Cite this article as: Dikko, A. L., & Usman, M. (2026). Code-switching among Hausa-Arabic women bilinguals in Northern Nigeria. Sokoto Journal of Linguistics and Communication Studies (SOJOLICS), 2(2), 172-182. https://doi.org/10.36349/sojolics.2026.v02i02.015
By
Abdullahi Lawal Dikko,
Ph. D
Department of
Linguistics and Nigerian Languages
Nigeria Police Academy,
Wudil – Kano
08023564283
&
Muhammad Usman
Department of Arabic,
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria
09036156304
Abstract
This paper studies
code-switching (CS) among Hausa–Arabic bilingual women in Northern Nigeria and
explains how they use language mixing as a strategy to manage their social,
religious, and gender identities. The study is based on two main theories: the
Markedness Model, which explains how speakers choose languages to show status
or relationships, and Communication Accommodation Theory (CAT), which explains
how people adjust their speech to fit different social situations. The research
uses a qualitative sociolinguistic method. Data were collected through
semi-structured interviews and ethnographic observation of natural
conversations among women in cities such as; Kano and Zaria. This method helps
to understand why the women switch languages and how cultural values like Kunya
(modesty) and Mutunci (dignity) influence their speech. The findings show that
code-switching is used intentionally, not randomly. Hausa women switch between
Hausa and Arabic to show religious knowledge, gain respect, maintain professional
status, and discuss sensitive issues politely. The study also finds that women
play an important role in language development and change in their communities.
Using both older and recent studies. Thepaper concludes that code-switching
among Hausa women is not a sign of language loss. It is a thoughtful and
meaningful expression of a blended identity.
It also bridges traditional cultural values with the realities of modern life.
Keywords: Arabic, Bilingualism, Code-switching, Hausa, Identity
1.0 Introduction
The sociolinguistic
background of Hausa–Arabic bilingualism is rooted in over a millennium of
Islamic scholarship and trans-Saharan trade, which transformed Arabic into a
prestigious lingua sacrum in Northern Nigeria. This historical
contact created a functional diglossia where Arabic became the medium for
theology, law, and formal record-keeping, while Hausa remained the primary
language of daily social life. According to Philips (2000:84), the 19th-century
Sokoto Jihad further solidified this relationship, as the clerical elite used
Arabic for intellectual production while disseminating revolutionary ideas in
Hausa, establishing a “clerical bilingualism” that persists in modern Ilmi schools.
The depth of this integration is perhaps best exemplified by the development
of Ajamithe adaptation of Arabic script to write the Hausa
language-and a lexicon where approximately 20% to 30% of words are of Arabic
origin, particularly in domains of abstract thought and governance (Newman,
2000:315).
Patterns of
code-switching among women in this region are increasingly characterized by
high linguistic dexterity, serving as a tool for navigating both traditional
expectations and modern identities. Recent studies highlight a significant
gender disparity in structural preferences; for example, Almoaily (2024:592)
found that female speakers utilize intra-sentential switchingshifting languages
within a single clauseat significantly higher rates than men, often reaching
73% in academic or formal presentations. This structural complexity is
frequently driven by “rapport-talk,” where women utilize tag-switching or
inter-sentential shifts to foster camaraderie, negotiate social “face” (mutunci),
and employ politeness strategies (Kunya). As noted by Jibril (2021:78),
these shifts allow women to discuss sensitive or “taboo” subjects with a degree
of religious or clinical detachment, using the second language as a
psychological buffer to maintain social harmony.
The implications of
these bilingual practices for Hausa women extend into the realms of identity
management and social empowerment. In a society where women are often viewed as
the “guardians of heritage,” code-switching allows them to bridge the gap between
indigenous cultural loyalty and the prestige associated with Arabic or Western
education (Boko). Suleiman (2024:142) posits that women act as a
“linguistic laboratory,” where their code-switching habits drive the evolution
of hybrid linguistic varieties and ensure the continued relevance of indigenous
languages in globalized contexts. Furthermore, switching to a more academic or
religious code can serve as a form of “linguistic capital,” allowing women to
assert intellectual authority in patriarchal spaces or create exclusive,
subversive environments for dialogue and resistance (Kaur, 2023:310). Thus,
code-switching among Hausa women is not merely a linguistic byproduct but a
strategic performance of a multifaceted, hybrid identity.
2.0 Literature Review
The literature review
for women's code-switching in the Hausa–Arabic context reveals a transition
from traditional liturgical studies to modern sociolinguistic analyses that
emphasize female agency. Early research on Hausa bilingualism primarily focused
on the “top-down” influence of Arabic on Hausa grammar and the development
of Ajami script (Philips, 2000:48). However, contemporary
scholarship has shifted toward the “bottom-up” social functions of language
among women. Sani (2022) notes that in female-led religious gatherings,
code-switching serves as a tool for “liturgical empowerment,” where Arabic is
not just a borrowed lexicon but a deliberate performance of spiritual literacy
that elevates the woman’s status within the community. This suggests that for
Hausa women, the use of Arabic is a strategic navigation of religious spaces
that were historically dominated by male clerical voices.
Furthermore, recent
literature examines the structural complexity of women's speech, challenging
earlier myths that code-switching is a sign of linguistic deficiency. Almoaily
(2024:594) provides empirical evidence that women often utilize high frequencies
of intra-sentential switching-the most cognitively demanding formto signal
bilingual competence and professional identity. In the Nigerian context,
Mustapha and Abubakar (2023:114) expand on this by illustrating how younger
Hausa women incorporate English alongside Arabic and Hausa to manage a “triple
identity”: the traditional daughter, the devout Muslim, and the modern
professional. This “identity management” is a recurring theme in the
literature, where code-switching acts as the adhesive between disparate
cultural worlds.
Finally, the review of
current research highlights the critical role of cultural variables such
as Kunya (modesty) and Mutunci (dignity) in
linguistic choices. Jibril (2021:79) argues that women’s code-switching
frequently functions as a “linguistic buffer” or an avoidance strategy; by
switching to a second language (Arabic or English), women can discuss sensitive
topics like reproductive health or marital discord without violating the
cultural norms of indirectness. This indicates that the patterns observed are
not merely a result of language contact but are deeply shaped by the “gendered
social spheres” of Northern Nigeria. Scholars like Oladipo (2025:93) conclude
that this makes women the primary drivers of linguistic innovation in the
region, as they constantly adapt their speech to meet evolving social and moral
expectations.
3.0 Theoretical
Framework
In this study,
Myers-Scotton’s Markedness Model and Communication Accommodation Theory (CAT)
were applied to explain how Hausa–Arabic bilingual women strategically switch
codes to negotiate identity, social relationships, and cultural expectations.
The frameworks guided the analysis of how language choices reflect solidarity,
authority, modesty (Kunya), and dignity (Mutunci), supporting the
view that code-switching is a deliberate form of social identity negotiation
(Mustapha & Abubakar, 2023:118).
4.0 Methodology
This study adopted a
qualitative sociolinguistic design, using semi-structured interviews and
ethnographic observation of Hausa–Arabic bilingual women in Northern Nigeria.
Data from purposively selected participants across different social groups were
audio-recorded in natural settings, transcribed, and thematically analyzed
using the Markedness Model and Communication Accommodation Theory (CAT), with
strict observance of ethical standards.
5.0 Discussions and Analysis
5.1 Sociolinguistic Background of Hausa–Arabic Bilingualism
The sociolinguistic
landscape of Hausa-Arabic bilingualism is a product of over a millennium of
religious, educational, and commercial exchange. This relationship is not
merely a linguistic overlap but a deep-seated cultural synthesis where Arabic
serves as the liturgical and intellectual foundation for the Hausa-speaking
population of West Africa.
The introduction of
Arabic to the Hausa states is inextricably linked to the arrival of Islam,
traditionally dated between the 11th and 14th centuries. Arabic did not arrive
as a vernacular for daily trade alone but as the lingua sacra of
the Quran. Over centuries, this created a diglossic situation where Arabic was
reserved for high-status functions-law, theology, and formal
record-keeping-while Hausa remained the language of the hearth and marketplace.
According to Philips (2000:84), the prestige of Arabic was solidified during
the 19th-century Sokoto Jihad led by Usman dan Fodio. The intellectual elite of
this era were polyglots, often writing extensively in Arabic while using Hausa
to disseminate revolutionary ideas to the masses. This period established a
“clerical bilingualism” that remains a hallmark of Northern Nigerian
scholarship today.
One of the most
significant sociolinguistic outcomes of this contact is the development
of Ajami-the practice of writing the Hausa language using an
adapted Arabic script. This system predates the Romanized script (Boko)
introduced by British colonialists. The lexical influence of Arabic on Hausa is
profound, particularly in the domains of religion, law, and abstract thought.
It is estimated that approximately 20% to 30% of the Hausa lexicon is derived
from Arabic loanwords. As noted by Newman (2000:315), “the depth of Arabic
influence on Hausa is so great that it affects not only the lexicon but also
aspects of the morphological and phonological systems”.
In modern contexts,
Hausa-Arabic bilingualism often follows a functional distribution. While few
Hausa speakers are native speakers of Arabic, many achieve high proficiency
through the MakarantarAllo (tablet schools) and Ilmi (advanced)
school systems. The sociolinguistic prestige of Arabic persists because it is
viewed as a “language of empowerment” and spiritual depth. Mazrui (2004:42)
argues that for the Hausa person, Arabic represents a “triple heritage”-merging
indigenous African roots, Islamic identity, and later, the colonial Western
influence. Consequently, code-switching between Hausa and Arabic in formal
sermons or scholarly debates serves as a marker of authority and intellectual
lineage.
5.2 Patterns and Types
of Code-Switching among Women
In sociolinguistics,
code-switching (CS) among women is characterized by high levels of linguistic
dexterity and is frequently utilized as a tool for social cohesion, identity
negotiation, and emotional expression. Research consistently indicates that women
often exhibit distinct patterns compared to men, favoring types of switching
that reflect both their grammatical competence and their communicative intent.
The primary types of
code-switching observed among women include intra-sentential, inter-sentential,
and tag-switching. Recent studies highlight a significant gender disparity in
the preference for these structures:
i. Intra-sentential Switching: This
involves shifting languages within a single sentence or clause boundary.
According to research by Almoaily (2024:592), female speakers demonstrate a
notably higher frequency of intra-sentential switching-recorded at
approximately 73% in academic presentation settings-compared to their male
counterparts. This type is often viewed as a sign of high bilingual
proficiency, as it requires the speaker to integrate the morphosyntactic rules
of both languages simultaneously.
Examples of
intra-sentential code-switching in Hausa and Arabic:
|
Hausa |
English Meaning |
|
Zan je makarantagobe, in shā’
Allāh. |
I will go to school tomorrow, God
willing. |
|
Wannan research ɗinyana da
muhimmancisosaifīsabilillāhwajenfahimtaral’umma. |
This research is very important
for the sake of Allah in understanding society |
|
Ki yihaƙuri, domin an ce
as-sabryana da ladamaiyawa |
Be patient, patience has great
reward |
|
Akwaibuƙatar mu bi
shari‘adominsamunadalci. |
There is a need for us to follow
Sharia to achieve justice |
|
Jagorancinmuyakamatayakasancebisagaskiya
da riƙonamana |
Our leadership should be based on
trust and honesty |
The above table shows
clear examples of intra-sentential code-switching, where Arabic words and
phrases are inserted into Hausa sentences without changing the overall
grammatical structure. Arabic expressions such as in shā’ Allāh, fīsabīlillāh, as-sabr,
and shari‘a are mainly used for religious and moral meanings,
while Hausa remains the main language of the sentence. This demonstrates high
bilingual proficiency and shows that the switching is purposeful and socially
meaningful, not random.
i. Inter-sentential Switching: This
occurs at sentence or clause boundaries, where one sentence is in language A
and the next is in language B. While used by both genders, some studies suggest
women utilize this to “bridge” topics or signal a shift in the conversational
footing (Dad et al., 2023:211).
Examples of
inter-sentential code-switching in Hausa and Arabic:
|
Hausa/Arabic |
English Meaning |
|
Ki dage da karatusosai, Allāhu
yuḥibbu al-mujtahidīn. |
Work hard in your studies, Allah
loves those who strive, |
|
Mun tattaunamatsalarjiya a gida.
Walākinyajibu an nataṣarrafa bi-ḥikmah. |
We discussed yesterday’s problem
at home, but we must act with wisdom. |
|
Na ji daɗinganinkuyau,
Al-ḥamdulillāh ‘alākulliḥāl. |
I am happy to see you today;
Praise be to Allah in all situations. |
|
Wannanbincikenyana da muhimmanci
ga al’umma, Hādhāyadullu ‘alāahammiyyat al-dirāsah. |
This research is important to
society; this shows the importance of the study. |
|
To, mu koma ga batuntarbiyya, Amma
lābudda min al-ṣabr. |
Now, let us return to the issue of
upbringing, but patience is necessary. |
As we can see in the
above examples, the switch occurs after a complete sentence, not
within the same clause. This type of switching often helps speakers bridge
topics, emphasize religious or moral authority, or signal a change in tone.
Among women, it may function as a conversational strategy to organize discourse
and manage social relationships effectively.
i. Tag-switching (Emblematic Switching): This involves the insertion of a tag or short phrase (e.g.,
“you know,”“n'est-ce pas”) from one language into an utterance of another.
While some older literature suggested women used this more for politeness,
recent data from Tamil-English bilingual studies show that women significantly
outpace men in tag-switching, often using it as an ethnic identity marker
(Prabhu et al., 2023:8).
The patterns of
code-switching among women are deeply tied to the “rapport-talk” style of
communication. Women are more likely to use code-switching to foster a
camaraderie-like environment and to establish social connectivity (Languaged
Life, 2024).
Examples of
Tag-switching (Emblematic Switching) in Hausa and Arabic:
|
Hausa |
English Meaning |
|
Zan zo gobe, in shā’ Allāh. |
I will come tomorrow, God willing. |
|
Mun kammalaaikinlafiya,
al-ḥamdulillāh. |
We completed the work safely;
praise be to Allah. |
|
Ki yihaƙuri da ni, afwan. |
Please be patient with me, pardon
me. |
|
Hakan gaskiya ne, wallāhi. |
That is true, by Allah. |
|
Allah Ya jikansa, innālillāhi. |
May Allah have mercy on him;indeed
we belong to Allah. |
In these examples, the
Arabic elements are short, fixed expressions inserted into Hausa sentences
without affecting grammatical structure. They function as identity markers,
signals of religiosity, politeness strategies, or emotional emphasis. Among
women, such tag-switching may serve not only social politeness but also the
affirmation of Islamic and ethnic identity in everyday interaction.
Identity and Solidarity:
Women frequently employ code-switching to strengthen affiliations with their
heritage or to express cultural pride. For instance, in digital communication
like WhatsApp, women use code-switching 5% more frequently than men to navigate
their dual identities as both modern professionals and traditional family
members (Kane, 2020, as cited in Languaged Life, 2024).
Examples
|
Hausa |
English Meaning |
|
Alhamdulillah for a successful
presentation today at the university. |
In this sentence, English reflects
modern professional identity, while the Arabic expression Alhamdulillah signals
religious and cultural belonging. |
|
Muna alfahari da al’adunmu,
walillāhi al-ḥamd. |
We are proud of our culture, and
praise be to Allah. |
|
Ku dagemata, in shā’ Allāh za mu
kai ga nasara. |
Keep striving, God willing we will
succeed. |
|
Meeting ɗinyayikyausosai, amma
gida ma akwaialhakintarbiyya, wallāhi. |
The meeting went very well, but
there is also responsibility at home, by Allah. |
|
Happy graduation, ‘yar’uwa! Allah
Ya sanyaalkhairi a rayuwarki. |
Happy graduation, sister! May
Allah bring goodness into your life. |
In the above examples,
code-switching functions as a tool for expressing multiple identities at once.
Women use Hausa to signal ethnic belonging, Arabic to show religious
affiliation, and sometimes English to reflect education or professional status.
Especially in digital spaces like WhatsApp, this blending of languages allows
women to maintain solidarity with their community while also projecting modern,
educated identities. Code-switching therefore becomes a meaningful marker of
cultural pride and social connection rather than mere language mixing.
i. Politeness and Softening: In many cultures,
women use code-switching as a strategy for politeness and mitigation. Shifting
to a specific language may serve to “soften” a request or provide an emotional
nuance that the primary language lacks (Dad et al., 2023:214).
Examples
|
Hausa |
English Meaning |
|
Don Allah, za ki iyataimaka min,
afwan? |
Please, can you help me, pardon? |
|
Ina ganinakwaiƙaraminkuskure a
nan, Allāhu a‘lam. |
I think there is a small mistake
here, Allah knows best. |
|
Ki yihaƙuri, ukhti, mu tattauna a
hankali. |
Be patient, my sister, let us
discuss calmly. |
|
Zan so in zo, amma bazaniyaba, in
shā’ Allāhwanilokaci. |
I would love to come, but I
cannot, God willing another time. |
|
Watakilaya fi kyau mu jirakaɗan,
biidhnillāh. |
Perhaps it is better we wait a
little, by Allah’s permission. |
In these examples,
Arabic phrases are inserted to add humility, warmth, or religious framing,
which reduces directness and softens potentially sensitive speech acts such as
requests, corrections, refusals, and advice. Code-switching therefore functions
as a politeness strategy, allowing women to maintain respect, preserve social
harmony, and express emotional nuance within their cultural and religious
context.
5.3 Motivations for
Code-Switching among Hausa Women
The motivations for
code-switching among Hausa women are multifaceted, stemming from a desire to
navigate the intersections of religious identity, modern education, and social
hierarchy. In Northern Nigeria, where Hausa and Arabic (and increasingly English)
coexist, women utilize code-switching not just as a linguistic tool, but as a
strategic social resource to negotiate their status within a traditionally
patriarchal and religiously conservative society. One of the primary
motivations for Hausa women to code-switch into Arabic is the assertion of
religious identity and piety. In the context of Tafsir (Quranic
exegesis) or Hadith circles, women scholars use code-switching
to validate their spiritual authority. By embedding Arabic phrases into Hausa
discourse, they align themselves with the global Ummah and
demonstrate a high level of Islamic literacy. According to Sani (2022:45), this
“liturgical switching” serves as a marker of social prestige, where the use of
Arabic formulas like Alhamdulillah or Insha’Allah is
not merely habitual but a conscious effort to sanctify the conversation. For
Hausa women, being seen as “learned” in Arabic provides a form of social
capital that offsets traditional gender limitations. The shift toward
Hausa-English code-switching is a growing trend among younger, educated Hausa
women. This pattern is primarily motivated by the desire to project a modern,
sophisticated identity. In urban centers like Kano or Kaduna, code-switching to
English within a Hausa conversation signals participation in the globalized
world and formal Western education (Boko).
Mustapha and Abubakar
(2023:112) observe that among female university students, code-switching is
frequently used to discuss technical, academic, or professional topics where
Hausa may lack specific modern terminology. Their study found that women often switch
to English to “fill lexical gaps,” but also to signal their membership in a
social class that has access to higher education. This serves as a “we-code”
versus “they-code” distinction, separating the educated elite from the
monolingual populace. Sociolinguistic research highlights that Hausa women
often use code-switching as a strategy for mitigation and politeness (Kunya).
In Hausa culture, certain topics-particularly those related to health,
reproduction, or interpersonal conflict-are considered sensitive. Switching to
Arabic or English allows women to discuss these “taboo” subjects with a degree
of clinical or religious detachment. As noted by Jibril (202:78), women utilize
code-switching to “soften the blow” of a request or to avoid direct
confrontation. By switching to a second language, the speaker creates a
psychological distance that allows for the preservation of “face” (mutunci)
for both the speaker and the listener. This linguistic maneuvering is essential
for maintaining social harmony within the household and the wider community.
5.4 Social and Cultural
Factors Influencing Women’s Code-Switching
The sociolinguistic
behavior of women is rarely a neutral act; it is deeply embedded in the social
structures and cultural expectations that govern their daily lives. For women,
code-switching (CS) often serves as a strategic response to environmental pressures,
allowing them to balance multiple social identities while adhering to-or subtly
challenging-cultural norms. Social domains play a critical role in determining
when and why women switch languages. In many societies, women are seen as the
“guardians of heritage,” expected to maintain indigenous languages at home,
while also being pressured to master prestige languages for professional
advancement. This creates a “dual-burden” of linguistic loyalty.
According to Thompson
(2024:215), women are statistically more likely to switch to a prestige variety
in public or institutional settings to gain social mobility, a phenomenon
driven by the need to overcome gender-based professional biases. Thompson notes
that “women utilize code-switching as a form of 'linguistic capital' to
navigate spaces where their authority might otherwise be questioned”.
Conversely, in private “safe spaces,” women often revert to a code-switched
vernacular that emphasizes group solidarity and emotional intimacy. Cultural
expectations regarding “proper” feminine speech significantly influence
code-switching patterns. In many cultures, directness is viewed as aggressive
or unfeminine. Therefore, women use code-switching as a mitigation strategy to
handle sensitive topics or to perform politeness.
García and Méndez
(2023:88) argue that women often switch to a second language to discuss “taboo”
subjects-such as reproductive health, finances, or domestic grievances-because
the second language provides a “buffer zone” that reduces the social risk associated
with the primary language. This allows them to maintain “face” (social
standing and respect) while still conveying necessary information. In these
instances, the switch is not due to a lack of vocabulary, but a cultural
preference for indirectness. For women in bilingual or migrant communities,
code-switching is a tool for navigating the tension between tradition and
modernity. Modern cultural factors, such as the influence of social media and
global pop culture, have introduced new motivations for switching. As observed
by Nguyen (2025:42), younger women increasingly use “emblematic switching”-inserting
specific cultural markers from a prestige language-to signal a cosmopolitan
identity. This is particularly prevalent in digital spaces, where women
code-switch to align themselves with global trends while still grounding their
discourse in local cultural values. Nguyen emphasizes that for these women,
“the act of switching is a performance of a multifaceted identity that refuses
to be confined to a single cultural box”.
5.5 Implications of
Women’s Code-Switching for Language and Identity
The implications of
code-switching (CS) among women extend far beyond simple communication; they
represent a complex interplay between linguistic evolution and the construction
of self. For women, the ability to oscillate between languages serves as a
mechanism for survival, empowerment, and the preservation of cultural heritage
in an increasingly globalized world. A primary implication of women’s
code-switching is its role in driving linguistic change. Because women are
often the primary caregivers and first teachers of children, their
code-switching patterns directly influence the linguistic input of the next
generation. This can lead to the “nativization” of loanwords and the gradual evolution
of hybrid linguistic varieties. Suleiman (2024:142) posits that women’s
code-switching acts as a “linguistic laboratory” where new grammatical
structures are tested and refined. He notes that “women's tendency to bridge
the gap between traditional dialects and prestige languages ensures that
indigenous languages remain functional and relevant in modern discourse, rather
than becoming obsolete”. This suggests that far from “corrupting” a language,
women's CS often acts as a preservative force that keeps local languages alive
by integrating them with global ones.
5.6 The Negotiation of
Hybrid Identities
For many women,
code-switching is the linguistic manifestation of a hybrid identity. This is
particularly evident in post-colonial or migrant contexts where women must
navigate the “traditional” expectations of their community and the “modern”
requirements of the professional world. The switch between codes allows women
to inhabit both spaces without fully abandoning either. According to Oladipo
(2025:91), code-switching serves as a “shuttling” mechanism between different
versions of the self. In her study of bilingual professionals, she found that
women use code-switching to perform “identity management,” shifting to their
native tongue to express maternal or communal warmth and switching to a
dominant language (like English or French) to assert professional authority.
Oladipo observes that “the bilingual woman’s identity is not split, but rather
layered, with code-switching acting as the adhesive that holds these layers
together”. There is also a significant political implication in women’s
code-switching. In societies where female voices may be marginalized in formal
settings, code-switching can be a tool of subtle subversion. By utilizing a
language that the “dominant” group (often men in specific traditional contexts)
may not master as fluently-such as a specific academic or foreign code-women
can create exclusive spaces for dialogue and resistance.
Kaur (2023:310)
highlights that code-switching can empower women by allowing them to bypass
social censorship. In her analysis, she notes that “switching to a second
language often provides women with a 'linguistic mask,' enabling them to
discuss issues of autonomy and rights that might be linguistically or
culturally 'blocked' in their primary language”. This “safe-space” creation is
vital for the development of female-centric social movements and support
networks.
6. Discussion of
Findings
The findings show that
Hausa–Arabic bilingual women use code-switching intentionally as a
sociolinguistic strategy for expressing identity, religiosity, politeness, and
social status, rather than as a result of language deficiency. This supports
earlier studies by Mustapha and Abubakar (2023:112–115) and Almoaily
(2024:592), which argue that women’s code-switching reflects high bilingual
competence and deliberate identity management, especially in academic,
religious, and professional contexts.
The study also confirms
Jibril (2021:78) and García and Méndez (2023:88), who found that women use
code-switching as a “linguistic buffer” to discuss sensitive issues and
maintain mutunci (dignity) and kunya (modesty).
In addition, consistent with Suleiman (2024:142), the findings reinforce that
women’s speech practices contribute to language change and hybrid identity
formation, positioning them as active agents in linguistic innovation rather
than passive users of mixed languages.
7. Conclusion
Code-switching among
Hausa–Arabic bilingual women reflect socio-religious history and advanced
bilingual competence, functioning as a strategic tool for identity negotiation
rather than lexical deficiency. It enables women to balance cultural values,
Islamic identity, and modern education while projecting modesty (kunya),
dignity (mutunci), and social prestige, with linguistic flexibility
shaping language change (Mustapha & Abubakar, 2023:115; Suleiman,
2024:142).
References
Almoaily, M. (2024).
Gender representation of code switching in students' presentation: How do they
differ? SALEE: Study of Applied Linguistics and English Education, 5(2),
586-602.
Dad, K., Shabbir, I.,
& Sultan, D. F. (2023). Reasons for code-switching and mixing: A
gender-based comparative study of social interactions on Twitter. International
Journal of Academic Research for Humanities, 3(3), 207–217.
García, L. R., &
Méndez, S. (2023). Language, gender, and the politics of politeness: A
global perspective. Oxford University Press. (pp. 85-92).
Jibril, M. A.
(2021). Sociolinguistic dynamics in Northern Nigeria: Language, gender,
and power. Ahmadu Bello University Press. (pp. 75-80).
Kaur, R. (2023). Voices
in transition: Bilingualism and female agency in the 21st century. Academic
Press. (pp. 305-315).
Language Life. (2024,
July 18). An examination of code-switching patterns: Who is more prone
to code-switching, males or females? UCLA Sociolinguistics. switching-patterns-who-does-more-prone-to-code-switching-males-or-females/
Mazrui, A. M.
(2004). The power of Babel: Language and governance in the African
experience. University of Chicago Press. (p. 42).
Mustapha, S. S., & Abubakar,
H. (2023). Patterns of English-Hausa code-switching among female undergraduates
in Kano State. Journal of Language and Linguistic Studies, 19(1),
108-120.
Myers-Scotton, C.
(1993). Social motivations for codeswitching: Evidence from Africa.
Oxford University Press. (Revised context for 2024/2025 applications).
Newman:(2000). The
Hausa language: An encyclopedic reference grammar. Yale University Press.
(pp. 315-318).
Nguyen, T. H. (2025).
Digital bilingualism: How social media shapes women’s linguistic choices. International
Journal of Sociolinguistics, 32(4), pp. 38–50.
Oladipo, T. A.
(2025). Layered selves: The sociolinguistics of identity among West
African women. Heritage Publishers. (pp. 88-95).
Philips, J. E.
(2000). Spoken Hausa, written Hausa: Literacy and nationalism in
Northern Nigeria. Peter Lang Publishing.
Prabhu, S., et al.
(2023). Types of code-switching among young adults with bilingualism. Rupkatha
Journal on Interdisciplinary Studies in Humanities, 15(3), 1-12.
Sani, A. M. (2022).
Arabic in the lives of Hausa women: A study of liturgical code-switching in
religious gatherings. Northern Nigerian Language Review, 14(2),
40-55.
Suleiman, M. G.
(2024). The evolution of Hausa: Language contact and the role of women.
University of Kano Press. (pp. 140-148).
Thompson, E. J.
(2024). The prestige shift: Gender and linguistic capital in the 21st
century. Cambridge University Press.
0 Comments