Cite this article as: Yusuf, S. A., & Muhammad-Gombe, U. (2026). The realisations of English vowels by native speakers of Kanuri and Ngizim languages: Implication for EFL pronunciation. Sokoto Journal of Linguistics and Communication Studies (SOJOLICS), 2(1), 535-548. https://doi.org/10.36349/sojolics.2026.v02i01.044
By
SalisuAlhaji Yusuf
Department
of Linguistics& African Languages
University
of Abuja, Nigeria
+2348066124911
&
Umar Muhammad-Gombe, PhD
Department
of English& Literary Studies, Yobe State University
Damaturu,
Nigeria
Abstract
This study examines the realisation
of English vowel sounds by native speakers of Kanuri and Ngizim, with emphasis
on short and long monophthongs and selected diphthongs. Data were collected
from fifteen native speakers of Kanuri in Bama, Borno State, and another set of
fifteen native speakers of Ngizim in Potiskum, Yobe State,through controlled
speech tasks involving wordlists and reading passages. The respondents’
pronunciations were analysed in comparison with Received Pronunciation (RP).
The findings show systematic vowel substitutions in both varieties, largely
influenced by first language phonological structure and English orthography.
The English KIT vowel /ɪ/ was realised as [iː], [e], and [ə] in Kanuri-English,
while Ngizim speakers produced mainly [iː] and [e]. Respondents from both
groups showed difficulty indistinguishing vowel length contrasts, frequently
shortening long vowels such as /iː/ to [i]. The schwa /ə/ was highly variable,
with Kanuri speakers producing [ɔ], [e], [a], [aː], and [u], and Ngizim
speakers producing [e], [a], [aː], [ɔ], and [u], often depending on spelling.
The STRUT vowel /ʌ/ was consistently realised as [ɔ] in both varieties. Long
vowels such as /ɜː/ and /ɔː/ were also replaced with more familiar vowel
qualities, while /uː/ was frequently shortened. Diphthongs were identified as
the most problematic category, with both groups reducing /eɪ/ and /əʊ/ to
monophthongs, particularly in Ngizim-English where diphthong inventory is
limited. Overall, the study demonstrates that vowel deviations in Kanuri and
Ngizim English are shaped by phonological transfer, vowel length neutralisation
and orthographic influence.
Keywords: Kanuri, Ngizim, L1 influence,
Spelling influence, L2 learning, Vowels
1.0 Introduction
The study of second-language (L2)
vowel production has long been a central concern in applied linguistics,
phonetics and sociophonetics, particularly in multilingual contexts where
first-language (L1) phonological systems influence L2 acquisition. English,
with its large and phonetically complex vowel system comprising up to twenty
vowel phonemes—including monophthongs, diphthongs and contrastive vowel length
(Roach, 2003)—presents significant challenges for speakers of languages with
smaller vowel inventories. Among such languages are KanuriandNgizim, both spoken in northeastern
Nigeria. Kanuri is characterised by a six-vowel system (/i, e, a, u, o, ə/)
with limited contrastive length in everyday speech (Bulakarima&Shettima,
2012), whereas Ngizim exhibits ten vowel phonemes, including four short, four
long and two diphthongal vowels, with length contrasts playing a phonemic role
(Schuh, 1981). Unlike the English vowel system, most Nigerian languages have
seven vowels or even fewer vowels (Adewole 2016). Prior research indicates that
speakers of languages with smaller vowel inventories tend to substitute or
merge L2 vowel contrasts based on the closest L1 equivalents, resulting in
systematic deviations in vowel quality, length and diphthong realisation
(Flege, 1995). While a considerable body of work exists on English vowel
acquisition by speakers of major African languages such as Yoruba and Hausa,
there is limited empirical evidence
on the production of English vowels by Kanuri and Ngizim speakers.
This gap is particularly significant in forensic linguistics, sociophonetics
and ESL pedagogy, where accurate vowel production has implications for
intelligibility, accent analysis and language teaching.
The present study seeks to address
this gap by providing a comparative analysis of English vowel production by native
speakers of Kanuri and Ngizim, with
particular attention to L1 transfer effects, vowel length and diphthong
articulation. The study investigates how the size and structure of L1 vowel inventoriesinfluence
L2 English vowel realisation, contributing to broader theories of
cross-linguistic influence and L2 phonological acquisition.The inconsistency
between English phonemic representations and orthographic forms presents a
significant challenge for second language (L2) learners, particularly those
whose first languages have highly transparent or phonemic orthographies, such
as Kanuri and Ngizim. Unlike languages with relatively consistent
grapheme–phoneme correspondence, English orthography is characterised by
considerable irregularity, where identical graphemes may represent multiple
sounds and identical sounds may be represented by different graphemes (Cook,
2004; Crystal, 2003). For learners from phonemically transparent language
backgrounds, this mismatch can lead to orthography-driven pronunciation
strategies, whereby written forms are interpreted through L1 sound–symbol
expectations. Such reliance on grapheme-based decoding often results in
systematic mispronunciations, especially in vowel production (Kenworthy, 1987).
The relationship between sound and
spelling has long been debated in second language pronunciation research. Some
scholars argue that English orthography demonstrates greater regularity than is
commonly assumed and that grapheme–phoneme correspondences can assist learners
in predicting pronunciation. For example, Lado (1982) maintains that systematic
spelling patterns may facilitate phonological learning, while Oswalt (1973)
suggests that the phonemic value of graphemes is often predictable from their phonological
environment. From this perspective, written input can enhance learners’
awareness of sound–symbol relationships and support pronunciation development.
Brown (1987) further emphasises that learners must develop the ability to
interpret orthographic patterns in order to anticipate correct sound
production.
1.1. The Vowel Systems of English
English has a rich vowel inventory comprising up to twenty vowel
phonemes, as summarised in Table 1 (Roach, 2003). The system includes monophthongs,
both short (/ɪ, e, æ, ʌ, ə, ɒ, ʊ/) and long (/iː, uː, ɑː, ɔː, ɜː/), alongside eight diphthongs (/eɪ, aɪ, ɔɪ, aʊ, əʊ, ɪə, eə, ʊə/).
1.1.1. The
English pure vowel system (monophthongs)
The English pure vowel system contains twelve monophthongs,
comprising seven short vowels /ɪ,
e, æ, ʌ, ə ɒ, ʊ/ and five long vowels
/iː, uː, ɑː, ɔː, ɜː/ (Gimson,1962).
1.1.2. The English diphthongs
There are diphthong sounds in English /eɪ,
aɪ, ɔɪ, aʊ, əʊ, ɪə, eə, ʊə/ (Roach, 2009).
Table 1.
Summary of the English vowels
|
Short monophthongs |
æ ʊ ə ɪ ʌ ɒ e |
|
Long monophthongs |
ɪ: ɑ: ɜ: ʊ: ɒ: |
|
Diphthongs |
ɪə eə ʊə eɪ aɪ ɒɪ aʊəʊ |
1.2. The Kanuri Vowel
System
1.2.1. The Kanuri pure vowel
system
Kanuri contains a set of six vowel
phonemes: /i, e, ə, a, u, o/ (Bulakarima&Shettima, 2012), but the
languagedoes not contrast vowel length in normal speech. However, early studies
(Cyffer& Hutchison, 1979) describe Kanuri as having a set of six short
vowels /i, e, a, u, o, ə/, with no contrastive long vowels. Jarrett (1978)
argued that Kanuri historically operated with two parallel series of short and
long vowels (e.g., /i ~ ii, e ~ ee, a ~ aa, u ~ uu, o ~ oo/), although this
distinction has been lost in modern spoken usage. More recent descriptions such
as (Bulakarima&Shettima, 2012) confirm that vowel length is no longer
phonemically contrastive in everyday speech. Long vowels and diphthongs remain prosodically significant in poetic registers, idiophonesand
Arabic loanwords, often marked
by the semi-vowels ʾalif, wāw, and yāʾ (Modu, 2012). This indicates that while Kanuri exhibits a smaller inventory in normal speech,
vowel length and diphthongs are preserved in specialised contexts.
1.2.2. The Kanuri diphthongs
Kanuri researchers such as
Cyffer& Hutchison (1979)had argued that there are no diphthongs in Kanuri,
and the combination of two vowels in some Kanuri words is a result of
intervocalic consonant elision in the language. However, recently, poetic
traditions showed that long vowels and diphthongs remain active in Kanuri. Modu
(2012) demonstrates that vowels are lengthened in rhyme positions, especially
line-final open syllables, and Arabic loanwords introduce systematic
lengthening through the semi-vowels ʾalif, wāw, and yāʾ. Diphthongs also appear
in recitation through syllable reduction, idiophones and umlaut (Guda).
Thus, while everyday Kanuri is best described with short monophthongs, the
poetic register preserves long and diphthongal vowels as prosodically
significant features.
1.3. The Ngizim Vowel
System
According to Schuh (1981), Ngizim
has ten vowel phonemes, consisting of eight monophthongs and two diphthongs, as
shown in Table 2. The monophthongs are further categorised into four short
vowels (/a, i, o, u/) and four long vowels (/aa, ii, ee, uu/). Long and short
vowels are contrastive in all positions, as illustrated by kaawa
‘playing’ versus kawa ‘fondness’ and adan ‘crying’ versus aadan
‘south’. Schuh (1979) earlier identified the two diphthongs /ai/ and /au/ in
Ngizim. Long vowels in Ngizim have
positional constraints: /ii/ and /uu/ occur only in medial positions, /aa/ is
rare in final position, and long vowels do not occur in closed syllables, with
a few exceptions such as kaaktulu ‘measure’ (Schuh 1978a: 255). With the
exception of two words beginning in long /ii/, long /ii/ and /uu/ are found
only in medial position. Neither occurs in word-final position, and long /aa/
is also rare in this position (Schuh 1978a, p. 255).Ngizim’s two diphthongs,
/ai/ and /au/, involve a glide from one vowel quality to another, and are
limited in number (Lawani, 2009).
Table 2. The Ngizim vowels
|
Ngizimmonophthongs (short vowel) |
/a, i, o, u/ (Schuh, 1981) |
|
Ngizimmonophthongs (long vowels) |
/ii, ee, aa, uu/ (Schuh, 1981) |
|
Ngizim diphthongs |
/ai, au/ (Schuh, 1981) |
1.4. Comparison
of English, Kanuri and Ngizim Vowels
Vowel
systems in languages vary widely in terms of inventory size, vowel length
contrast anddiphthong presence. English, Kanuri and Ngizim exhibit significant
differences in these aspects, reflecting typological variation between a
European language and West African languages. While English possesses a large
and phonetically complex vowel inventory, Ngizim and Kanuri have smaller
inventories, with Kanuri notably lacking contrastive vowel length in modern
speech. Unlike Ngizim, English long vowels have fewer positional restrictions,
and diphthongs are abundant, contributing to its phonetic complexity. A cross-linguistic
comparison reveals marked differences in vowel inventory size,
diphthongpresence and vowel length contrast, as summarised in Table 3.
Table
3. Comparative table of vowel inventory of English, Kanuri and Ngizim languages
|
Feature |
English |
Kanuri |
Ngizim |
|
Number of vowel
phonemes |
20 |
6 |
10 |
|
Monophthongs |
12 |
6 |
8 |
|
Diphthongs |
8 |
Limited; poetic/loanwords |
2 (/ai, au/) |
|
Vowel length
contrast |
Yes |
No (except poetic/loanwords) |
Yes |
|
Short vowels |
/ɪ, e, æ, ʌ, ə ɒ, ʊ/ |
/i, e, a, u, o, ə/ |
/a, i, o, u/ |
|
Long vowels |
/iː, uː, ɑː, ɔː, ɜː/ |
Mostly lost in modern speech |
/aa, ii, ee, uu/ |
|
Positional
constraints |
Few |
Not contrastive |
Long vowels restricted to medial/open
syllables |
|
Diphthong quality |
/eɪ, aɪ, ɔɪ,
aʊ, əʊ, ɪə, eə,ʊə/ |
Limited to poetry |
/ai, au/ only |
1.5. Research Questions
The
research is guided by the following three questions: (i) do native Kanuri and
Ngizim speakers realize Englishmonophthong vowels in terms of vowel
quality and length? (ii) How do native Kanuri and Ngizim speakers produce
English diphthongs, and what patterns of L1 transfer are observable?(iii)To what extent do the differences
in L1 vowel inventories (Kanuri vs. Ngizim) affect the accuracy of English
vowel production among speakers of these languages?
2. Theoretical
framework/model of approach
This study is anchored in Flege's
Speech Learning Model (SLM) (Flege, 1995; Flege& Bohn, 2021) and Best's
Perceptual Assimilation Model (PAM) (Best, 1995; Best & Tyler, 2007). These
complementary models provide a robust framework for explaining how native
speakers of Kanuri and Ngizim perceive and realise English vowel sounds.Flege's
Speech Learning Model (SLM) proposes that second-language (L2) speech sounds
are interpreted through the phonological categories of the learner's first
language (L1). According to the model, learners compare incoming L2 sounds with
existing L1 categories and may assimilate unfamiliar sounds to the closest
native equivalent. When an L2 vowel is perceived as sufficiently similar to an
L1 vowel, learners are less likely to establish a new phonetic category, and
instead produce the L2 sound using the articulatory properties of the existing
L1 category. This process often results in vowel substitution, merger or
approximation. Conversely, L2 sounds that are perceived as significantly
different from any L1 category are more likely to be acquired as new phonetic
categories and produced more accurately (Flege, 1995; Flege& Bohn, 2021).
Complementing SLM, Best's Perceptual
Assimilation Model emphasises the perceptual dimension of second-language
speech learning. PAM argues that listeners perceive unfamiliar L2 sounds by
assimilating them to the closest native-language categories. The model predicts
that the degree of difficulty in distinguishing and producing L2 sounds depends
on how they are mapped onto L1 phonological categories. Where two English
vowels are assimilated to a single Kanuri or Ngizim vowel category, learners
are likely to have difficulty distinguishing and accurately producing the
contrast. In contrast, English vowels that are perceived as distinct from
existing L1 categories are expected to be more readily differentiated and
acquired (Best, 1995; Best & Tyler, 2007).
The combined application of SLM and
PAM is particularly relevant to the present study because English possesses a
considerably larger and more complex vowel inventory than either Kanuri or
Ngizim. English contrasts involving tense and lax vowels, central vowels and
several diphthongs have no direct equivalents in the vowel systems of Kanuri
and Ngizim. Consequently, speakers of these languages may perceive and realise
such vowels through the filter of their native phonological systems. Similar
English vowels may be merged into a single L1 category, while unfamiliar vowels
may be replaced by the nearest available native vowel. The integration of SLM
and PAM therefore provides a comprehensive framework for analysing the
production of English vowels by Kanuri and Ngizim speakers. The models enable
the study to explain systematic patterns of vowel substitution, approximation
and transfer, as well as differences in pronunciation accuracy arising from the
structural relationship between the English, Kanuri and Ngizim vowel systems.
3. Methodology
The study adopted a descriptive
phonological approach to examine the production of English vowels by native
speakers of Kanuri and Ngizim. Data were collectedfrom fifteen native speakers
of Kanuri in Bama, Borno State, and another set of fifteen native speakers of
Ngizim in Potiskum, Yobe State,through controlled pronunciation tasks
consisting of a wordlist and reading materials designed to contain key English
monophthongs and diphthongs. Participants were asked to pronounce the selected
lexical items, and their vowel realisations were recorded and transcribed using
the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA). The recorded forms were then
compared with Received Pronunciation (RP) targets in order to identify
systematic deviations, substitution patterns and phonological processes influenced
by first language vowel inventories. Quantitative frequency counts were also
used to determine the most dominant realisations across speakers and vowel
categories.
3.1. Research
Design
This study employs a comparative
cross-sectional design to investigate English vowel production among native
speakers of Kanuri and Ngizim. The design allows for the systematic comparison
of vowel realisations between the two L1 groups and with Standard English
norms. Aphonetic-contrastive
approachis adopted, focusing onmonophthongs,diphthongs and vowel length,
to identify patterns of L1 transfer, substitution or merging.
3.2. Participants
The study involved 30 adult participants, aged 18–35, equally
divided between the two language groups: 15 Kanuri speakers
(8 males, 7 females) and 15 Ngizim speakers
(7 males, 8 females). All participants met the following inclusion criteria:
(1) Native speaker of
Kanuri and Ngizim, with L1 exposure from birth (2) Intermediate proficiency in English
(verified via school or university transcripts) (3) No reported speech or hearingimpairments.
Participants were recruited from secondary schools and tertiaryinstitutionsin
Borno and Yobe States, northeastern Nigeria, ensuring comparable
sociolinguistic backgrounds.
3.3. Materials
The following materials were used:
Fourty English words representing all majormonophthongs
(short and long) and all eight Standard English
diphthongs (Roach, 2003). Words were selected to cover varied syllable structures and
minimise lexical bias. Participants read the word list aloud from a printed
sheet in a quiet environment.
3.4.
Recording Equipment
Audio was recorded using a high-quality digital recorder
(44.1 kHz sampling rate, 16-bit resolution) with an external microphone to
ensure clarity of vowel articulation.
4. Results
4.1. The realisation of
English short monophthongs by native speakers of Kanuri and Ngizim
4.1.1 The English KIT vowel
This vowel is realised as three
varied sounds in Kanuri-English: [i:], [e] and [ə]. The second and third
realisations are influenced by the spelling of English words containing vowel
letter <e>. Whereas Ngizim native speakers have only two realisations
[i:] and [e] for the English vowel phoneme, with the first realisation being
more prominent, as shown in Table 4. The majority of the Ngizim respondents
pronounced /ii/ as /i/ in the word seat or /i/ with /ii/ in the word example,
and /i/ instead of /ii/ in the word people. From the above statement, it shows
that the majority of the respondents could not differentiate between the long
and short monophthongs, e.g., seat /si:t/ as sit /sit/, shirt /ʃɜ:t/ as /ʃet/
etc.
Table 4.
The Realisation of KIT Vowel
|
Phoneme |
Kanuri realisation |
Examples |
Number of attempts/ % of
realisation |
|
/i/ |
[i] |
|
100% |
|
|
[e] |
college [kɔledʒ] |
100% |
|
|
[ə] |
citizen [sɪtɪzən] |
100% |
|
|
Ngizim realisation |
|
|
|
|
[i] |
did [did] |
100% |
|
|
[e] |
started [statet] |
100% |
4.1.2. TheEnglish SCHWA
This vowel is variably realised by
the native speakers of Kanuri and Ngizim languages, some of the realisations
were dependent on the spelling of English words, as shown in Table 5. The realisations
are heavily dependent on the spelling of the affected words. The SCHWA vowel is
variably represented in the orthography by more than five graphemes or letters
of the English alphabet, and each of them is likely to influence the
articulation of the vowel, providing strong evidence of spelling interference.
Table 5.
The Realisation of SCHWA Vowel
|
Phoneme |
Kanuri realisation |
Examples |
No. of attempts/ % of realisation |
|
/ə/ |
[ͻ] |
nation [neɪʃɔn] |
100% |
|
|
[e] |
development [debelɔpment]
|
100% |
|
|
[a] |
critical [krɪtɪkal] |
100% |
|
|
[a:] |
dollars [dɒlɑ:s] |
|
|
|
[u] |
people [pɪpul] sustain [sustain] |
|
|
|
Ngizim realisation |
|
|
|
|
[e] |
Competition [kᴐmpetiʃan] |
(49/60) 82%
|
|
|
[a] |
heart [hat] |
(51/60) 85% |
|
|
[a:] |
perhaps [pa:haps] |
(31/60) 53% |
|
|
[ͻ] |
polite [pͻlait] police [pͻlis] |
60/60) 100% (60/60) 100% |
|
|
[u] |
saturday [satude] |
(58/60) 99% |
4.1.3. TheEnglish STRUT
This vowel is invariably realised as
[ͻ] by both native speakers of Kanuri and Ngizim, as evident in Table 6.
Table 6. The Realisation of STRUT
Vowel
|
Phoneme |
Kanuri realisation |
Examples |
No. of attempts/ % of realisation |
|
/ʌ/ |
[ͻ] |
but [bɔt] |
100% |
|
|
Ngizim realisation |
|
|
|
|
[ͻ] |
must [mͻs] monday [mͻnde] |
(58/60) 96% (52/60) 87% |
4.2. The realisation of
the English long monophthongs by Kanuri and Ngizim speakers
4.2.1. The English FLEECE
Thisvowel
is shortened and realised as [i] in both Kanuri- and Ngizim-English varieties,
as shown in Table 7.
Table 7.
The Realisation of FLEECE vowel
|
Phoneme |
Kanuri realisation |
Examples |
No. of attempts/ % of realisation |
|
/i:/ |
[i] |
seat [sit] |
100% |
|
|
Ngizim realisation |
|
|
|
|
[i] |
seat [sit] week [wik] |
(56/60) 93.3% (44/60) 73.3% |
4.2.2. The English NURSE
This vowel is realised in three
varied forms by the native speakers of Kanuri. For Ngizim, the vowel is
realised in two forms. Each ofthe realisationsis based on the spelling
differences, as shown in Table 8.
Table 8.
The Realisation of NURSE Vowel
|
Phoneme |
Kanuri realisation |
Examples |
No. of attempts/ % of realisation |
|
|
[ͻ] |
working [wͻkin] |
100% |
|
|
[e] |
first [fest] |
100% |
|
|
[a] |
surge [sadʒ] |
100% |
|
|
Ngizim realisation |
|
|
|
|
[ͻ] |
church [ʧͻʧ] |
(55/60) 91% |
|
|
[e] |
girl [gel] first [fest] |
(55/60) 91% (54/60) 90% |
4.2.3. The English GOOSE and THOUGHT
Thesevowels
are invariably shortened as [ͻ] and [u] in both Kanuri and Ngizim English
varieties, as evident in Table 9.
Table 9. The Realisation of GOOSE and THOUGHT Vowels
|
Phoneme |
Kanuri realisation |
Examples |
No. of attempts/ % of realisation |
|
/ʊ:/ |
[u] |
lose [lus] |
100% |
|
|
Ngizim realisation |
|
|
|
|
[u] |
move [mub] |
100% |
|
|
Kanuri realisation |
|
|
|
/ͻ:/ |
[ͻ] |
door [dͻ] |
|
|
|
Ngizim realisation |
|
|
|
|
[ͻ] |
ball [bͻl] |
63% |
4.3. The realisation of
the English diphthongs by native speakers of Kanuri and Ngizim
4.3.1. Diphthongs
This is the most problematic area
for most Chadic languages, including Ngizim speaking Englishlearners. Most of
the diphthong sounds could not be formed in Ngizim because only two diphthongs
were identified in the language. Diphthong sounds are clearly identified in the
dictionary of Ngizim published by Schuh, (1979), where Ngizim diphthong sounds
were clearly stated. The majority of the respondents pronounced /eɪ/ as /e/ in
the word ‘‘late /leɪt/’’ which was realised as [let]; ‘‘main’’ /meɪn/ as [mein]
and ‘‘gate’’ /geɪt/ as [geɪt], respectively. The[let] realisation results in
another independent word ‘let’ /let/ in English. Similarly, the realisations of
the words ‘‘main’’ as [men] and ‘‘gate’’ as [get] equal to the native English
realisations of other two independent English words: ‘‘get and men’’.
4.1.7. The English FACE
vowel
The FACE
vowel has two realisations in Kanuri-English, while Ngizim maintains only one
realisation, as indicated in Table 10 below.
Table 10. The Realisation of FACE Vowel
|
Phoneme |
Kanuri realisation |
Examples |
No. of attempts/ % of realisation |
|
/ei/ |
[e] |
name [nem] |
100% |
|
|
[e:] |
eight [e:t] |
100% |
|
|
Ngizim realisation |
|
|
|
|
[e] |
eight [et] main [men] |
(60/60) 100% (51/60) 85% |
4.1.8. The English GOAT
vowel
This vowel
is variably realised in two forms in Kanuri andNgizim, as evident in Table 11. It
is mispronounced in the word “go’’ /gəu/ and “load’’ /ləud/as [ͻ] and [ͻ:],
respectively, by most of theNgizim native speakers.
Table 11. The Realisation of GOAT vowel
|
Phoneme |
Kanuri realisation |
Examples |
No. of attempts/ % of realisation |
|
/əu/ |
[ͻ] |
home[hͻm] |
(17/17) 100% |
|
|
[ͻ:] |
loan [lͻ:n] |
(2/17) 12% |
|
|
Ngizim realisation |
|
|
|
|
[ͻ] |
go [gͻ] |
(60/60) 100% |
|
|
[ͻ:] |
load [lͻ:d] |
(49/60) 82% |
5. Discussion
The study examined the production of
English monophthongs and a few diphthongs by native speakers of Kanuri and
Ngizim, with particular attention to vowel quality, vowel length, and the
influence of first language (L1) vowel inventories on second language (L2)
pronunciation. The findings reveal systematic patterns of vowel substitution,
shortening and diphthong reduction across both groups, confirming that L1
phonological structure and English orthographic interference plays a major role
in shaping English vowel production.
5.1 Realisation of English monophthongs
In response to the first research
question, the results show that both Kanuri and Ngizimspeakers demonstrate
noticeable deviations in the production of English monophthongs.This is
particularly truein the areas of vowel quality and vowel length. A major
pattern observed is the frequent failure to maintain the long–short vowel
contrast in English. For example, the English FLEECE vowel /iː/ was commonly
realised as [i] by both groups, and Ngizim respondents often pronounced long
vowels such as /iː/ in ‘seat’as [i], producing sit
instead of seat. This confirms that vowel length
contrast in English poses a major challenge, even for speakers whose L1
contains long vowels. The GOOSE vowel /uː/ and the THOUGHT vowel /ɔː/ were also
shortened, reflecting the tendency of both speaker groups to reduce long vowels
to short equivalents.
Ngizim speakers showed relatively
greater consistency in their vowel productions compared to Kanuri speakers,
particularly in havingtheir fewer realisation variants for certain vowels. For
instance, the KIT vowel showed three different realisations in Kanuri-English
[i:], [e], [ə], while Ngizim speakers mainly produced two: [i] and [e]. This
indicates that Kanuri speakers exhibit greater variability and greater
susceptibility to orthographic influence. Although Ngizim speakers displayed
greater stability in vowel quality, both groups still struggled considerably
with English length distinctions, suggesting that the presence of vowel length
in Ngizim does not automatically guarantee accurate transfer to English
phonological contrasts.
The SCHWA vowel /ə/ emerged as
another problematic area, as it was realised variably in both groups and often
replaced with full vowels such as [a], [e], [ɔ], or [u]. These substitutions
appear to reflect the absence of a central reduced vowel system in the
speakers’ L1 phonologies and also show the strong effect of English spelling on
pronunciation. This supports the view that reduced vowels in English are
difficult for learners whose L1 vowel systems lack schwa-like reduction
patterns. The STRUT vowel /ʌ/ was consistently realised as [ɔ] by both Kanuri
and Ngizim speakers (e.g., but → [bɔt]), confirming strong L1
transfer effects, as both languages favour back rounded vowel qualities rather
than the mid-central English STRUT target vowel.
5.2 Realisation of English diphthongs
Regarding the second research
question, the findings demonstrate that diphthongs constitute one of the most
challenging areas of English vowel production for both Kanuri and Ngizim
speakers. Across the data, English diphthongs were frequently reduced to
monophthongs or replaced with shorter vowel sequences. For example, the FACE
diphthong /eɪ/ was commonly realised as [e] in both groups. This reduction not
only affects pronunciation accuracy but may also lead to lexical ambiguity
because the resulting outputs resemble other English words. Similarly, the GOAT
diphthong /əʊ/ which was regularly realised as [ɔ] or [ɔː] indicates a
systematic preference for back rounded vowels and reflect the limited diphthong
inventory available in both languages.Furthermore, diphthong simplification
appears to be influenced by the phonological constraints of the L1 as well as
the learners’ tendency to map English vowel sequences onto the closest
available vowel categories in their native phonological systems. The evidence
suggests that speakers employ a consistent strategy of monophthongisation,
especially when the English diphthong does not correspond to any familiar L1
diphthong pattern.
5.3 Effect of L1 vowel inventory differences
and accuracy
In addressing the third research
question, the study found that differences in vowel inventory size and
complexity between Kanuri and Ngizim do influence English vowel production,
particularly in the degree of variability and stability observed across vowel
categories. Ngizim speakers generally produced fewer alternative variants for
the same English phoneme and showed more consistent patterns of substitution.
Kanuri speakers, in contrast, demonstrated more variation, with multiple
realisations for a single English vowel phoneme (e.g., KIT and NURSE vowels),
suggesting a less stable mapping between English targets and L1 vowel
categories.The findings suggest that Ngizim speakers may benefit from a vowel
system that includes clearer length contrasts, which potentially enables more
stable categorisation of English vowels. Although Ngizim speakers displayed
comparatively greater consistency, they still exhibited major deviations from
English targets, particularly in the area of vowel length and diphthong
production. This indicates that inventory similarity alone is not sufficient;
other factors such as orthographic interference, educational exposure, and
limited contact with native-like English input may also play important roles.
In addition, the findings show that orthographic influence affects both groups
but appears stronger among Kanuri speakers, as seen in the KIT vowel and SCHWA realisations
where spelling triggered alternative vowel choices. This suggests that learners
may rely heavily on grapheme-to-phoneme mapping strategies shaped by their
prior literacy practices, which may not align with English orthographic
irregularities. Such spelling-driven pronunciation patterns may contribute to
persistent pronunciation deviations and may eventually lead to fossilised
forms, especially when learners repeatedly use these patterns in communication
without corrective feedback.
6. Conclusion
This study investigated the
realisation of English vowels by native speakers of Kanuri and Ngizim, focusing
on short monophthongs, long monophthongs and diphthongs. The findings reveal
that both groups exhibit systematic deviations from Received Pronunciation,
especially through vowel substitution, shortening of long vowels and
monophthongisation of diphthongs. Both groups demonstrated difficulty in
distinguishing between long and short vowel contrasts, resulting in frequent
shortening of long vowels. The SCHWA /ə/ was highly variable and strongly
influenced by English spelling. The STRUT vowel /ʌ/ was consistently replaced
by [ɔ] in both varieties, reflecting phonemic absence and transfer effects.
Diphthongs emerged as the most challenging category, particularly in Ngizim-English,
where diphthongs were frequently reduced to monophthongs, causing potential
semantic ambiguity and reduced intelligibility. The study concludes that the
vowel deviations found in Kanuri and Ngizim English are shaped mainly by first
language L1 transfer effects, phonological constraints and orthographic
interference. These findings highlight the need for explicit pronunciation
teaching strategies, as detailed below.
7. Implication for teaching and
recommendation
The findings of this study have
important implications for the teaching of English pronunciation among Kanuri
and Ngizim speakers, as well as for broader descriptions of Nigerian English
varieties. First, the systematic shortening of English long vowels and the
frequent neutralisation of vowel length contrasts suggest that vowel duration
is not a salient phonemic feature for many learners from these linguistic
backgrounds. This indicates that pronunciation instruction should explicitly
emphasise the functional role of vowel length in English meaning distinctions
(e.g., seat vs. sit),
using minimal pairs and auditory discrimination tasks. Second, the high
variability in the realisation of the SCHWAvowel demonstrates that learners
struggle with vowel reduction patterns, largely because reduced vowels are
inconsistently represented in English spelling.
Consequently, pedagogical approaches
should focus on stress-based pronunciation training, encouraging learners to
recognise that unstressed syllables in English often contain centralised
reduced vowels rather than full vowel qualities. Third, the consistent
substitution of central vowels such as /ʌ/ with back vowels like [ɔ] reflects
the absence of central vowel contrasts in the learners’ first languages.
Teachers should therefore incorporate articulatory explanations, including
tongue height and centrality, supported by visual vowel charts to improve
learners’ awareness of vowel space differences. For diphthongs, pronunciation
training should include step-by-step glide production exercises and
listening-based reinforcement, since diphthong reduction may lead to
unintelligibility and lexical confusion.
Overall, the study recommends
targeted pronunciation interventions that prioritise vowel length, vowel
reduction and diphthong articulation, while also addressing orthographic
interference through phonemic awareness activities. Such findings can support the
development of learner-specific pronunciation materials and improve
intelligibility-based instruction in Nigerian ESL contexts.
8. Limitation of the study
This study is limited to the
analysis of selected English monophthongs and a few diphthongs produced by a
relatively small sample of Kanuri and Ngizim speakers, and other variables such
as age, educational background, English exposure and frequency of interaction
with proficient English speakers were not systematically investigated. The
findings may therefore not represent all speakers of the two languages,
particularly across different age groups, educational levels, degree of
exposure to the language, frequency of interaction with proficient English
speakers or the full range of English vowel contrasts. In addition, the study
focused solely on production data and did not examine learners' perception of
English vowels. Future research should therefore employ larger, more, age-,
education-, and exposure-diverse samples, and incorporate both perception and
production tasks.
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