Citation: Ibrahim Garba SATATIMA (2018). Linguistic Influence of Yoruba on Hausa Spoken in Shagamu. Yobe Journal of Language, Literature and Culture (YOJOLLAC), Vol. 6. Department of African Languages and Linguistics, Yobe State University, Damaturu, Nigeria. ISSN 2449-0660
LINGUISTIC INFLUENCE OF YORUBA ON HAUSA
SPOKEN IN SHAGAMU
Ibrahim
Garba SATATIMA, PhD
Abstract
The
paper seeks to examine linguistic interference between Hausa language as spoken
by Hausa people resident of a major southwest state of Nigeria. It is obvious
that when two people of different linguistic background meet there exist a
confluence where each understands the other for commercial and political
reasons. It has been noticed that certain Yoruba linguistic traits affect Hausa
people residing in Shagamu,Ogun state of Nigeria. Examples of direct
borrowings, word intrusion, and semantic interference are outlined in this
paper.
1.0. Introduction
Researchers opined that when ever two distinct people meet
for what ever reason there exists cross cultural relations leading to exchange
and absorption of certain linguistic elements usually referred by linguist as
linguistic interference. Alilono (1995) and Langacker (1988) all are of the
opinion that language contact all the time leads to language interference that
for certain reasons a native of one language adopts usage of the other language
to serve a purposeful communication. To achieve effective communication, the
first or second language influence each other.Hence certain traits of
linguistic borrowings in sentences, word formation and semantics are easily
recognised.
This paper attempts to exemplify how Yoruba language, a
member of Kwa language clan, influences the usage of Hausa by native speakers resident
of Shagamu one major southwest settlement of the Hausas.
1.1. Methodology
The data for this research was retrieved during a visit to
Shagmu town and a random sampling was conducted on many residents. Speech
observations and recordings of L1 Hausa speakers resident in Shagamu were the
main source of the data. The reseracher later trancribed the speeches with the
help of L1 Yoruba speakers in order to discern more meanings.
1.2. Literature Review
Earlier historical records and studies have documented the
spread of both Hausa language and its cultures to various parts of Nigeria the
West Africa and the African continent at large. Adamu (1978 &1982) provided
adequate information on the major activities that champions the spread of Hausa
to include the gwanja trade, mission to hajj by road and scholarly oactiviteis
of the Hausas. Scholars have written a lot on the possibility of a language
ifluencing speakers of another when coming into contact. Yakasai (2012, p. 180)
has echoed the fact that whenever two speakers of different languages come into
contact one would expect changes in either languages. Sometimes one language
seems to dominate the other one thus triggering language change. In his
analysis of Hausa language as spoken in Bukur, Plateau state Nigeria,
Baba(2005, p.10-13) noted thet factors such as social factors and economic
benefits enhance or influence the spread of Hausa language.
1.3. Hausa People in Sabo Shagamu and South West
Sabo Shagamu in Ogun State has been an old settlement for
Hausa people since the 19th century. As noted by Adamu (1976)
kolanut trading was the major factor for most Hausa settlements in the south
western part of Nigeria. However, Usman (2007, p.10) explained that a native of
Sha gamu informed him that Hausa people settled at Shagamu during the last days
of the 19th century and majority were there for cattle trading. This
researcher maintained that history reckon the name of Xandaura as the first
person to settle with his cattle and that attracts the adage “Shagamu garin Xandaura”.
Other notable early settlers are Malam Jika and Malam Yusuf (Ayodele, 2003).
Hence, two major items are traded: cattle and kolanut usually exchanged by the
traders. Ayodele (2003, p.336) maintained that during the reign of Akarigbo of
Shagamu William Christopher Adedoyin the population of Hausa settlers became
robust, so, with the consultation of his council he settled them at a new place
outside the olden city and it was the beginning of New Shagamu or Sabo Shagamu.
This new settlement has thus attracted all Hausa traders and it marked the
beginning of new leadership of Sarkin Hausawa i.e Hausa people leader of
Shagamu. The first Hausa tribal leader was Abdullahi Maikano.The chronology is
as follows: Sarki Ayuba, Sarki Alhaji Garba, Sarki Alhaji Mukhtar, and the
incumbent Ciroman Shagamu Alhaji Inuwa.
1.4. Major Occupations
Apart from kolanut trading by Hausa
people through most of the south western areas of Nigeria, many native Hausa
people were there for major trading activities consequent upon their contact
with the native Yoruba residents. Two major occupations were therefore noted by
scholars.
1.4.1 Bojuwa (Boójúwaá)
As noted by Ayodele (2003) cattle trading was one of the
major bussiness of the early Hausa people in Shagamu. Cattle bussiness is known
as Bojuwa (i.e boójúwaá in
Yoruba).This trading forms the basis of many small ones within the cattle
market and as opined by Usman (2007) many Hausas and Yorubas are presently
engaged in this bussiness.
1.4.2 Kolanut (Goro)
Usman (2007) stressed that the second major occupation of
Hausa people in Sabo Shagamu is kolanut trading thus buttressing what earlier
writers like Adamu (1978) opined. Kolanut markets are usually opened on Mondays
and Thurdays of each week and during these days dealers and ratailers are fully
engaged, and also the days are avenues for weekly financial activities by food
hawkers, taxi drivers, bus and truck owners.
1.5 Social Relations Between Hausas and Yoruba
These two commercial activities form the basis of all
relationship between the native Yoruba speakers as host and the Hausas as
guest. Sociolinguists always opined that for man to achieve full communication
he must be able to communicate effectively. Thus, both Hausas and Yorubas must
find means of understanding each other even for no other reason but for the
sake of commerce. Hausa language soon become the major lingua franca for most
activities hence, many linguistic borrowings were inevitable and as noted by
Akmajian (1995, p.279) the borrowings usually trigger linguistic changes. Abdu
(1991) and Abubakar (2004) noted similar influence of Hausa language as a
linguafranca on major tribes and language of Southern Zaria and Minna.
Although Hausa language is the major source of communication
among the Hausas in the Sabo area the use of borrowed Yoruba lexicons in a day
to day activities is paramount and happen, as an easy way to communicate in
major commercial dialogue for example the following words are normally heard in
daily discussions.
Example 1 a. ‘Yan bojuwa from Yoruba “Mu Oju Wa” meaning your landlord or host. The borrowing here was trigered by the fact
that each cattle dealer is hosted by a native, hence business cannot be
completed without the host.
b. Igoro in Hausa is a borrowing of Yoruba “Igboro”
meaning city or town, here the
reference is Abeokuta.
c. Wajoko in Hausa is a direct borrowing of ‘wa
joko’ meaning come and sit (here or there) in Yoruba. Contrary to this
known meaning in Hausa it means illicit or illegal relationship between a man
and a woman.
1.6. Yoruba Influence on Hausa
Sociolinguistic data and analysis have proven that whenever a
speaker of a particular language migrates or moves to another language area
there is every likely hood that one of the two languages will influence the
other or vice versa. Thus, by the mere fact that Hausa people leave Hausaland
to a new environment with different language and social bakground borrowings
are inevitable amongst the two languages. One is therefore native and the other
a ‘stranger’ language thus paving the way for linguistic borrowings. (Appel
& Muysken 1987).
As noted by Ibrahim (1978, p.107) Hausa language has a lot of
borrowings from the Yoruba language and as such many words were easily
assimilated and words became prominent.The following suffice as examples here:
Example 2:
|
No. |
Yoruba |
Hausa |
English |
|
a) |
Panu |
Kwano |
Fraying pan |
|
b) |
Gele |
Gyale |
Wrapper |
|
c) |
Adire |
Adire |
Type of dress |
|
d) |
Akowe |
Akawu |
Clerk |
|
e) |
Pali |
Kwali |
Packet |
|
f) |
Omolanke |
Amalanke |
A cart |
1.7. Yoruba Influence on Hausa in Sabo Shagamu
As noted above the Huasas are settlers in the Sabo Shagamu
whose language borrowed many words from the native Yoruba language which is
predominantly the language of all commercial activities in the area. Three
major linguistic influence can be seen resulting from the direct contact
between the two people; word borrowing or intrusion, sentence or syntactic
influence and finally semantic interference.
1.7.1 Word Intrusion
Word intrusion is one of the social activities which make
language relevant in all situations. Aspect of word intrusion in socio
linguistics is the situation where a particular language speaker adopts the
usage of certain words of another language in order to simplify communication
and or understsanding by his listener. In the present situation where Hausa speaker
lives in a predominantly Yoruba speaking community, intrusion of Yoruba words
is an avenue for easy communication. Therfore, within the context of market
activities the following words intrude in normal discourse between Hausa and
Yoruba people.
Example 3.
|
No. |
Yoruba |
Shagamu Hausa |
English |
|
a. |
Oja |
Oja |
Market |
|
b. |
Ata |
Ata |
Pepper |
|
c. |
Alaga |
Alaga |
Leader |
|
d. |
Ogi |
Ogi |
Corn pap |
|
e. |
Oloye |
Oloye |
Traditional title holder |
|
f. |
Ada |
Adda |
Cutlers |
|
g. |
Iba |
Ibba |
Yellow fever |
|
h. |
Bokotoo |
Bokoto |
Cow leg meat |
|
i. |
Igboro |
Iboro |
Abeokuta township |
|
j. |
Ogede |
Agade |
Plantain (banana) |
|
k. |
Ponmo |
Kwama |
Cow hide meat |
|
l. |
Saki/saki |
Shaki |
Cow intestine |
|
m. |
Ijapa |
Ijaba |
Tortoise |
Although there exists phonological diferences between the
utterances of Hausa and Yoruba, the words exemplified suffice to denote that a
Hausa speaker of Shagamu usually makes use of these entries to simplify meaning
to his Yoruba listener. Common reason is simplicity to the speaker. A word for
market in Hausa is ‘kasuwa’ and its equivalent in Yoruba ‘oja’ is used.
1.7.2 Sentence Interference
Apart from words certain sentences or their traits are
retained and used by Shagamu Hausa speakers. Thus from the following example
4(a-c) one can see the influence of Yoruba language on the speakers of Hausa.
Example 4
a. . Musa ya cika ‘kwalokwalo’(SGH)
b. Musa ya cika kauce-kauce (SHS)
c. . Musa is not straight forward
The word in parenthesis above ‘kwalokwalo’ is Yoruba and the
speaker uses it to simplfy meaning.
Example 5 a. Don Allah ‘ma binu’(SGH)
b. Don Allah ka yi haquri (SHS)
c. Please excuse me
The clause ‘ma binu’ (example 5a) above in Yoruba means ‘have
patience’.
Example 6. a. ‘Ma ri
yi’ in an jima (SGH)
b. Zan gan ka/ki in an jima (SHS)
c. I shall see you later
The first clause ‘ma riyi’ in example (6.a )means ‘I shall
see you’ in Yoruba.
Example 7. a. ‘O ya’
mu je! (SGH)
b. To, mu je! (SHS)
c. Ok lets go
The phrase ‘o ya’ in Yoruba is just ok in English.
Example 8. a. Kai ‘mi fe’(SGH)
b. Kai ba na so (SHS)
c. Please I don’t want it
1.7.3 Semantic Interference
Semantic intrusion occurs when a meaning from a lexicon of
one language is assigend to another lexicon of a different language. As noted
by Pfaff (1984) in Appel & Muysken, (1987, p.90) this normally occurs in
the German spoken by Greece children. They cited example of the word “warum”
(because of)[1]. Germany has
its lexicon “deshalb” meaning the same. Intrusion occurs between Hausa
and Yoruba as can be seen from the following examples.
Example 9. a. Idan aka ji shiru, sai ta buga (Yoruba
intrusion)
b. Idan aka ji shiru,
sai ta fasa (Hausa)
The semantic difference between these sentances is clear
because the two Hausa words “buga” and “fasa” have unique independent meanings.
Thus, the difference in meaning between 9(a) and 9(b) is quite understatndable
due to the varieties used. Each word has its context related meaning. However,
if compared with the following Yoruba sentence the intrusion is clearly spelt.
Lets see the following example 9(c) below:
Example. 9. c. Ti ko ba gbo ohun kankan ko fo. (Yoruba)
The word ‘fo’ in Yoruba covers both “buga” and “fasa” in
Hausa.
The word “fo”in Yoruba means to “beat” to “peel” and also to
“break”. Thus, the three meanings are regularly used once in a typical
conversation as in 1c above. In Hausa distinction is usually drawn in the usage
of the words “fasa” to break and “buga” to beat. It has been noted that, the
influence of Yoruba could be detected from the speech of Hausas in Shagamu. For
simplicity, Hausa Yoruba speakers in Shagamu adopted the simplest meaning of
the word “fo” to qualify both meanings.
Another example of Yoruba intrusion in Shagamu Hausa is given
in 2b below.
Example 10. a. Sai baban ya kulle duk gidan (Yoruba
intrusion)
b. Ni baba ba ti gbogbo ile.
The word ‘baba’ in Hausa means a father while in Yoruba it
means a person of an advanced age than that of the speaker. In Hausa, the
simplest rendition of the Yoruba sentence could be:
Example 10. c. Sai mutumin ya kulle gidan (Hausa).
But, the influence of Yoruba triggered 2(a).
Similarly, examples11(a-c) below demonstrated the influence
of Yoruba intrusion into the Shagamu Hausa
Example 11. a. Da baban ya tafi ( Yoruba intrusion)
b. Nigba ti baba oloko lo (Yoruba).
c. Da mai gonar ya tafi (Hausa).
Here, instead of using the right lexicon of “mai gona” the
Hausa Shagamu speakers adopted the usage of “baba” of course the interference
of the Yoruba meaning influnce the Hausa speakers.
In another example 12 9a-c) below an intrusion of Yoruba word
occurs.
Example 12. a. Icen kasuwa yana so ya rushe (Yoruba
intrusion)
b. Igi oja fe wo (Yoruba)
c. Icen kasuwa zai faxi (Hausa).
In Yoruba a tree normally (rushewa) the word ‘wo’ as
in example (12b), But, in Hausa a tree normally fell not broken into pieces as
in example (12c). Here the influnce of Yoruba triggered the Hausa sentence in
12(a).
Another typical example of Yoruba influence in Shagamu Hausa
are the set of sentences in example 13(a-c) below.
Example 13. a. Ya tura (qarfe) cikin wuta (Yoruba intrusion)
b. O fi si inu ina
(Yoruba)
c. Ya sanya qarfe
cikin wuta (Hausa).
In Hausa an iron is normally “put” into fire. But, in Yoruba
it is pushed. Easily one can observe the phrase ‘sanya qarfe a wuta’ and
its semantic equivalence in Yoruba is ‘fisi inu ina’ that is pushing the
iron. The influence of Yoruba could easily be seen in sentence 13(a).
With regards to time and time reference a typical Yoruba
interference could be deduced from the corpus of sentences below in example
6(a-c).
Example 14. a. In ka
ga lokaci, ka dawo (Yoruba intrusion)
b. In ka sami lokaci,
ka dawo (Hausa).
c. To ba ri aye ko wa (Yoruba)
The main semantic difference between sentences 14(a) and
14(b) are the use of “ga” and “sami”. Compared to the Yoruba word “ri” which
means seeing while in Hausa “ga” equals the same meaning. Typical Hausa
discourse does not refer time like that unless if the refernce is to a watch. .
To further butress the claim of intrusion the following
example 15(a-c) could be studied below:
Example 15. a. Ya sa adda, ya sare mata ciki (Yoruba
intrusion).
b. Ya sa adda ya farke mata ciki (Hausa).
c. O fi ada sa ni ikun (Yoruba)
If we carefully examine above sentences(15a-c) we will find
out that in Hausa language a stomach is not being “cut” (sare) but but rather
“rip upon” (farke). Therefore, in Hausa sentence 15(b) is more appropriate than
15(a). But in Yoruba, the word “sare” is used, that is why the word is used in
the language as in 15(c). A sentence like 15(a) arises as a result of the
influence of Yoruba language on Hausa.
Further more, example 16(a-c) will also testify to the
influence of Yoruba on Hausa spoken in Shagamu.
Example 16. a. Ya xauki duk wannan ragon (Yoruba intrusion).
b. Ya xauki wannan ragon (Hausa).
c. O gbe gbogbo agbo na lo (Yoruba).
The linguistic difference which occurs in sentence 16(a-c)
was as a result of the usage of “duk” meaning all. If we examine the sentence
8(a), it is a direct translation of the Yoruba version, as in 16(c) which is
not the normal Hausa way of producing such a sentence. The word “gbogbo” is
equally inserted in the Hausa sentence, something which renders the sentence
ungrammatical and abnormal in everyday Hausa discourse.
Example 17. a. Abin da yake lalace kwano (Yoruba intrusion).
b. Abin da yake vata kwano (Hausa).
c. Ohun ti n ba panu je (Yoruba).
Sentences 17(a-c) above also contains such an influence of
Yoruba on Hausa language. Hausa sentence 17(a) is ungrammatical as the word
“lalace” should either be “lalata” or “vata”, but the usage of “lalace” happens
as a result of direct influence of a host community on the guests.
So, also example 18(a-c) below have the traces of intrusion.
Example 18. a. Gobe da sassafe, ya kai fadar sarki (Yoruba
intrusion)
b. Washegari da sassafe, ya kai fadar sarki (Hausa).
c. Ni ola laro kutukutu lo ba gbe lo afin oba (Yoruba)
Sentences 18(a-c) have two Hausa words “gobe” and
“washegari”. These words could be used interchangeably defending upon the
context. But, their semantic undertone is entirely different. Thus, “gobe da
sassafe” is entirely telling an action that will happen tomorrow, (future) while
“washegari comes normally in a narrative pattern or mood.
In Hausa language the words “gobe and sassafe” could
comfortably be compared in action with “washegari and sassafe”. Similar
examples exists in Yoruba as in the words below
Example 19. a. Ola: tomorrow (gobe)
b. Nijo keji: tomorrow “washegari”
Hausa speakers in Sabo Shagamu prefer to use ‘gobe da safe’
even in narrative discourse instead of ‘washegari da safe’. May be the
main reason is the archaic nature of the word washegari”.
Sentences 20(a-c) below are typical examples of the
interference of Yoruba semantics on the Hausa speakers in Sabo Shagamu. The two
words “maikuxi” and “mai arziki” both denotes a wealthy individual in their
superficial surface meaning. However, their appropriate usage as to capture the
semantic meaning of the utterances in a context differs significantly. This is
clearly what is seen in the rendition of 20 (c) into 20(a), and the most
appropriate is 20(b).
Example 20. a. Alade maikuxi, kunkuru shi kuma talaka ne
(Yoruba intrusion)
b. Alade mai arziki ne, kunkuru shi kuma talaka ne (Hausa)
c. Elede olowo ni, ijapa sije alaini (Yoruba)
The Yoruba word ‘olowo’ could be rendered into Hausa
as “maikuxi” instead of “mai arziki”. Thus, 20(a) is prefered than 20(b).
If we further look into examples 21(a-c) we can glaringly see
the Yoruba semantic interference in Hausa as spoken by residents of Sabo
Shagamu.
Example 21. a. To, yana dawowa ga kunkuru zai fito, ga alade
shigowa (Yoruba intrusion).
b. Lokacin da alade ya
dawo, sai ya haxu da kunkuru zai fita (Hausa).
c. Nigba ti elede n pada bo ni ijapa n jade (Yoruba)
Furthermore, sentences 21a-c are completely direct
translation of the Yoruba language which does not rhyme or fits well to the
grammatical constructions of Hausa language. Sentence 21(a) is a direct
translation from Yoruba to Hausa. A clear interference triggered sentence 21(c)
and 21(a) respectively. Both are ungrammatical. However, 21(b) is a grammatical
Hausa renditon of the sentence as is normally spoken.
A more interesting linguistic difference between Hausa and
Yoruba is the application of gender and number is found in sentences 22(a-c).
The word “mitin” is qualified by a feminine gender of “wata” as against the
real Hausa masculine gender of ‘wani’ which seems more appropriate in the
context. Equally “sarkin tsuntsaye suna son” instead of ‘sarkin tsuntsaye yana
son”, here number of association does not tally well in Hausa. Both number and
gender are all grammatical units and all the time are explicit in Hausa.
Example 22. a. Sarkin tsuntsaye suna son su yi wata mitin
(Yoruba intrusion)
b. Sarkin tsuntsaye yana son ya yi wani mitin (Hausa)
c. Oba eye fe se ipade pelu owon eye toko (Yoruba)
Still, examples 23 (a-c) below shows how linguistic
interference occurs between Yoruba and Sabo Shagamu Hausa. The sentences denote
a direct translation of the Yoruba sentence without reference or recur to the
context. Sentences 23(a) and 23(c) are just the same but, 23(b) looks more
grammatical in the real sense of Hausa sentence formation
Example 23. a. Ya kulle cikin gidan (Yoruba intrusion).
b. Ya kulle gidan
(Hausa).
c. O tilekun inu ile (Yoruba).
Sentence 23(a) is direct translation of 23(c), because in
Yoruba “inu” means inside the house. Hence the reference of the active word of
locking cover the inner house generally.
1.8 Conclusion
Conclusively, from above examples (1-23) we can deduce that
the social contact of Hausa people as settlers in Shagamu has triggered certain
selection, adoption and usage of various Yoruba words, sentence or even at a
more higher level meanings of certain expressions. Shagamu Hausa as spoken is
now a distinct
dialect of the language outside the Hausaland. The trifod
processes of selection, adoption and use of yoruba expressions could not be
without any valid reason. Mostly for simplicity and easiness of communication
with the native speakers, Hausa L1 speakers resident in Shagamu tend to enrich
their vocabulary with the borrowings or intrusion. It has been a known fact in
sociolinguistics that, whenever two distinct language speakers intercat there
would be a social and linguistic reaction.
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