwu Ojukwu. The declaration of Biafra by Ojukwu degenerated into civil war in 1967 which resulted to the outbreak of mass genocide. As a result of the civil war, the Igbo moved from the north and other parts of the country that do not ensure their security to their homeland. Before the exodus of the Igbo to their homeland as a result of the crisis of 1966 and the civil war that followed, the Igbo had very strong reputation in all facets of the federal economy.³⁶ The civil war ended in 1970 with the surrender of the Republic of Biafra under the leadership of General Philip Effiong and the subsequent declaration of ‘no victor no vanquished’. The Gowon programme of Reconstruction, Rehabilitation and Reconciliation enable many Igbo migrants who left Warri to return and resume their commercial and business activities. Fresh Igbo migrants also came to Warri after the civil war. Some of them were those who could not reclaim their abandoned properties and stall in the north in places such as Kano in the Sabon Gari market.³⁷ They therefore migrated to other places such as Warri in search of new business opportunity. It is pertinent to say that before the Nigerian civil war broke out in 1967, the Igbo have migrated to the city of Warri in their thousands. However the civil war was a major turning point in Igbo migration and commercial enterprise in Warri. At the end of the civil war the Igbo armed with the spirit of creativity and innovation transformed their enterprising and industrial skills into business. Commercial towns in Igbo land such as Nnewi, Aba, and Onitsha became the centre of the experimentation of their industrial skills in the production of manufactured goods.³⁸ The outcome of the Igbo industrial outburst became the basis for their expansion to places such as Warri. Thus Warri became one the host centre for the inflow of Igbo post-civil war migration and with their skills and creative innovations; they no doubt open up Warri for further economic change. The desire and struggle for survival served as a catalyst in Igbo commercial expansion into Warri. The end of the civil war left Igbo people with little economic opportunities compared to the Hausa and Yoruba. The war battered the domestic economy of Igbo land. There was widespread of hunger and starvation, and a general feeling of hopelessness. Thus, to survive they must work hard and damn the consequences no matter where they are found.³⁹ Therefore, after the Nigerian civil war, migration to other parts of the country in general and Warri in particular became necessary for many Igbo people to support themselves and their families. According to Patrick Chuks,

The Nigerian civil war changed the direction and perception of Ibo enterprise in politics and commerce. The Igbo having realized that political power was lost to Hausa decided to embark on the capture of economic power through commercial enterprise…⁴⁰

Having lost the battle for political supremacy, the Igbo people channeled all their economic and human resources into commercial enterprise. The civil war was itself a blessing in disguise, because it enabled the Igbo people to discover their potentials and establish their dominance in commercial enterprise in Warri. Although the Igbo enterprise started as far back as the colonial period, however, the Nigerian civil war acted as the springboard for the expansion and outburst of their commercial enterprise in Warri. The war provided the psychological and emotional motivation for the rise and rebirth of the Igbo commercial class 

Economic Activities of the Igbo and Intergroup Relations

Most of the Igbo people in Warri since the end of the civil war were businessmen and women, and they provided reasonable percentage of essential goods and services to the people of Warri. The Igbo were crafty and shrewd in business. The Igbo entrepreneurs took their commercial skills to Warri and engaged in most of the urban economic activities. Significant numbers of them were in the transport sector. Some made used of vehicle, others used motorcycle and later tricycle. But majority in this sector made used of motorcycle and tricycle plying major roads and streets in Warri. The Igbo also engaged in selling of books and stationaries in Warri and they dominated the business. Most of the bookshops in Igbudu market and Warri Sapele Road were owned by them. They also had bookshops close to the main gate in most primary and secondary schools in Warri. The Igbo also dominated the pharmaceutical business in Warri. They owned patent medicine stores in every nook and cranny of Warri. Artisan work was another important economic activity carried out by the Igbo in Warri. Most of them were skilled artisans who provided technical services in areas such as welding, carpentry, smith and mechanic of all types.⁴¹ The Igbo were also involved in large and petty trading. They also engaged in the buying and selling of used bottles and other commodities. The business started in the 1970s. They bought and sold bottles and containers as well as condemned plastics. They also bought condemned iron, battery, slippers, coppers and aluminum, which also involved used aluminum canned drinks, which they later sold to recycling companies. According to an informant, the Igbo were in almost all kinds of trade in Warri.⁴² The Igbo were well known in the textile trade in Warri as they dominated the sales of boys wears and they were largely concentrated in a market popularly known as Igbo market, established in the 1970s.⁴³ Although other ethnic groups also traded in the market but majority of the traders were Igbo. This explains why the market was named Igbo market. The Igbo market was a fashion market and boutique where traders sold cloths, shoes, linen and leather goods. The leather goods included purses, wallet, and bags. The Igbo people were also famous traders of fairly used cloths popularly known in Warri as Okrika or Gbogbo, and shoes. The Igbo were also famous in the sales of spare parts. The Igbo in the spare parts trade can be divided into three. They included the sales of spare parts of motorcycle and later tricycle, sales of motor parts and the sales of industrial parts, that is, spare parts of oil multinational and construction companies.⁴⁴ Most of the stores of industrial spare parts were located in Mcdermott Road, while that of vehicles was located in upper Erejuwa and Warri Sapele Road. The spare parts in motorcycle and tricycle were located in the major streets of Warri or close to where motorcycles and tricycles were repaired.

The Igbo were peaceful as they contributed towards the socio-economic development of the city of Warri. The relationship of the Igbo with the people of Warri was cordial. Unlike the Hausa, the Igbo do not dwell exclusively in any quarter or a particular area.⁴⁵ Their numbers seems to predominated in the town. They shared the same resident and business environment with their host and this helped to promote inter-group relations. The Igbo were found in almost every part of Warri and its environs. As a result of the close socio-cultural and economic interaction over the years, significant number of Igbo migrants cannot be differentiated from their Warri host. Another important factor that helped to promote inter-group relations between the Igbo and the people of Warri was inter-ethnic marriages. Before the 1970s inter-ethnic marriages between the Igbo and their hosts were not common. But since the end of the Nigerian civil war in 1970 and the eventual influx of Igbo people to Warri, so many inter-ethnic marriages had been recorded. Available evidence suggest that so many Warri indigenous men had married Igbo ladies and vice versa.⁴⁶ These inter-ethnic marriages in Warri had helped to unite the bond of friendship and promoted inter-ethnic harmony, like the inter-ethnic marriages between Hausa and Yoruba in Gusau.⁴⁷ The Igbo were predominantly Christians and therefore shared similar or near the same way of life with their hosts who were also predominantly Christians with few traditional worshippers. As large numbers of the Ibo migrants were Christians, they participated in Christian activities together with their host. This promoted mutual understanding and cooperation. In fact Christianity provided framework upon which Igbo and their Warri hosts, Urhobo, Ijaw and Itsekiri interrelated and many of them attend fellowship in the same local church or congregation. The Nigerian Pidgin English also facilitated interaction between the indigenous people of Warri and the Igbo community. The Pidgin English was used to communicate and interact with one another in economic and social activities.⁴⁸ The language made trade to be less complicated. The language was easy for the Igbo migrants both old and new arrival to communicated easily with the indigenous people of Warri thereby promoting inter-group relations.

Conclusion

This paper had examined Igbo Migration and settlement in Warri since 1930. The paper noted that colonial rule and the eventual political and economic development that came after it motivated Igbo migration to Warri. The aftermath of the Nigerian civil war and the eventual oil boom in the 1970s also motivated further Igbo migration to Warri. The paper discussed the socio-economic activities of Igbo Migrants and their dominant roles in certain commercial enterprises, and how they further opened up Warri economically. The dominant roles the Igbo played in certain commercial enterprises was perhaps the general aloofness of the indigenous people of Warri to such area of trade. The indigenous people of Warri were always eager to work in oil multi-nationals. The relationship between the Igbo migrants and the people of Warri was characterized by peaceful coexistence as they shared the same business and residential environment. Though little disagreement do occurred in the course of their business transaction but there was no cause for alarm.

Endnotes

¹ A Ifediora, ‘Ethno-Nationalism in Itsekiri-Izon-Urhobo Relations in Warri in the Twentieth Century’, in L. E. Otoide (ed), History Unlimited, Essays in Honour of Professor E. A. Ekoko, Benin: Mindex Publishing Co. Ltd, 2012.p184.

² S. D. Clifford, ‘Stress and Youth Restiveness in Warri’, in V. T. Jike (ed), Ethnic Militia and Youth Rebelliousness in Contemporary Nigeria, A Book of Readings, Lagos: NISS Publications, 2002, p 32.

³ A. Ifediora, ‘The Growth and Development of Warri as an Urban Centre 1849-1960: A Historical Survey’, M A Dissertation, Department of History, University of Benin, 1997.p149

⁴ www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/warri.

⁵ Ifediora, ‘Ethno-Nationalism in Itsekiri-Izon-Urhobo Relations in Warri’ p186

⁶ T. A. Imobighe et al (eds) Conflict and Instability in the Niger Delta: The Warri Case, Ibadan: Spectrum Books Limited, 2002. p xii.

⁷ A. Bako Sabon Gari Kano: A History of Immigrants and Inter-Group Relations in the 20^th Century, Sokoto: UDUS Press, 2006.p7.

⁸ Imobighe Conflict and Instability in the Niger Delta: The Warri Case p 32.

⁹ Ibid

¹⁰ Imobighe Conflict and Instability in the Niger Delta: The Warri Casepx

¹¹ Ifediora, ‘The Growth and Development of Warri as an Urban Centre’ …p21

¹² A Ifediora, ‘Ethnic Conflicts and Youth Restiveness: The Defacing of the Urban Landscape of Warri 1996-2003’ A Multidisciplinary Journal, NAFAC, Volume 8 No. 3, April 2004.p835

¹³ Ifediora,’ ‘The Growth and Development of Warri as an Urban Centre’ …p22

¹⁴www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/warri

¹⁵ O. Edevbie, ‘Ownwership of Pre-colonial Warri’ in P. P. Ekeh (ed) The History of Urhobo People of Niger Delta, Lagos: Urhobo Historical Society, 2006.p287.

¹⁶ O. Edevbie, ‘The Doctrine of Over-Lordship and the Warri Crisis’ in P. P. Ekeh (ed), Warri City and British Colonial Rule in Western Niger Delta, USA: Urhobo Historical Society, 2004.p270

¹⁷ O. Ikime, Niger Delta Rivalry: Itsekiri-Urhobo Relations and the European Presence 1884-1936, London, Longman, 1969. p.xvii

¹⁸ J. O. S. Sagay, The Warri Kingdom, Sapele: Progress Publishers, 1982. Pp 42-43.

¹⁹ O. Ikime, ‘The People and Kingdom of the Niger Delta’ in O. Ikime (ed), Groundwork of Nigerian History Ibadan: Heinemann, 1980.p103.

²⁰ O. Edevbie, ‘Ownwership of Pre-colonial Warri’ p 288. See also Imobighe, p39

²¹ S. D. Clifford, ‘Stress and Youth Restiveness in Warri’ p32.

²² T. A. E Salubi, ‘The Change of the Title of the Olu of Itsekiri to Olu of Warri’ in P. P. Ekeh (ed), Warri City and British Colonial Rule in Western Niger Delta, USA: Urhobo Historical Society, 2004, p94.

²³ C. O. Omoneukanrin, Reminiscence of the Old Warri Province, 1960, p24.

²⁴ J. E. Agaba, ‘The Nigerian Civil War and the Changing Migration Patterns of the Igbo into Idomaland’ in A. M Adejo (ed) The Nigerian Civil War: Forty Years After, What Lessons, Makurdi: Aboki Publishers, 2008. Pp180-181

²⁵ Cited from Agaba ‘The Nigerian Civil War and the Changing Migration Patterns of the Igbo into Idomaland’ p17

²⁶ Ibid  

²⁷ A E Afigbo, The Igbo and their Neighbours, Ibadan: University Press Limited, 1987. p 85

²⁸ I O Albert, Inter-ethnic Relations in a Nigerian City: A Historical Perspective of the Hausa-Igbo Conflict in Kano 1953-1991, Ibadan: IFRA, 1995.Pp3-4           

²⁹ See U. W. Terlumun, ‘The Impact of the Nigerian Civil War on Igbo Enterprise in Makurdi Town’ in A. M Adejo (ed) The Nigerian Civil War: Forty Years After, What Lessons, Makurdi: Aboki Publishers, 2008. p230

³⁰ See S. O. Aghalino. ‘Trade Currency in Pre-colonial Nigeria’ in O. N. Njokwu (ed), Pre-colonial Economic History of Nigeria, Benin City: Ethiope Publishing Corporation, 2002. Pp 87-88

³¹ Afigho The Igbo and their Neighbour Pp85-87

³² Ibid

³³ Interview with Sylvanus Onwanchukwu, retired businessman, 66 Warri, 17/02/2024.

³⁴ Ifediora,’The Growth and Development of Warri as an Urban Centre…’p22

³⁵ Ibid Pp149-150 and p155. Also Oral Interview, Sylvernus Owanchukwu.

³⁶ A Bako,’Igbo Migrants, Indigenous Merchant Class and the Nigerian Civil War in Kano, Northern Nigeria: Challenges and Opportunities Revisited, Conference Organized by Faculty of Arts and Islamic Studies, Bayero University Kano, in Honour of Professor Dahiru Yahaya, 19^th -21^st October, 2010.p10

³⁷ Ibid p2

³⁸ Terlumun, ‘The Impact of the Nigerian Civil War on Igbo Enterprise in Makurdi Town’...p235

³⁹ Agaba, ‘The Nigerian Civil War and the Changing Migration Patterns of the Igbo into Idomaland’p214

⁴⁰ Cited from U. W. Terlumun, ‘The Impact of the Nigerian Civil War on Igbo Enterprise in Makurdi Town’ p236

⁴¹ Oral Interview, Peter Amachukwu, artisan.

⁴² Oral Interview, Anthony Uka, retired enginner, 67, Warri 16/08/2013..

⁴³ Oral Interview, High Chief P. O. Uzokwe, textile trader, 62, Warri 11/08/2013.

⁴⁴ Oral Interview, Benjamin Mordi, spare parts trader, 43, Warri, 13/04/2013.

⁴⁵ See A. Ifediora, ‘The Growth of Warri to an Urban Centre, 1900-1997’, Ph.D Thesis, Delta State University Abraka, 2009.p130.

⁴⁶ Oral Interview, Moses Oghenejabo, tailor, 63, Warri, 17/08/2013.

⁴⁷ A. F. Usman, ‘Inter-Group Relations in Gusau: A Case Study of Hausa and Yoruba, c1920-1996, PhD Thesis, Department of History, Usmanu Danfidiyo University Sokoto, 2003, p137.

⁴⁸ See T. C. Babawarun, ‘Nigerian Pidgin and Inter-Group Relations in Nigeria’, in O. Akinwunmi et. al (eds), Inter-Group Relations in Nigeria During the 19^th and 20^th Centuries, Makurdi: Aboki Publishers, 2006. Pp124-125.