Derivational Strategies in Yorùbá Ìlọrin Place Names

Cite this article as: Kareem, F. T. (2026). Derivational strategies in Yorùbá Ìlọrin place names. Sokoto Journal of Linguistics and Communication Studies (SOJOLICS), 2(2), 135-148. https://doi.org/10.36349/sojolics.2026.v02i02.012

By

Fatai Toyin Kareem

Department of Linguistics and Nigerian Languages

Kwara State University, Malete

Kwara State, Nigeria

kareemfatai89@gmail.com

08061242208

Abstract

This research analyzes the derivational tactics adopted in the derivationosf Yorùbá Ilorin place names with a view to evaluating the morphological processes and concomitant phonological alterations that determine their structure. The research is prompted by the relative neglect of Ilorin toponyms in current studies on Yorùbá morphology and onomastics. Adopting Hockett's (1954) Item-and-Arrangement model as its theoretical framework, the research adopts a qualitative descriptive approach. Data were gathered from thirty-five indigenous place names purposively selected from seven districts within Ilorin city and augmented with information elicited via semi-structured interviews with ten native speakers of Ilorin Yorùbá. Additional data were collected from archival records and appropriate academic sources. The data were examined descriptively with focus on the segmentation of constituent morphemes and the phonological processes surrounding their formation. The data demonstrate that affixation, compounding, calquing and borrowing comprise the key derivational techniques involved in the formation of Yorùbá Ilorin place names, with compounding appearing as the most productive approach. The research further reveals that these derivational processes are accompanied by phonological phenomena such as vowel elision, assimilation, contraction, epenthesis and tone alteration. The research also indicates that extended interaction with Hausa, Arabic and English has contributed considerably to the vocabulary makeup of numerous Ilorin place names, therefore demonstrating the multilingual nature of the speech community. The research confirms that Yorùbá Ilorin place names are not random geographical identifiers but linguistically driven forms which reflect historical experiences, cultural values and contact-induced modifications. It consequently adds to the recording of Ilorin Yorùbá and enriches current studies in morphology, dialectology and African onomastics.

Keywords: Yorùbá Ilorin, place names, derivational morphology, compounding, borrowing, onomastics, Item-and-Arrangement model.

1.0 Introduction

Morphology represents one of the major disciplines of linguistics concerned with the internal structure of words and the rules guiding their formation. As a component of grammar, it analyzes the manner in which morphemes combine to generate meaningful lexical items and how theseitems undergo structural alterations in the process of lexical expansion. Crystal (2008) defines morphology as the branch of grammar that analyzes the structure of words, whereas Katamba (1993) characterizes it as the study of word structure and the arrangement of morphemic units. Similarly, Arokoyo (2017) considers morphology as the branch of linguistics concerned with words, their shapes, internal structures and the processes involved in their formation. These definitions underline the relevance of morphology in describing how languages produce and arrange lexical forms to communicate meaning.

Languages utilize numerous morphological strategies in deriving new words and extending their lexical inventory. Howard and Etienne (2007) notice that languages include distinct mechanisms for forming new words from previously existing forms. Such methods include affixation, compounding, reduplication, clipping, borrowing and calquing. In Yoruba, these mechanisms have been proven to play substantial roles in lexicon growth and vocabulary enrichment (Yusuf, 2010; Táíwò, 2011; Arokoyo, 2017). Affixation supports the formation of new lexical categories, compounding permits the mixing of lexical items into more complex forms, while borrowing offers a way by which languages assimilate foreign lexical elements. Similarly, Tinuoye (2000) cites calquing as an essential nominalisation approach in Yoruba wherein phrases and complete sentences are converted into lexical units. These morphological processes are not confined to regular lexical items alone; they are equally obvious in naming practices.

Names comprise an essential feature of human language and culture since they act as stores of historical events, social values and collective identities. Among the numerous kinds of names, place names have a distinctive position since they give information about the history, migration patterns, professions, religious beliefs and environmental experiences of a people. According to Odebode (2015), place names are linguistic resources through which communities keep memories of historical events and socio-cultural activities. Similarly, Adeleke (2023) finds that Yoruba toponyms represent the ecological experiences, customs and worldview of their speakers. Consequently, place names transcend their geographical purpose and become significant sources of linguistic and cultural information.

The link between language and culture is especially visible in Yoruba naming traditions. Yoruba names, whether personal or geographical, are seldom random; rather, they are driven by historical events, social experiences and cultural values. Studies on Yoruba morphology have proven the productivity of numerous word formation processes in the language (Yusuf, 2010; Táíwò, 2011; Arokoyo, 2017). Likewise, studies on Yoruba toponymy have demonstrated that place names typically convey migratory histories, professions, religious affiliations and environmental qualities (Ajiboye, 2016; Adeleke, 2023). Such results show that the structure of place names gives vital evidence for understanding the connection between language, culture and history.

Ilorin, the capital city of Kwara State, enjoys a unique location in the linguistic landscape of Nigeria. Historically, the city originated as a meeting place for many ethnic and linguistic groups and has maintained considerable communication with Hausa, Nupe, Fulfulde, Arabic and English-speaking people. Although Yoruba remains the major language of communication, sustained interaction among different groups has produced a multilingual environment in which language contact has exercised great impact on vocabulary development and naming customs. This linguistic predicament is mirrored in several place names found inside the city. Some of these names are fully indigenous, while others indicate indications of borrowing, compounding and other types of lexical change. Consequently, Ilorin place names offer a fertile field for exploring the functioning of morphological processes and the consequences of language interaction on naming practices.

Previous studies on Yoruba place names have tackled the issue from varied approaches. Adeleke (2023) explores Yoruba toponyms from an onomastic viewpoint and illustrates that place names maintain community memories and historical experiences. Ajiboye (2016) studies Igbomina Yoruba place names within the context of anthropological linguistics and reveals the strong link between naming practices and cultural identity. Similarly, Odebode (2015) investigates selected Nigerian place names from a sociolinguistic viewpoint and uncovers the socio-cultural factors supporting their emergence. Historical research has similarly demonstrated that place names offer crucial resource for recreating previous events and societal evolution. These studies have considerably advanced knowledge of the social and cultural characteristics of place names.

The morphological features of Yoruba place names have also gained academic study. Oladeji (2025), for instance, studies chosen Ibadan place names and indicates that affixation, compounding and phonetic changes are productive processes in their derivation. Adekunle and Ọmọniyì (2023) analyze the etymo-morphological patterns of various Yoruba place names and demonstrate that variations in pronunciation frequently conceal their original forms and meanings. Studies on borrowing in Nigerian languages have further proven that lexical items acquired from foreign languages are commonly subjected to phonological alteration in order to fit to the structural constraints of the receiving language (Olagunju, 2020). These studies give helpful insights into the mechanisms of lexical derivation and modification.

Despite these excellent contributions, contemporary study has devoted very little consideration to the derivational morphology of Yoruba Ilorin place names. Much of the past study has focused on the sociolinguistic, anthropological and historical relevance of place names, whereas works that explore morphological features have relied primarily on other Yoruba dialects, notably Ibadan Yoruba. Consequently, the derivational processes behind Ilorin place names remain little researched. Furthermore, questions pertaining to the relationship between morphology and phonology, as well as the effect of multilingual contact including Hausa, Arabic and English on the origin of Ilorin place names, have not received appropriate academic attention. Equally lacking from earlier research is the application of Hockett's (1954) Item-and-Arrangement model to the study of Ilorin toponyms.

It is against this context that the current study explores the derivational processes adopted in the construction of Yoruba Ilorin place names. Specifically, the study tries to uncover the morphological mechanisms involved in their formation and evaluate the phonological alterations accompanying these processes. Attention is dedicated to productive processes like as affixation, compounding, borrowing and calquing, as well as the morphophonemic modifications that take place in the course of word formation. By doing so, the research adds to the increasing corpus of scholarship on Yoruba morphology and onomastics and offers more data for Ilorin Yoruba within the larger context of Yoruba dialectology.

The value of this work rests in both its theoretical and practical contributions. Theoretically, the work enhances previous understanding of Yoruba morphology by illustrating how derivational strategies occur in the development of geographical names within a multilingual environment. It also gives empirical support for the Item-and-Arrangement model provided by Hockett (1954), so proving the usefulness of morphemic analysis in the study of toponyms. Practically, the results of the study contribute to the documenting and preservation of Ilorin Yoruba and give significant resources for future research in morphology, dialectology, onomastics and Nigerian languages. In addition, the research gives insights that may be valuable to linguists, historians, cultural scholars and language educators interested in the link between language, culture and identity.

2.0 Literature Review

Morphology is fundamental to linguistics because it describes how words are organized and created. Crystal (2008), Katamba (1993), and Arokoyo (2017) describe it as the study of word structure and the mechanisms driving the combination of morphemes. Languages utilize strategies such as affixation, compounding, reduplication, borrowing, clipping, and calquing to form new words (Howard & Etienne, 2007). These strategies are constructive in Yorùbá and contribute to vocabulary growth and cultural expression (Táíwò, 2011; Yusuf, 2010).

Onomastics, especially the study of place names, has received academic interest because names maintain historical events, social values, and cultural identity. Studies by Odebode (2015) and Adeleke (2023) reveal that Yorùbá place names reflect migration, occupation, environment, and community beliefs. However, these studies concentrate mostly on historical and social interpretations, with little attention to morphological structure and word-formation processes.

Ajiboye (2016) explores IgbominaYorùbá place names from an anthropological standpoint and reveals their relationship to migration and identity. Likewise, Odebode (2015) and prior historical research on Ibadan place names highlight the historical and sociolinguistic value of names. However, they do not give extensive studies of morphological makeup or derivational processes.

Morphological studies of Yorùbá toponyms are rather scarce. Oladeji (2025) detects affixation, compounding, and morphophonemic alterations in Ibadan place names, although his research pays minimal attention to borrowing and calquing and ignores Ilorin Yorùbá. Similarly, Williams (2023) and Rabiu (2024) concentrate on the socio-economic and literary purposes of place names rather than their structural formation.

Research on Ilorin Yorùbá has mostly focussed on personal names. Olawuyi, Rabiu, and Aminu (2025) demonstrate the productivity of the prefix ‘O-ní’ in surnames, whereas Adekunle and Ọmọniyì (2023) study the derivation of mispronounced place names. Although these studies disclose key linguistic aspects, they do not study the derivational morphology of Ilorin place names.

General studies of Yorùbá morphology by Yusuf (2010), Táíwò (2011), Arokoyo (2017), and Tinuoye (2000) explore processes such as compounding, affixation, borrowing, and calquing, while Olagunju (2020) underlines the significance of borrowing in vocabulary growth. However, these studies do not directly address Ilorin place names, despite the multilingual context that impacts them.

Overall, prior studies have explored place names from historical, sociolinguistic, anthropological, literary, and socio-onomastic viewpoints. Little attention has been devoted to the derivational morphology of Ilorin Yorùbá place names. Processes such as affixation, compounding, borrowing, calquing, and associated phonological alterations remain largely unrecorded. Moreover, Hockett’s (1954) Item-and-Arrangement model has not been applied to Ilorin toponyms. This work addresses these gaps by investigating the morphological and phonological processes involved in the formation of Yorùbá Ilorin place names, so adding to Yorùbá dialectology, morphology, and onomastics.

3.0 Methodology

This study uses a qualitative descriptive research approach. The choice of this technique is guided by the nature of the research, which strives to give an in-depth description and analysis of the morphological structures and phonological processes involved in the development of Yorùbá Ilorin place names. Since the study is concerned with elucidating how and why place names are derived rather than measuring their frequency of occurrence, a qualitative approach is considered the most appropriate. The subject lies under the realm of morphonomastics and focuses primarily on derivational processes like affixation, compounding, borrowing and calquing.

3.1 Sources of Data

Both primary and secondary sources of data were employed in this study. The primary data were the largest source of information and were gathered via fieldwork. A total of thirty-five (35) indigenous place names were purposively selected from seven important districts inside Ilorin city, namely Abayawo, Okelele, Gambari, Balogun Fulani, Alanamu, Ajikobi and MagajiNgeri. The selection of these place names was influenced by four criteria: indigenous origin, historical relevance, morphological complexity and frequency of use among native speakers. This approach verified that the selected names accurately reflected the linguistic and socio-cultural reality of the Ilorin speaking group.The secondary data contained pertinent published and unpublished resources on Yoruba morphology, onomastics, and Ilorin history, as well as archival records, map papers and administrative records. These documents were utilized to augment and corroborate the information gathered from oral sources.

3.2 Population and Sampling Procedure

The study employed purposive sampling in selecting informants. Ten native speakers of Ilorin Yoruba, consisting of five males and five females aged between forty and sixty years, were selected for the study. The choice of this age bracket was informed by the assumption that older members of the community possess greater knowledge of the historical and linguistic origins of place names. The informants were identified through consultations with community elders and ward heads, who recognised them as custodians of indigenous knowledge.

Selection of the participants was based on the following criteria:

1.  Indigenous status;

2.  Proficiency in Ilorin Yoruba;

3.  Age and length of residence in the community;

4.  Familiarity with the history and cultural background of the place names.

These criteria were adopted to ensure the reliability and authenticity of the data collected.

3.2.1 Instrument for Data Collection

A semi-structured interview guide served as the principal instrument for data collection. This instrument provided flexibility for probing and follow-up questions while allowing respondents to provide detailed explanations regarding the origin and meanings of the selected place names. Each interview session was recorded using a high-quality digital audio recorder to facilitate accurate transcription and analysis.

3.3 Procedure for Data Analysis

The recorded interviews were transcribed in Yorùbá and subsequently translated into English. The transcriptions and translations were coded and examined descriptively within the context of the Item-and-Arrangement model provided by Hockett (1954). The investigation focuses on finding and characterizing the derivational processes involved in the formation of Ilorin place names. Particular emphasis was made to morphological processes like prefixation, compounding, borrowing and calquing, as well as phonological phenomena including vowel elision, assimilation, contraction and tone change. Secondary documents were evaluated using content analysis in order to validate oral traditions and give historical explanations for the place names.

3.4 Validity and Reliability

To ensure the credibility and reliability of the findings, the following validation procedures were employed:

i.Triangulation: Information gathered from oral interviews was cross-checked with archival records, maps and published historical narratives connected to Ilorin.

ii.Member Checking: Summaries of the transcribed tales were offered to the informants for verification and revision if required.

iii.Peer Debriefing: The English translations and preliminary coding were examined by professionals in Yorùbá linguistics to avoid researcher bias and boost analytical accuracy.

iv.Audit Trail: Detailed records of informant selection, interview dates and analysis techniques were kept to guarantee openness and replicability of the research.

Through these techniques, the research confirmed the originality, consistency and trustworthiness of the data and conclusions.

4.0 Theoretical Framework: Item-and-Arrangement Morphology

This study employs the Item-and-Arrangement (IA) model of morphology, established within the American structuralist tradition and codified by Hockett (1954). The approach considers words as arrangements of discrete, meaningful parts called morphemes, whose combination produces the meaning of complex forms. Rooted in structuralism, the IA model believes that language expressions can be split into minimum meaning-bearing units and that morphological analysis entails finding these units and describing how they combine to produce larger structures.

The model is useful for this study since it tries to identify the derivational processes involved in the production of Yorùbá Ilorin place names and explain the links among their components. Since many Ilorin place names are generated via combinations of roots, affixes, and borrowed forms, the IA model offers a suitable framework for studying their component morphemes and semantic contributions.

Alternative frameworks were investigated. Lexeme-Based Morphology focuses on complete words rather than morphemes and is consequently less ideal for research needing morphemic breakdown. Word-and-Paradigm Morphology stresses inflectional connections and grammatical categories, which are not fundamental to Ilorin place names. Construction Morphology provides for form-meaning pairings and constructional networks, but its level of abstraction surpasses the demands of this investigation.

In contrast, the IA model gives a straightforward way to studying the morphological structure of Ilorin place names. Its assumptions match with basic word-formation processes such as affixation, compounding, borrowing, and calquing. The paradigm permits the identification of morphemes, their ordering patterns, and their contributions to meaning.

Three elements of the IA model are especially significant. The first, morphemic atomism, claims that complex shapes may be split into minimum meaning-bearing parts. The second, combinatorial operation, shows how these units are ordered according to language-specific patterns. The third, semantic transparency, accounts for the meanings generated from the combination of separate morphemes.

These concepts are visible in Ilorin place names. Affixed forms may be split into prefixes and bases, compounds into component lexical items, and borrowed forms into adapted structures. Names created by calquing or desententialisation may also be analyzed by tracing their source expressions and lexicalized forms.

The Item-and-Arrangement model is thus the most suited framework for this research since it gives a systematic technique of identifying constituent morphemes and understanding the derivational processes underpinning Ilorin place names. It also permits the research to account for the interplay of morphology and phonology in the creation of meaningful toponyms within the Ilorin speech group.

5.0 Data Presentation and Analysis

This section presents and analyses the data collected on the derivation of Yorùbá Ilorin place names. The analysis is carried out within the framework of Hockett's (1954) Item-and-Arrangement model, which views complex linguistic forms as combinations of discrete morphemes arranged according to language-specific rules. The data reveal that affixation, compounding, calquing (desententialisation), and borrowing constitute the major derivational strategies employed in the formation of Ilorin place names. In addition, the analysis demonstrates the interaction between morphology and phonology through processes such as vowel elision, assimilation, contraction, epenthesis and tone modification.

5.1 Prefixation

Prefixation is one of the productive derivational processes attested in Ilorin place names. This process involves the attachment of a prefix to a verb or verb phrase to derive a nominal expression functioning as a place name. In Ilorin Yoruba, as in Standard Yoruba, prefixes are predominantly vocalic.

Table 5.1: Prefixation in Ilorin Place Names

Prefix	Verb Phrase	Derived Form	Gloss
o-	níàpáta	alápàtà	Butcher's quarter
a-	dáIfá	adífá	Diviner's settlement
i-	kúlé mi dé	kúléndé	Death pursued me here
a-	jíkọ́ òbí	ajíkòbí	One who wakes and encounters his or her parents

The forms in Table 5.1 show that prefixes combine with verbal bases to derive nominal expressions that eventually become place names. Under the Item-and-Arrangement model, these forms can be segmented into their constituent morphemes.

For example:

Alápàtà

o- + ní + àpáta → Alápàtà

PREFIX + VERB + NOUN

The derivation is accompanied by phonological adjustments. The alveolar nasal /n/ in níchanges to the lateral /l/, while vowel deletion occurs between adjacent vowels. There is also a case of assimilation between o- and a-. Such modifications demonstrate the interaction between morphology and phonology inYorùbáÌlọrin place-name formation.

Similarly:

Kúléndé:

ikú + lé + mí + dé → Kúléndé

'death + pursue + me + come'

The bilabial nasal /m/ is assimilated to the alveolar nasal /n/, while contraction and vowel elision are evident. These processes facilitate phonological harmony and ease of pronunciation.

5.2 Compounding

Compounding constitutes another productive strategy in the formation of Yorùbá Ìlọrin place names. Two types of compounds are identified in the data: pure compounds and mixed compounds.

5.2.1 Pure Compounds

Pure compounds involve the combination of two indigenous lexical items.

Table 5.2: Pure Compounds

N1	N2	Derived Form
ojú	ẹkùn	Ojúẹkùn
òkè	ìmọ̀lẹ̀	Òkèmọ̀le
ọjà	ọba	Ọjọ̀ọba
ìdí	oṣè	Ìdí-oṣè

The examples above consist exclusively of native Yoruba morphemes. Their structures can be represented as:

Noun + Noun → Compound Place Name

For instance,

Òkèmọ̀lẹ̀

òkè + ìmọ̀le→ Òkèmọ̀le

hill + Islam

At the phonological level, the initial vowel /i/ of ìmọ̀le is deleted because of the occurrence of contiguous vowels. This process results in vowel elision. Likewise,

Ọjọọba

ọjà + ọba→ Ọjọ̀ọba

market + king

The compound denotes "the king's market" and demonstrates semantic transparency, one of the principles of the Item-and-Arrangement model.

5.2.2 Mixed Compounds

Mixed compounds consist of a native Yoruba lexical item and a borrowed lexical item.

Table 5.3: Mixed Compounds

N1	N2	Derived Form	Source Language
òkè	súnà	Òkèsúnà	Arabic
séńtà	ì̀gboro	Séńtàgboro	English + Yoruba
sábó	òkè	SábóÒkè	Hausa + Yoruba
gáràjì	Ọ̀fà	GáràjìỌ̀fà	English + Yoruba
ìta	gómà	Ìtogómà	Yoruba+Hausa

The data indicate the influence of language contact on the formation ofYorùbáÌlọrin place names.

For example:

Òkèsúnà

òkè + súnà→ Òkesúnà

‘hill + Sunnah’

Here, the second syllable of òkè undergoes tonal modification. The low tone changes to mid tone at the surface representation.

Similarly:

Ìtàgómà

ìta + gómà→ Ìtàgómà

‘outside + ten’

The example illustrates how Hausa lexical elements have become integrated into the morphological system of YorùbáÌlọrin Yoruba.The occurrence of both native and foreign morphemes confirms the multilingual nature of Ìlọrin and reflects prolonged contact with Hausa, Arabic and English.

5.3 Noun-Adjective Compounds

Another pattern identified in the data is the combination of nouns and adjectives.

Table 5.4: Noun + Adjective Compounds

Noun	Adjective	Derived Form
ọjà	tuntun	Ọjà- tuntun
ọjà	gbòòrò	Ọjà-gbòòrò
ìta	mẹ́rin	Ìta- mẹ́rin

The structure may be represented thus:

Noun + Adjective → Compound Place Name

For example:

ỌjàTuntun

ọjà + tuntun→ ỌjàTuntun

market + new

The semantic meaning of the compound is compositional and transparent, thereby conforming to the assumptions of the Item-and-Arrangement framework.

5.5 Calquing (Desententialisation)

Calquing involves the transformation of phrases or entire clauses into lexical items without overt affixation. This process is highly productive in Ilorin place names.

Table 5.5: Calquing in Ilorin Place Names

Clause	Reduced Form	Place Name
A báìyàwó	Abáyàwó	Abáyàwó
Sùúrùnièrè	Sùúrùlérè	Sùúrùlérè
Àyégbàmí	Ayégbàmí	Ayégbàmí
Ẹyẹ ń kọrin	Ẹyẹnkọrin	Ẹyẹnkọrin
Kíni à ń ko?	Kílánkọ	Kílánkọ

The data reveal that whole clauses can become lexicalized and subsequently function as place names. For example:

Abáyàwó

A + bá + ìyàwó→ Abáyàwó

‘we + meet + wife’

The derivation involves vowel deletion and contraction. Similarly,

Sùúrùlérè

Sùúrù + ni + èrè→ Sùúrùlérè

‘patience + has + reward’

The alveolar nasal /n/ is replaced by /l/, while vowel contraction also occurs.

These phonological adjustments facilitate smooth articulation and maintain the phonotactic constraints of Yoruba.

5.6 Borrowing

Borrowing represents another important strategy in the derivation of Ilorin place names. The data show that Arabic, English and Hausa loanwords have been nativized and adopted as place names.

Table 4.6: Borrowed Place Names

Source Language	Original Form	Derived Form
Arabic	Madinat	Mọ̀dínà
Arabic	Zabura	Ṣẹ̀búrà
English	General	Gẹ́nẹ́rà
English	Mandate	Máńdéètì
English	Saw-mill	Sọ́meèlì
Hausa	Sango	Sáńgò

The borrowed forms undergo phonological adaptation to conform to the syllable structure of Yorùbá Ìlọrin. For example:

Máńdéètì→ Mándéètì

Mandate

The insertion of a final vowel prevents the occurrence of a closed syllable, which is generally disallowed in Yoruba phonology. Similarly:

Sọ́mẹ́ẹ̀lì→ Sọ́mẹ́ẹ̀lì ‘Saw-mill’

Vowel epenthesis and segmental replacement occur to ensure conformity with Yoruba phonotactic rules. These adaptations illustrate the influence of phonology on borrowed lexical items.

6. Discussion of Findings

The study suggests that affixation, compounding, calquing and borrowing comprise the key derivational methods involved in the development of Yorùbá Ìlọrin place names. Among them, compounding seems to be the most productive strategy. The study further indicates that place names in Ilorin are not random labels but morphologically driven constructs whose meanings are derived from the constituent morphemes.

The data also reveal that morphology interacts strongly with phonology. Processes such as vowel elision, assimilation, contraction, tone modification and vowel epenthesis accompany the formation of place names. This verifies the interconnectedness of linguistic levels and supports Hockett's (1954) idea that complex forms consist of discrete morphemes grouped methodically.

Furthermore, the inclusion of Hausa, Arabic and English parts in numerous place names illustrates the multilingual nature of Ìlọrin and the significance of language interaction in vocabulary expansion. The findings consequently give evidence that naming practices in Ìlọrin are formed not just by indigenous Yorùbá morphological processes but also by centuries of contact with surrounding linguistic groups.

In general, the analysis demonstrates that Yrùbá Ìlọrin place names incorporate historical experiences, socio-cultural values and contact-induced linguistic innovations. Consequently, they represent an essential source of information for comprehending the relationship between morphology, phonology and onomastics in Yorùbá.

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