Cite this article as: Adegunle, O. O., & Abbass, K. F. (2025). Euphemism as codification of sex and sexuality in Yorùbá language communication: A study of ÀlàníOnílù skits. Sokoto Journal of Linguistics and Communication Studies (SOJOLICS), 1(2), 185–192. https://www.doi.org/10.36349/sojolics.2025.v01i02.021
EUPHEMISM AS CODIFICATION OF SEX AND SEXUALITY IN YORÙBÁLANGUAGE COMMUNICATION: A
STUDY OF ÀLÀNÍONÍLÙ SKITS
By
Adegunle,
Olasunkanmi Olugbamila
Lagos State
University of Education, Lagos
&
Abbass,
Kareemat Funmilola (PhD)
Lagos State
University of Education, Lagos
Abstract
Euphemism is a subtle linguistic strategy
employed in both spoken and written communication to convey sensitive or
socially uncomfortable meanings in an acceptable manner. The Yorùbá society
makes extensive use of euphemism as a sociolinguistic tool for expressing taboo
subjects, particularly in everyday interaction. This practice functions as an
unwritten cultural code that regulates public discourse and promotes social
decorum. Yorùbá artistes, including writers, musicians, and contemporary
digital performers, frequently deploy euphemism to address delicate themes
without provoking offence. This study examines the use of euphemism in the
comedy skits of Alani Onílù, a Yorùbá skit maker whose works engage issues of
sex and sexuality through humour. Data were drawn from three selected skits and
analysed qualitatively using content analysis. The study is theoretically
anchored on Warren’s model of euphemistic linguistic formation, which explains
how euphemisms are structured and deployed in natural language use. Findings
reveal that euphemism in Yorùbá discourse serves to preserve cultural taboos,
shield underage audiences from explicit language, and reinforce moral values
and discipline within the society. The study concludes that Yorùbá euphemism
favours harmless and indirect expressions over overt or offensive language,
thereby sustaining effective communication and cultural sensitivity in public
discourse.
Keywords: Euphemism, Yorùbá Society,
Skits, Communication, Alani Onilu
1. Introduction
Communication is a
pervasive human phenomenon, as no society exists without a distinct system of
interaction through which meaning is created and shared. Language remains the
most indispensable tool of communication because it enables the transfer of knowledge,
the expression of thoughts and emotions, and the social and scientific
development of human society (Rana, 2018). Communication and language function
in close relationship, with communication preceding language and providing the
benchmark for any communicative medium. Although language performs multiple
functions, its communicative function is the most fundamental (Chomsky, 1972;
Adeniyi and Onadipe, 2000). Owing to its flexibility, language is susceptible
to manipulation, allowing speakers to express ideas indirectly rather than
through expressions perceived as hostile, unpleasant, or socially
inappropriate. One major linguistic strategy through which such indirectness is
achieved is euphemism.
Euphemism refers
to the use of mild, indirect, or less offensive expressions in place of words
considered blunt, taboo, or disturbing. Leech (1983) describes it as an
alternative roundabout mode of expression preferred to more direct or delicate
forms, while Allan and Burridge (2012) view euphemism as an avoidance strategy
designed to manage sensitive communicative intentions in specific contexts.
Similarly, Fromkin and Rodman (2003), cited in Ayigun (2018), define euphemism
as a substitute for taboo or frightening expressions. Jing-Schmidt argues that
euphemism involves a deliberate attempt to influence perception by avoiding
direct reference to experiences associated with fear, shame, disgust, or other
negative emotions, relying instead on vagueness and evasiveness. Consequently,
euphemism functions as a socially acceptable means of communication when direct
expressions are considered offensive, jarring, or forbidden (Jing-Schmidt,
2021; Ter Bogt et al., 2010). Scholars further note that euphemism is often shaped
by social variables such as gender, age, social status, and occupation, and can
be examined from a semantic perspective as a form of substitution within
language use (Yede and Akanmu, 2024). Its presence across cultures underscores
the fact that each society maintains norms regulating what can be said directly
and what must be mitigated through indirect language (Aboh, 2015).
Within this
broader cultural context, the Yorùbá society presents a striking example of the
pervasive use of euphemism, particularly in relation to sensitive issues such
as sex, sexuality, and bodily references. Yorùbá culture places a high premium
on politeness and social decorum, and euphemism operates as an unwritten
communicative code governing everyday interaction. Euphemistic expressions in
Yorùbá frequently concern taboo topics, personal attributes, and character
traits, and are often employed to conceal information or maintain propriety in
public discourse (Ayigun, 2018). The choice of euphemism is highly
context-dependent, motivated largely by emotions such as fear, shame, and
disgust, and is primarily aimed at sustaining harmonious interpersonal relations
(Yede and Akanmu, 2024).
In matters
relating to sex and sexuality, euphemism is particularly prominent in Yorùbá
society. Direct references to sexual organs and sexual acts are generally
avoided, especially in the presence of children, in order to preserve moral
values and prevent premature exposure to sensitive language (Olukoju, 1972;
Alabi, 2007; Akomolafe, 2023). Consequently, sexual body parts and activities
are expressed through circumlocutory and metaphorical terms. For example, the
penis may be referred to as nǹkanọmọkùnrin, ẹ̀kẹ́taitan, or ẹsẹ̀kẹ́ta, while
the vagina may be described as ojú ara or nǹkanọmọbìnrin. Sexual intercourse
is similarly rendered through indirect expressions such as ó bá a sùn or wọ́nní
àjọṣepọ̀ (Adèmowó and Balógun, 2017). Fakoya (2007) observes that such
linguistic restraint is rigorously enforced within Yorùbá families, where
children are discouraged from using explicit terms and are socialised into
euphemistic alternatives that align with cultural expectations of modesty and
discipline.
In contemporary
Nigeria, euphemism has also found expression within the rapidly expanding
domain of digital entertainment, particularly comedy skit-making. Over the past
decade, skit-making has emerged as a dominant form of popular entertainment,
with creators producing short, humorous videos for platforms such as Facebook,
Instagram, TikTok, and YouTube. Comic skits are brief dramatized performances
designed primarily for entertainment, though they also reflect social realities
and public concerns (Mark, 2020; Chattoo, 2017). While some scholars trace the
rise of skit-making to the mid-2010s as an alternative to mainstream broadcast
comedy, others argue that its commercial viability expanded significantly
during the COVID-19 pandemic, when increased social media engagement provided
unprecedented visibility and economic opportunities for creators (Salaudeen,
2021; Bassey, 2023; Mark, 2024). The accessibility, low production cost, and
interactive nature of social media have further blurred the boundary between
performers and audiences, allowing widespread participation and rapid content
circulation (Emelife and Okpolo, 2024; Ayoola, 2021).
Comedy, as a form
of entertainment, aims primarily to amuse audiences through humorous
narratives, characters, and situations, while simultaneously serving as a
medium for social reflection, awareness creation, persuasion, and cultural
expression (Ojomo and Sodeinde, 2021; Chattoo, 2017). Within this space,
euphemism plays a crucial role by enabling comedians to address sensitive
themes, including sex and sexuality, in ways that align with cultural norms and
audience expectations. As skit-making continues to evolve into a lucrative
creative industry, the strategic use of euphemism remains central to balancing
humour, morality, and social acceptability in Nigerian digital discourse.
2. Theoretical
Framework
The description of euphemisms in the present study is
anchored on the linguistic forms of euphemism proposed by Beatrice Warren
(1992). Warren, as cited in Umar and Mustapha (2020), argues that the
politeness theory of Brown and Levinson constitutes a potent source for
euphemistic reference. She remains one of the few scholars to have carried out
detailed investigations into both the conceptual and linguistic formations of
euphemisms with particular attention to their functions. Warren (1992)
maintains that euphemisms should be examined within context, with greater
emphasis on how they are shaped in use rather than merely how they are
structurally formed. This perspective underscores the importance of situational
factors and communicative intentions in determining euphemistic choice. Her
model proposes a wide range of analytical categories, including semantic and
formal innovation, rhyming slang, word-formation processes, modification,
derivation, particularisation, loanwords, blends, understatements, compounding,
back slang, implication, metaphor, overstatement, acronyms, phoneme
replacement, metonymy, onomatopoeia, abbreviation, and reversal (Yede and
Akanmu, 2024; Yildiz, 2021). This framework is considered most suitable for the
present study because it foregrounds the contextual deployment of euphemism in
Yorùbá society, highlighting how euphemistic expressions function
simultaneously to convey respect for sexuality and sex-related concepts and to
sustain culturally valued modes of polite and socially acceptable discourse.
3. Methodology
This study adopts a qualitative research design anchored on the content
analysis method. Content analysis is employed to systematically examine the
content of communication materials, including texts and audio-visual data, in
order to generate meaningful interpretations. The method also enables
researchers to make informed inferences about the characteristics of the
content, the communicators involved, and the context in which communication
occurs (Gheyle and Jacobs, 2017). Three comedy skits produced by Alani were
purposively selected for analysis. The skits were first transcribed in their
original Yorùbá form and subsequently translated into English. Thereafter, the
conversations in each skit were organised into five-line segments. Lexical
items, phrases, and sentences expressing themes of sex and sexuality were
identified, highlighted, and analysed in relation to their thematic and
aesthetic functions. Lines that were not directly relevant to the focus of the
study were abridged, edited, or omitted in order to foreground sex-oriented
themes and enhance analytical clarity.
4. Data Presentation and
Analysis
Example I
(Àlàní ń fi
ọwó wakẹ̀kẹ́ rẹ̀ tẹ̀léọmọbìnrin awẹ́lẹ́wà kan).
Àlàní: Ẹ wá. Ẹ wá
á. (ọmọgenáà dúró) Níbo lẹ̀ ń lọ nínú òòrùnburúkú yìí?
Ọmọge: (ó rẹ́rìn-ínmúṣẹ́) Ǹ ń rEjìnrìnni.
Àlàní: Ibitẹ́ n lọ n nasẹ̀ díẹ̀.
Ọmọge: (Ó kóraro) Kódà, moti dá
ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ alùpùpù dúró. Àmọ́ kò séyìí tó lè gbé n
l’Ejìnrìn. Èyí tó túnfẹ́ ṣebí ẹniléyín lẹ́nu díẹ̀, kò rétè fi
bò ó. Ojú ọ̀nà báyìí lepo ‘nú
alùpùpù rẹ̀ tán.
L5:
Àlàní:Ògbólógbó iṣuní ń gúnyán. Ògbólógbó eégúnní ń
dúnmòhuru-mọ̀hurulábẹ́ aṣọ.
Ọmọge:Sànán là á rìn; ajé ní múnií pẹkọrọ.
Àlàní: Ṣẹ́ ẹ rÉjìnrìntẹ́ ǹ
lọ un. Mo lè gbeyíndébẹ̀ o.
Ọmọge: Níwọ ẹ̀fọn ò
lẹ́ran ń ‘tan!
Àlàní: Odò tẹ́ ẹ bá fojú rénà mà lè gbeyín lọ.
L10:
Ọmọge: Àwọnalálùpùpù ò
gbémi; ìwọ oníkẹ̀kẹ́ lásánlàsànyìí lo ó wá gbémi?
Àlàní: Ìyá wá, ọ̀rọ̀ tó bá dánilójú ì í kosẹ̀
létè ẹni.
Ọmọge:Ṣó o ríyàá Ọ̀kẹ́rẹ́ báyìí, dán an wò ló bi.
Àlàní:Èmináà ó sì fi dayínlójú pé ògẹ̀dẹ̀ tẹ́
ẹ̀ ń wò yẹn, oúnjẹ lágídò ni…
Ọmọge: Má jẹ́’tọ́ ẹnu rẹ ó gbẹ ńtorí àwíjàre.
L15:
Àlàní:Ṣẹ́ ẹ ri, tí n bá kọ́kọ́ wà yín lọ,
iwájú ni ń gbeyínsí. Tí n bá wàyíndébìkan, n ó túngbé yín sẹ́yìn
kó lè rọ àwaméjèèjì náà ni.
Ọmọge: Bó bá ṣewù ọ́ ni o ṣeṣemí. Ṣá tigbé n rEjìnrìn…
(Àlàní, using his hands to
meander his bicycle. He stalks a beautiful lady walking ahead of him).
Àlàní: Come. I say come now. Where are you heading to
under thisbreathing sun?
Lady: (giggles) I’m heading to Ejìnrìn
Àlàní: That place you are heading to
seems far.
Lady: (looks worried) I have tried to flag off some motorcycle riders
but none was ready to convey me to Èjìnrìn. Even the one who attempted to prove a point ended up a disappointment.
The fuel in his motorcycle finished halfway
into the journey.
L5: Àlàní:
it takes an audacious man to succeed. It takes
men with a will to break the odds.
Lady: Please stop beating beside the bush.
Àlàní: It might interest you that I can convey you to
Ejìnrìn.
Lady: You this tiny thing like a mosquito?
Àlàní: The river you underestimate could sweep you away.
L10:
Lady: When those with power bikes
refused to convey me,you with a cheap
bicycle are daring.
Àlàní: Look young lady, I wouldn’t be pontificating if I’m
notcocksure.
Lady: Let set it off then and see who blinks first
Àlàní: And I will prove to you that I have a preferencefor sexy ladies (like you)…
Lady: Don’t weaken yourself with too much talk becauseofmere boast.
L15:
Àlàní: See, I will first ride you forward, once Igettoa point, I will then
ride you backward, to make our journey moreenjoyable.
Lady: Ride me as you like. All I desire now is to end up in
Ejìnrìn.
This is a conversation between Àlàní and a beautiful lady where the
former boasts of his sexual prowess to the latter.
Ejìnrìn (L2) in Yorùbá simply means any object that is extremely wet
or moist. In this context however, Ejìnrìnsymbolises climax which is the
height of sexual intercourse. During the duo’s conversation, the lady
indirectly alluded to seeking a sexually active man that would take her to
Ejìnrìn (climax). Ajani then tells the lady how much time it takes before
such sexual exercise leads to climax(Ibitẹ́ n lọ un nasẹ̀ díẹ̀; L3). The lady, in her response, complains she had
earlier tried some men who only struggled but could not last long in bed (Kódà,
moti dá ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ alùpùpù dúró. Àmọ́ kò séyìí tó lè gbé n
l’Ejìnrìn. Èyí tó túnfẹ́ ṣebí ẹniléyín lẹ́nu díẹ̀, kò rétè fi
bò ó. Ojú ọ̀nà báyìí lepo ‘nú alùpùpù rẹ̀ tán; L4).
Enthusiastically, Àlàní gladly offers his services to the lady, free,
but the lady underestimates him, because of his lean physique,“Níwọ ẹ̀fọn ò lẹ́ran ń ‘tan!” (L8).
Àlàní protests that what his guest looks down upon could turn out to be what
she actually craves at the moment,“Odò tẹ́ ẹ bá fojú rénà mà lè gbeyín lọ” (L9).Surprised, the lady then challenges Àlàníto a sex bout,“Ṣó
o ríyàá Ọ̀kẹ́rẹ́ báyìí, dán an wò ló bi” (L12).
ThenÀlàníbegins to entice his guest withdifferent sex styles,which she
should be anticipating,“ṣẹ́ ẹ ri, tí n bá kọ́kọ́ wà yín lọ,
iwájú ni ń gbeyínsí. Tí n bá wàyíndébìkan, n ó túngbé yín
sẹ́yìn kó lè rọ àwaméjèèjì náà ni”(L15), to which the lady
responds in the affirmative, provided Àlànícould fulfil her wish,“Bó bá
ṣewù ọ́ ni o ṣeṣemí. Ṣá tigbé n rEjìnrìn…”
Example (ii)
(Aríìkẹ́
fi ìbínú wọ́ Àlàní wá sẹ́yìnkùlé ilé rẹ̀.O fi igbó
rẹ́súrẹ́sú kanhan an)
Aríìkẹ́:Àlàní kí rèé?
Àlàní: Igbóni.
Aríìkẹ́:Ṣó dáalójúù rẹ báyìí?
Àlàní:Kòsíhun tó ṣe é.
L5: Aríìkẹ́:
Kò síhun tó ṣe é?
Àlàní:Ẹh-ẹn.
Aríìkẹ́: O sì lajú rẹ kalẹ̀ tí igbó fi kúnmọ́ ọ
lárabáyìí?
Àlàní:Bótiṣewà látijọ́ yìí
rèé. Kò síuntí fi ń ṣèèyàn (L8).
Aríìkẹ́:Ṣó ò mọ̀ pé bó ṣerí
yìí, ejò àtàwọnàkééke lè gbabẹ̀ wọlé ni?
L10: Àlàní:Ejò ò lè gbabẹ̀ wọlé.
Aríìkẹ́:Kínnìdí tó o fi sọ bẹ́ẹ̀?
Àlàní:Láràárọ̀ n máa ń
bomirinín.
Aríìkẹ́: Ẹ ẹ̀ máagbọ́rọ̀. Ṣó o mọ̀ pó lè fà
jàm̀bá fúnraàrẹ ni? Ó sì lè fàjàm̀bá fémináà, àti àwọnàlejò tó máa ń wá ọ
wá?
Àlàní:Irọ́ lo fìyún-un pa. Kò sálejò tó wá mi wá
tó sọ pé bígbó ṣewá yìí niàwọnlára.
L15: Aríìkẹ́: Á jẹ́ pé ọ̀bùnlàwọnàlejò tí máa ń wá ọ
wáun
Àlàní:Bígibá wó lugi, tòkè ẹ̀ làá kọ́ gbé kúrò.
Ọwọ́ ò sì gbọ́dọ̀ pẹ́nísà ejò. Jẹ́ á ṣèyí táá ṣe, kó o tẹ̀lémiwọlé jàre.
Aríìkẹ́:Ìwọàtitaani? (Àlàní
yípadà lójijì). Tó ò bá ṣánigbó yìí, n ò tẹ̀lé ẹ rebìkankan...
………………………………………………………………………………………………
Aríìkẹ́ angrily drags Àlàní pointing him to a
bushy portion at his backyard
Aríìkẹ́:Àlàní, what is this?
Àlàní: Shrubs of course.
Aríìkẹ́: Is this hygienic in your eyes?
Àlàní: There is nothing harmful about it now
L5:Aríìkẹ́: Nothing harmful about it, eh?
Àlàní: Of course,
Aríìkẹ́: And you are so careless until shrubs grow all over
you?
Àlàní: It has been like that for a while now. It is
innocuous.
Aríìkẹ́: You know it (shrubs) is vulnerable to snakes and
scorpions?
L10: Àlàní: Reptiles? They can never have their ways.
Aríìkẹ́: Why are you so sure?
Àlàní: Because I water it every morning
Aríìkẹ́: Imagine! Don’t
you know it it’s a risk for you, me and other girlfriends of yours who visit
often?
Àlàní: That’s a white fat lie! There is none of my
girlfriend that ever complains of these shrubs.
L10: Aríìkẹ́: That simply means your girlfriends are as dirty as
pigs.
Àlàní: Let’s priotise what brought us here. We need
not waste time. Come with me into the bedroom right away.
L12:Aríìkẹ́: You and who (Àlàní turns in surprise). If you don’t
get these shrubs off, I’m not going anywhere with you.
Although replete with humour, this skit emphasises the
importance of carrying out hygiene by shaving one’s private parts. Both
Àlàní and his girlfriend - Aríìkẹ́, were on a mission for a sexual
escapade when the latter suddenly realises her boyfriend had not shaved his
pubic hair (igbó L2) for a while. She surprisingly asks, “Àlàní
what is this (L1),” to which he responds “Igbóni(L2)”(it’s pubic hair). Àlàní who sees no potential
danger in keeping his pubic hair growing attempts to defend this habit by
saying,“Bó tiṣewà látijọ́ yìí rèé. Kò síuntí fi ń
ṣèèyàn”(L8).
Aríìkẹ́ then draws Àlàni’s attention to the
potential danger of his susceptibility to infections,“Ṣó ò mọ̀ pé bó
ṣerí yìí, ejò àtàwọnàkééke lè gbabẹ̀ wọlé ni? (L9)”. In
response, Àlàní brushes it off, arguing that his other girlfriends do not
make any issue about his pubic hair as Aríìkẹ́ is now doing. He further
defends his action by saying he rinses his private parts every morning to keep
it moist and fresh,“Láràárọ̀ n máa ń bomirinín”(L12). Aríìkẹ́
who in her response, describes Ajani’s other girlfriends as ‘pigs’ for
tolerating his unhygienic attitude, insists she is not going to get down with
Alani until he does the needful,“Ìwọ àtitani? Tó ò bá ṣánigbó
yìí, n ò tẹ̀lé ẹ rebìkankan”(L17).
Example III
(Ọmọbìnrinoníbàárà
kan tọ Àjàní tó ń ta ọ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀ wá).
Oníbàárà: Ẹ káàsán o. Mo fẹ́ rọ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀.
Àlàní: Ẹ wèyí tẹ́
ẹ bá fẹ́ ń bẹ̀.
Oníbàárà: (ó rí ìṣupọ̀
ọ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀ nlakan) Háà, máa
wọ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀ yìí boṣeláálà(ó
fi ọwọ́ rẹ̀ wọ́ ọ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀ náà látorí désàlẹ̀ pẹ̀lú
ẹ̀rínmúṣẹ́ lẹ́nu rẹ̀. Àlàní náà fi ẹ̀rínpàdé rẹ̀). Ọ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀ yìí mà tóbi
o. Àmọ́ kọ́gẹ̀dẹ̀ ó tóbi ò ní ó ṣaralóore.
Àlàní: Ẹ má sorú ẹ̀ mọ́. Ẹ má dán an wò láṣà.
L5:Oníbàárà: Kí ló dé?
Àlàní: Ó jọ n pé
ẹ èbá n rọ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀ rí?
Oníbàárà:N ò bọ́ ọ rọ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀ rí. Àkọ́kọ́ mi rèé.
Àlàní: Torí ẹ̀ lẹ
ṣe ń sọ̀rọ̀ báun. Ká lẹ́ ẹ tibámirọ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀ rí ni, ẹ ó mọ̀ pẹ́
ọ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀ àgbagbà ni. Ó sì máa ń ṣaralóore. Ọ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀ tèmi è é
léélẹ̀
L10:Oníbàárà: (ó rẹ́rìn-ínmúṣẹ́) Ó dáańgbà náà. Jẹ́ n
mú ńlá yìí. Bá n dì í lọ́raá.
Àlàní: Ó dáa. Kó le dayínlójú pé dán an wò ló
bíyàá ọ̀kẹ́rẹ́, sẹ́ ẹ́ wà sè é lọ́dọ̀ mi?
Oníbàárà:Kín n sè é
lọ́dọ̀ rẹ? Séwọ níkòkò ni?
Àlàní: A délé ikú ẹ lẹ́ẹ̀ bórí. Ìkòkò ńlá ni.
Oníbàárà: O níkòkò?
L15:Àlàní: Bẹ́ẹ̀ni.
Oníbàárà:O sìlóroròónáà.
Àlàní: Òróró ń bẹ
L19:Oníbàárà: Ó dáańgbà náà.
(A beautiful female client walks up to Alani who sells
plantain).
Client:Good afternoon. I want to buy some plantain.
Àlàní: Kindly make your choice among the bunches.
Female Client: This bunch of plantain is tantalising to the eyes
(she caresses the bunch of plantain with both palms, while giggling.
Àlàníreciprocates with a giggle too). This plantain is so huge. But its
hugeness becomes insignificant when compared to its nutritional value.
Àlàní: Please don’t say that again. Don’t just dare!
L5: Client: Why?
Àlàní: My plantains are huge and nutritious. A trial will convince you.
Client: I have bought countless bunches of plantains that
ended up a disappointment.
Àlàní: It appears this is your first time (to patronise me?)
Client: Yes. This is my first time.
L10:Àlàní: That is why you are talking in this manner. If you had
bought my plantain before, you would know it’s one of the àgbagbà
specie. Its nutritious and constantly patronised.
Client: Very well then. I prefer this bigger bunch. Wrap them
in a nylon bag for me.
Àlàní: For you to be convinced of my boast, would you rather
cook them in my house?
Female Client: Cook them in your house? Do you have a big pot?
Àlàní: I have more than enough. They are much bigger.
L: 15 Client: Are you sure?
Àlàní: Yes.
Female Client: And you have oil too?
Àlàní: In abundance
19: Female Client: Very well then.
Here, the female client is horny. She therefore craves
plantains “ọ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀” (L1) symbolising not just a penis but a huge and
strong one. Incidentally, she turns her attention to Àlàní who sells
plantains. She sees a huge plantain (penis),“Háà, máa wọ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀ yìí
boṣeláálà”(L3), smiling and seductively admiring its enormity. At some
point however, she is afraid the penis, though huge, might not be strong enough
to satisfy her in bed “Àmọ́ kọ́gẹ̀dẹ̀ ó tóbi ò ní ó ṣaralóore”(L3).
Àlàní promptly protests thatthe client needshis to
give him a trial,“Ọ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀ mí tóbi, àǹfààní rẹ̀ sì túntóbi.
Bẹ́ ẹ bá jọ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀ ńlá tèmi, ẹ ẹ́ mọ̀ pé ẹ gbanǹkansára”(L6).
The female clients responds again that she had tried different penises that
appeared huge, yet could not last long in bed “Àìmọye ọ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀ ńlá
tí motirà, tó jẹ́ pé béèyànbá ti mu délé báyìí, yóò
kànmáaháàyàn lọ́fun ni, àwọn ọ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀ ńláńlá tí kì í pẹ́
rọ̀” (L7). In the end, Àlàní convinces his client to buy. However, he
challenges her to a sexual bout by asking if she could boil the plantain in his
room located close by. The client, now getting more curious asks if she has a “ìkòkò
ńlá” symbolising a big bed (L13) which is good enough for a sex bout.
Àlàní responds in the affirmative. The lady further enquires if he also has
oil,“Osì lóròóró náà?”
(L17), (meaning a lubricant), which Àlàní says he has, before she
finally agrees to Àlàní’s sexual advances.
5. Conclusion
This study
revealed that euphemism is deployed through intricate Yorùbá expressions to
convey themes of sex and sexuality in a culturally acceptable manner. The
examples analysed demonstrate how native speakers use coded expressions to
communicate sex-related messages in ways that require not only knowledge of
Yorùbá but also an understanding of its linguistic and cultural complexity
(Fakoya, 2007: 3). The findings further confirm euphemism as an age-long
linguistic practice in sex-related discourse within Yorùbá society. Using three
skits by ÀlàníOnílù as data, the study shows that the elaborate expressions
embedded in the dialogues attest to the capacity of the Yorùbá language, like
other natural languages, to adapt euphemism across different discourse contexts.
Overall, Yorùbá speakers routinely employ euphemism in everyday interaction,
particularly when addressing taboo subjects or discussing sex and sexuality in
public spaces.
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Skits
https://www.tiktok.com/@boyjace_/video/7444480338803428663
https://www.tiktok.com/@boyjace_/video/7509783614540877112
https://www.tiktok.com/@boyjace_/video/7532794866451893509?is_from_webapp=1&sender_device=pc&web_id=7532086707878348294
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