Article Citation: Murtala Ahmed Rufa’i (2020). Shadow Actors Behind Rural Banditry in Zamfara State, North-Western Nigeria. DEGEL: The Journal of the Faculty of Arts and Islamic Studies, Vol. 18, No. 2. ISSN 0794-9316
SHADOW ACTORS BEHIND RURAL BANDITRY IN ZAMFARA STATE, NORTH-WESTERN
NIGERIA
By
Murtala Ahmed Rufa’i
Abstract
Zamfara State is the major hot spot of rural
insecurity in North-Western Nigeria. It has until recently, been at the top of
most newspapers on the issue of cattle rustling and rural banditry. Unlike
other states in the region, where the bandits operated with less
sophistication, in Zamfara it is an organized crime that involved wide range of
factors and actors. This made the whole gamut of the conflict more complex,
leading to destruction of lives and properties, wanton rape and other related
human right abuses. The sinister implication of this was the creation of large
army of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and sizeable number widow and
widower in an ever increasing rate of desperate and destitute orphans. The
preoccupation of this paper is to show the role of the major actors responsible
for promoting and instigating rural banditry in the state. The paper does not
in any way intend to study the different facets of rural banditry. It is only
concerned with how some actors whom the paper considered as ‘shadow ‘served as
generators and facilitators of rural insecurity in Zamfara state.
Introduction
Rural banditry has recently attracted the attention of
most security experts in the country. At the inception of this insecurity both
the state government and other stake holders underestimated the threat it may
likely cause to human security. Within the span of five years (2011-2016) rural
banditry has transformed itself into the most dangerous security threat the
state has ever witnessed in the past. This is partly because of the involvement
of what we called ‘the shadow actors’ behind the conflict. Shadow actors here
mean all those forces responsible for fueling the conflict from behind. Some
experts on security studies also called them the perpetrators, referring to the
agents or factors contributing or instigating the conflict. Rural banditry has
remained a hydra headed monster in Zamfara compared to other states in the
federation due to its complex nature and the involvement of those actors who significantly
benefit materially from the conflict.[1] This
brings us to the political economy of rural banditry and cattle rustling in the
state, where some few individuals promote the conflict for selfish gains.[2]
The most pertinent question often asked by most
observers is that what benefits do these hidden actors derived from rural
insecurity in the state, a question which this paper also attempts to address.
The paper derives most of its sources from the subalterns, the downtrodden and
victims of banditry in the state. There is no opportunity to have a balance
perception and opinion from both sides because the actors are really
inaccessible. Where they were reached and interviewed about the situation of
things they argued that all the statements and facts presented by the other
side are false insinuations. At any rate the role of the historian is to call a
spate a spate and presents the facts as they really are. It is left for the
reader to separate the ‘grain from the chaff’. Part of the preliminary findings
of the paper is that, rural banditry in Zamfara only used cattle rustling as a
cover up, thus the facts remain that the elites in the state recruited and used
the bandits to achieve their selfish political and economic interest.
Therefore, this article explains the role of the ‘shadow actors’ such as the
state government, traditional rulers, Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association
of Nigeria, (MACBAN) and informants in facilitating rural banditry in Zamfara state.
State
Government
Provision of basic security of life and properties of
the citizens should be the fundamental responsibility of the state government.
It is expected that the state will do everything possible to ensure maximum
security of its citizenry. At the inception of rural banditry in Zamfara, if
the state was truly committed to its fundamental objective could have organized
meetings with all the stake holders at the grass root to address the problem
once and for all. But the way past and present governments in the state had
handled the security situation has left much to be desired.[3] This
really created an atmosphere of suspicion and ill feelings on the part of the
governed towards the government. In a situation like that of Zamfara state, the
first suspect is usually the state government, because people will keep on
observing the commitment and seriousness of the state government towards such
security challenges in the state.
Some informants traced the origin and development of
rural banditry in the state to the period of election campaigns when most
politicians were struggling for elective positions in 2011.[4] The
current leadership at the state level according to some informants had a hidden
deal with the bandits and made some promises if elected into office. The
government provided support, financial and logistics to the bandits. Most of
the immediate demands of the bandits were fulfilled.
Some political aspirants during this period intended
to use the bandits for political gains. In fact, during the 2011 general
elections some of the notorious bandits were seen canvassing support and
threatening political opponents.[5]
This was the first time in the recent history of the state to see bandits
operating openly and freely. To most observers, the very party and candidates
the bandits were campaigning for were either responsible for their formation or
constitute their main sponsors.[6]
The armed bandits seen in some parts of the state at this time were mostly
considered political thugs recruited for election purposes, therefore never
considered a threat.[7]
But the bandits later became a cog on the wheel of the
state government after elections. One believes that there is really a hidden
agenda between the bandits and the state government, because of the persistent
nature of the banditry in the state. Although, most states in the north-west
geo-political zone have similar bitter experience of banditry, but the fact
remains that Zamfara experience is the worst and most complicated. This is
attributed to the presence of large forest in the state that made it a safe
haven for the bandits.[8]
Thus, this accounts for the persistent and consistent attacks by the bandits in
the state.[9]
One will as well argue that it is not about forest or safe operational base for
the bandits, but sincere commitment on the part of the state government. Some
state Governors like Malam Nasir El-Rufa’i of Kaduna state was able chase out
the bandits out of the densely forest of Birnin Gwari. Also, the Governors of
Katsina, Kano, Sokoto and Kebbi have shown greater sincerity of purpose and are
still committed to the fight against rural banditry in their respective states.
There were several committees and meetings held on how
to put an end to rural banditry in Zamfara state in the later period, when the
situation was already out of hand. But the general public, particularly the
victims of banditry, see it as a mere rhetoric, because the body language of
the government does not show commitment to the security situation. There are
several instances to support this claim. First the vigilante leadership accused
the government of underfunding at the apex of rural banditry in the state in
2015. Moreover, members of this group were one time warned to stay away from
their primary responsibilities of providing security at the grass root.[10]
This could be a wise decision if the government is truly committed to solve the
existing tension between the Vigilante Group Nigeria (VGN) and Militant
Vigilante Group (MVG) on one side and the bandits on the other as the major
actors to the conflict.
The action of the state government further proof to
the VGN that their services are no longer needed, after the Yar-Galma incidence
where one hundred and twenty members of the vigilante were killed by the
bandits in Maru Local Government.[11]
The state government sympathized and commiserated with the victims but partly
blame them for holding an unauthorized meeting. Most commentators condemned
very strongly this statement by the state government. On the ground that this
people are good citizens of the state committed towards provision of security
of lives and properties in the state. The main agenda of the meeting was to
chart a common course on how to find a lasting solution to the problem of rural
insecurity in the state.[12]
Similarly, in June 2013, the military troops stationed at Kizara in Tsafe Local
Government Area were withdrawn due to nonpayment of their feeding allowance by
the state government. Two days later bandit attacked the village and killed 57.[13]
Furthermore, the Chairman House Committee on Security, Intelligence and Public
Safety, Hon Muhammad Bello Matawalle, Member Representing Bakura and Anka
Federal Constituency of Zamfara State in 2014 reported that;
The state government did not, in
whatever aspect, help the matter. After series of meetings between my Committee
and the National Security Chiefs, men were deployed to arrest the situation of
rural banditry in Zamfara State. But, unfortunately later, we received
complaints that the State Government was not willing to encourage the security
personnel on the field. To cap it all, the recorded contribution given by the
State Government as engagement for the maintenance of the operations carried by
the security agencies across the dangerous forest was not even commendable, the
worst part of it all is that the governor could not spend a week in the country
ever Since he assumed office, therefore, he has no knowledge of the happenings
in the state.[14]
Similarly, Senator Saidu Muhammed Dansadau has been
the major critique of the attitude of the state government towards rural
banditry. In most of the interviews he granted to media he challenged the state
and exposes its inadequacies in addressing the security situation. To further
show his commitment to his struggle Dansadau presented a seven page petition to
the Federal Government against Zamfara State in June, 2016 titled Declare State
of Emergency Against Zamfara State’ In this petition Dansadau accused the State
for sponsoring rural banditry.[15]
Although, some people will consider the positions of Matawalle and Dansadau as
a mere opposition, but the fact of the matter is that the state government
cannot be exonerated from these pockets of allegations. There is no strong
commitment on the part of the state to see an end to this lingering insecurity
in the early period.
Some observers are of the view that the state
artificially created this insecurity to divert the attention of people from the
main state’s politics. Therefore, the conflict will be used as a conduit pipe
for siphoning public funds. The money that could have been used for
infrastructural and other developments will then be diverted to the provision
of security. The Governor in a media briefing on security situation in the
state announced that his government spends 600 million monthly as security
votes, a statement that attracts serious criticism.[16]
This is similar to the present corrupt practices associated with diversion of
funds meant for arm purchase to fight insurgency in the country. The fact of
the matter is that if this is truly the case, it is not a better way for
diverting people’s attention from state’s politics. Zamfarawa are naturally
peace loving people who could accept the poor services of the state without
going to the extreme of creating a conflict scenario which will result to the
killings of uncountable number of innocent souls.
Moreover, some top government officials allegedly have
close ties with the bandits. The Deputy Governor, some sources revealed that he
is closed to the notorious Buharin Daji the bandit’s leader in Zamfara State.
Also, Alhaji Sani Gowwana Mayanchi an associate of Governor Abdulaziz Yari
Abubakar was accused of being the middleman between the government and the
bandits. Until recently all communications between the state government and the
bandits were done through this agent.[17] The
Deputy Governor has recently taken over the responsibilities of negotiations.
After the kidnapping and abduction of forty people in November, 2016, the
Deputy Governor Alhaji Ibrahim Wakkala negotiated and submitted 400 heads of
cattle as ransom before their release.[18]
Instances like this are abound, in which the Deputy Governor negotiated with
kidnappers and bandits on behalf of the State government. This shows gross
weakness on the side of the state government according to one village head
The inability of the state to adequately tackle this
security threat in the early stage has continued to manifest in the later
period. Bandit groups have transformed into professional organizations due to
high level connections with other bandits within and outside the country. This
made their operations and activities more advanced and sophisticated.[19]
To further compound this ‘invisible and indivisible’
role of the state in the conflict, some informants in Galadi District of
Shinkafi Local Government, confirmed that in April, 2015, a Helicopter dropped
some armed group in Batauna forest and few days later there was increase in the
intensity of the attacks by bandits.[20] A
police officer confirmed this claim, but according to him at the time the
Division Police Office received the report neither the DPO nor the Local
Government Chairman of Shinkafi was around in the Local Government, therefore
nobody could take any security measures against it.[21] If
truly this is the case it is a great security shortfall on the part of state
and all its security operatives. This is part of the reasons why most of the
informants during Focus Group Discussion (FGD) considered the whole situation
as conspiracy involving a lot of actors.
The purported helicopter could have provided human and
material reinforcement to the existing bandits. This also reminds us of the
farmers-herdsmen conflict in Agatu Local Government Areas in Benue state in May
and June, 2016, where the people also reported such type of helicopter dropping
armed bandits in different forests across the Local Government Areas.[22]
These are all part of the accusations labeled against the state on issue of
cattle rustling and rural banditry. It is part of the responsibilities of
traditional rulers to advice the state on grass-root security challenges like
this but unfortunately some of them are partly beneficiary to the conflict and
formed part of the shadow actors.
Traditional
Rulers
Traditional rulers by their nature and orientation are
the most respected set of people in the society. In the past and to a very
large extent in the present they are the custodian of the society’s rich
traditions and customs. They wielded strong political power and influence and
were equally respected by their people. But some of the traditional rulers in
most Nigerian societies have derailed from their traditional functions of
guiding and protecting the masses to searching and struggling for capital accumulation.
This created an open competition and in some cases confrontation with their
subjects that ideally supposed to be absolutely loyal to them.[23]
This struggle for money making has made some of the traditional rulers to serve
as shadow actors in the perpetration of different types and forms of crimes.
Traditional rulers ideally, suppose to be the main
agents of conflict resolution between the farmers-herdsmen. Past traditional
rulers in the state were known for this form of conflict resolution. They were
knowledgeable on the number and location of Fulani leaving in their domain.
Above all also know the head of each clan by their names and in some cases the
size of their herds. This made it easy for them to track their movement and
also understand who among them is a potential threat in their territories. The
palaces of most village and district heads as well as emirs in most part of
Hausaland are usually busy with reported cases of farmers and herdsmen
conflicts. Most a time such conflicts were resolved amicably without much
rancor.
In the same vein, some of the traditional rulers
instigate and benefit from the conflict, while some even connived with bandits
to perpetuate armed robbery. As far back as 1891, some traditional rulers
around Dansadau area were accused of either involving directly or conniving
with bandits in armed robbery.[24]
The situation has not changed even in the present as informant complained
bitterly on the role of traditional rulers in rural banditry. Substantial parts
of the first class Emirs in Zamfara State are allegedly deeply involved in the
‘politics of rural banditry’.
There were instances during the past administration
when some of the emirs were suspended for allegedly involving in cattle
rustling. Moreover, during wedding, tubarning or naming ceremonies that
involved some of the village, district heads or emirs, the bandits are usually
part of the ‘chief sponsors’ who donate money and livestock.[25]
Moreover, because of the wealthy nature of the Fulani, there is a strong tie
between the Fulani and the traditional rulers in the state.[26]
This created a lot of suspicion on the part of the non-Fulani masses who felt
that in an event of farmers-herdsmen conflict the traditional rulers would
likely side with the Fulani. To confirm this allegation, a research visit was
made to the palace of one of the accused Emir’s, where a palace guard stated in
confidence that the allegations are truly valid. Bandits or their agents use to
visit the Emir in the mid-night probably to give him his own share of the loot.
At the early stage of banditry, some of these
traditional rulers usually bail-out the bandits from either police or judges in
the court of law. This also added to the numerous accusations that the
traditional rulers were partly involved in the syndicate of cattle rustling and
rural banditry. Anonymous informants in one of the most affected areas of rural
banditry always ask question even though secretly, that their village heads
were the wealthiest in terms of livestock, but yet have never experienced the menace
of cattle theft, while the vast majority were crying for help from the hands of
the rustlers and bandits[27].
More importantly, some of the traditional rulers have
their sons, relatives and close associates in banditry. The traditional rulers
who were free from this allegation could not come out clearly and fight against
it because of the powerful nature of the bandits in the state. Those that tried
it, like the village head of Mallamawa was killed by the bandits for open
condemnation of rural banditry. In fact, even those traditional rulers behind
the formation of MVG (Yansakai) were also allegedly accused of sharing some of
the livestock recovered from the bandits, instead of given them to the rightful
owners.[28]
Furthermore, some of the attacks carried-out by the
bandits on miners also continue to raise a lot of concern. There is ‘cut-throat
competition’ in the mining fields among the artisanal gold miners. Some of the
miners are of the view that the attacks were partly instigated by some
traditional rulers who are deeply involved in illegal mining in the State. The
validity of this claim is difficult to be established, but the fact of the
matter is that the Emirs and District Heads located at gold endowed areas of
Dansadau, Maradun and Anka are extremely reach due to their involvement in
mining activities.[29]
According to Desert Herald Newspaper:
The solid mineral resources in the
state have been hijacked by highly placed people in the state including
traditional rulers… mining has continue to arouse and attract local and
international attentions with regard to mining and exploration of these vast
deposits in the state…considering the fact that illegal mining is the main
business of the traditional rulers and highly placed people in the state… who
are always at loggerheads with other artisanal miners.[30]
It is within this perspective that some people view
the conflict as an intense struggle for mineral deposit between the highly
placed individuals on one hand and the vast majority of the masses on the
other. At any rate, these factors and a lot more made the fight against
banditry merely impossible in Zamfara State. In this respect the traditional
rulers could go to any length to maintain the existing order of exploiting the
mineral deposit in their respective areas. The Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association
MACBAN has also been fueling the fire of the conflict from behind.
The Miyetti
Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN)
The Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders
Association of Nigeria, henceforth MACBAN is basically a flat form meant for the unity and
protection of all livestock producers, an occupation predominated by the
Fulani.[31]
MACBAN is a Fulani formed and Fulani dominated association inaugurated by
President, Alhaji Shehu Aliyu Usman Shagari in 1979. This organization became a
full social and cultural organization, with its members formally inaugurated in
Bauchi in 1987. It gained further recognition after its second meeting that
took place in Sokoto, where late Sultan Abubakar III accepted the position of
grand Patron of the association.[32]
The Sultan being a Fulani and also the leader of
Muslims in Nigeria expand the frontiers and membership of the association. Some
Emirs like late Alhaji Ado Bayero of Kano, late Ahaji Usman Nagoggo of Katsina
and late Alhaji Haruna Rasheed of Gwandu all joined the association, under the
leadership of Alhaji Adamu.[33]
The main objective of MACBAN is to unite all the Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria.
The specific objective is to promote and protect the interest of herders and
their grazing facilities in the country.[34]Therefore,
the major voice of the Fulani in the state is (MACBAN) which also has its
fundamental short comings in addressing the challenges of Fulani people in
Zamfara State.[35]
According to an informant;
The association faced leadership
crisis, misappropriation of funds and lack of sincerity of purpose both at the
national and state levels. This invariably made it ineffective in championing
the course of the Fulani. Therefore, some Fulani people have no respect for the
association simply for its inability to adequately channel Fulani grievances to
the appropriate authorities. There are instances where some leading members of
MACBAN in the state extort money from members and the most annoying thing is
that some of them (leaders) are accused of cattle rustling and rural banditry
in the state. [36]
Some of the above allegations could be proved and
accepted, because since the inception of this conflict so many State and Local
Government Chairmen of MACBAN were arrested by security personnel on the
accusations of participating in cattle rustling and rural banditry. Whenever
and wherever bandits are apprehended after serious interrogations it would be
realized that one member of MACBAN or the other could be implicated.[37]
In fact, since the beginning of this conflict, Zamfara State has produced seven
different set of MACBAN Chairmen at the state level. Most of these Chairmen are
presently serving jail terms in different prisons in the state. The last
chairman was Alhaji Tukur Jangebe, who was recently released from prison for
allegedly conniving with the bandits and rustlers in carrying out their
activities.[38]
In fact, at the time of carrying out field work for this research, Shinkafi and
Maru Local Governments had no chairmen of MACBAN because they were accused of
cattle rustling. Malam Mamuda the Chairman of Shinkafi was arrested in August,
2016 for allegedly conniving with the bandits.[39] The
worst part of it is that some leading members of the association seized this
opportunity of the conflict to extort money from their fellow Fulani people.
They often follow the family of those arrested due to accusations of cattle
rustling and banditry to collect money in the name of bribing security officers
for the release of their beloved ones. The Family of Sani Zurmi suffered a lot
from such dubious acts of some members of the MACBAN in the Local Government.[40]
Also after, violent conflict between the bandits and
members of MVG in Shinkafi Local Government, large number of Fulani people
migrated to other Local Government Areas and States for the fear of attacks by
either the bandits or MVG into month of May, 2016. After peace was restored in
the area, all Fulani that fled were asked to come back. A Member of the MACBAN
under the leadership of one Lawali Shinkafi demanded one hundred thousand naira
(₦100,000) from each family that wanted to come back and settled in
Shinkafi Local Government Area. It was discovered that within two weeks Lawali
Shinkafi has collected the sum of two million naira ₦2,000,000,000
from different families.[41]
It is confirmed that there is nothing new in the activities of MACBAN, their
leadership has been characterized by dubious act, an informant observed that;
Even before this contemporary Fulani
predicament the MACBAN was nothing but an agent of Fulani exploitation. Since
conflict is inherently part of the Fulani, MACBAN gapped the opportunity and
constantly extort money in the name of bribing Police officers or Judges. In
fact, it is better to deal with law enforcement agencies directly than to put
MACBAN in between. I have personally lost five herds of cattle through the
dubious act of MACBAN, because my livestock eventually tress-passed and
destroyed some ones farm. After investigation, the MACBAN member that collected
money from me never took it to the law enforcement agencies that he claimed
demanded for the money.[42]
This is why some Fulani people have no respect for
MACBAN and did not recognize the association. Some people are of the view that
some of the problems facing Fulani today are partly influenced by MACBAN, in
Zamfara State for instance, prior to this conflict transformation the
association had a full knowledge on the number of bandits and their potential
threat to the state. It is better as suggested by an informant to go back to
the traditional method of farmers-herdsmen relations that emphasized on the role
which traditional political system of the Fulani played.[43]
Historically, Ardo, Dikko or Sarkin Fulani as the case
may be, are respectable and responsible Fulani leaders with absolute position
of political authority amongst the Fulani. Most cases of farmers-herdsmen
conflict in Hausaland were amicably resolved by this class of Fulani leaders.
They often have a record of all Fulani families in their domain including new
comers and are solely responsible for whatever happens under their watch. Under
this arrangement, Fulani herdsmen who trespassed into someone’s farm usually
reported themselves to their respective leaders for safe landing. The respect
for these traditional Fulani leaders goes beyond the Fulani and transcends to
their host communities. Their words are always taken very serious because they
are men of virtue. Therefore, the rate of farmers-herdsmen conflict during
period was at its lowest ebb. But today, modernity, politics, corruption and
greed have rendered this system useless. It is unfortunately replaced with
MACBAN an association which an informant described as ‘unfriendly friend of the
Fulani’.[44]
It is observed that leaders of this association have no grass root support.
Although, some of them are Fulani by birth but could not speak the language
fluently. To further compound the problem some have little or no understanding
of the actual demands and needs of the Fulani. If this is the case the
association has no moral basis to claim the unity of the Fulani. As earlier
stated some leading members of this association collaborated and provided
useful information that facilitates cattle rustling and bandits operations in
the state.
Spy Agents
Rural banditry and cattle rustling has spread its
tentacles to different parts of Zamfara State. The transformation in banditry
in the state is tied to the role played by different collaborators in the
development of banditry in the state. The bandits have established wide range
of connections across different Local Government Areas in the state. There is
considerable number of people across different ethnic groups and social status
that served as informants to the bandits. Their main role is to provide
relevant security information on conditions of different towns and villages in
the state. Part of the vital information is to identify friends and enemies of
the bandits and at the same time furnish the bandits with every bit of
information regarding the security situation on their respective areas.
The spies are very critical to the organization and
prosecution of any attack in a particular area. In this light, where to attack,
when to attack it and from which direction to attack is fundamentally
determined by the information given by the informants. The main attribute of
informants is that they are often very silent on issues related to security of
the village and always wants know the strategic plans of the village towards
banditry. There are instances where informants will also want to engage people
in discussion on the security issues of the town or village. Development in
information and communication technology has simplified the role of these spy
agents. Such agents use their telephones to communicate and even send videos to
the bandits. It is very easy to see the bandits calling their respective
enemies on phone warning them about their utterances against them. In fact,
hardly could one find a village in cattle rustling and banditry prevailing
areas in the state without a couple of these informants. In some of these
places the informants are known by their names and locations, while in others
they are yet to be identified.
The most annoying aspect of it is that the informants
cut across different strata, comprising religious and community leaders,
security agents, Fulani herdsmen, farmers and above all village heads. These
categories of people are as dangerous as the bandits who execute the actual
plan, for the simple reason that ‘information is power’. This is not without
material benefits, the informants are usually provided with their own share of
the loots. Some of them owned large herds of cattle in the forest and always
have a rest of mind because they know as far as rural banditry is concerned
nothing will happened to them. Therefore, in most part of the villages people
are in silence mood about rural banditry because you don’t know who is friend
and foe to the bandits. This factor has put many people in the condition of
perpetual fear in the rural areas of Zamfara State.
Conclusion
This paper has shown the high level of syndicate and
collaboration involved in rural banditry in Zamfara state. It seems that so
many highly placed personalities, organisations and institutions are
pertinently involved in the conflict. There could hardly be peace in the state
without clearly identifying the role of the collaborators in rural banditry. On
the whole it is basically resource base conflict and every agent is benefiting
substantially from the conflict. The end result is that the vast majority of
the masses are suffering from this ‘Zamfarci Politics’. One could not rule out
the possibility that there are some traditional rulers, politicians and highly
placed individuals in the state who are not part of the perpetrators. But these
sets of people are overwhelmed by the dominant interest. For this reason they
are involved in a ‘conspiracy of silence’. It is only by coming out to condemn
and fight the menace that the Federal Government will clearly understand the
real problem and come to the aid of the state.
References
Abbas, I.M (2012) ‘No Retreat No Surrender: Conflict for Survival between
Fulani Pastoralists and Farmers in Northern Nigeria’ European Scientific Journal, Vol.8, No.1 p.338
Al- Chukwuma, O and Francis,O (2014) Cattle Rustling and Dialectics of
Security in Northern Nigeria’ International
Journal of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences, Vol.2.No.3.
Al-Chukwuma O. and Fidelis I, (2016), ‘Forestlands and National Security
in Nigeria: A Threat-Import Analysis, Journal
of Political Science and Leadership Research, Vol. 2 No.2, , www.iiardpub.org.
Farouk U.B.(2015) ‘The Pastoral- Agricultural Conflict in Zamfara State,
Nigeria’, Mimeo, North Central Regional Center for Rural Development, Iowa
State University, 107 Curtiss Hall, Ames, 50011 IA, USA
Rufa’i, M.A,(2016) ‘Perspectives on Farmers-Herdsmen Conflict in Agatu’
Being a Paper Presented at the 61st Annual Conference of the
Historical Society of Nigeria(HSN) on the theme: Nigeria Counts: Issues of
National Rebirth, held at the University of Port Harcourt, Port Harcourt, 9th
-13th October, 2016
Salati, L.K, Gyimati M and Eshun, P.A,(2014) ‘Evaluation of Stakeholder’s
Role in the Management of Artisanal and Small-Scale Gold Mining in Anka,
Zamfara State, Nigeria,’ Developing Countries Studies, Vol.4, No.19.
Shola,O and Hassan, I(2015), ‘Herder’s and Farmer’s Association and
Social Conflict in Northern Nigeria’ in M.J.Kuna and J.Ibrahim, Rural Banditry and Conflict in Northern
Nigeria, Centre of Democracy and Development,
Zartman, I.W,(2000), Traditional
Cures for Modern Conflicts: African Conflict Medicine, Boulder, London,
Interviews
Alkali H.
(216), Oral Interview, 54 years, Danba Village, 22nd December, 2016
Bello A,(2016)
Oral Interview, 45 years, Gusau, 22nd December, 2016
Bello A.
S,(2016), Oral Interview, 40 years, Maru town, 5th November,
Bello I.
G.(2016), 41 years, Oral Interview, 22nd December, 2016
Bello S,
(2016), Oral Interview, 35 years, Zurmi town, 20th September,
Bello,A.H,
(2016) Oral Interview, 42 years, Zurmi town, 20th September,
Harande,D.M
(2016) Oral Interview, Lambar Bakura, 6th April.
Haruna I. G
(2016), Oral Interview 48 years, 15th October, Galadi village
Ibrahim U,
(2016), Oral Interview,38 years, Police Officer, Shinkafi Local Government, 19th
September,
Isah A.
G,(2017) 48 years, Oral Interview, Gusau, 15th January, 2017
Isah. A,
(2016),Oral Interview, 40 years, Member of MACBAN, Shinkafi town, 18th
September,
Jahun, U. M.
(2017), Commander-General of Vigilante Group Nigeria
Mallam I. M,
(2016) Gusau, 52 years, oral interview, at Damba, Area, Gusau, 22nd[1]
Ibrahin A. M,(2016 50 years Gusau, Political Party Official, Oral Interview,
Gusau,20th
Muhammed I.
(2016), Oral Interview, 45 years, Member of the Vigilante Group, Maru, 18th
June,
Sani M. B.
(2016), Oral Interview, 48 years, 19th September, 2016
Sirajo N. I.(2016),
District of Badarawa, Oral Interview, 30 years , 18th September,
Usman A, (2016)
Oral Interview, 46 years, leading member of MACBAN, Bakura town, 6th
April,
Newspapers
Daily Trust
Newspaper,(2014), 600m monthly Security Votes, Zamfara State Not Sincere, 24
September.
Daily Trust
Newspaper,(2014), Governor Yari and APC Destroyed Zamfara State Economically:
Says Hon Muhammed Bello Matawalle
Desert Herald
Newspaper,(2016) Zamfara 2016 ‘ Budget of the People: A Hard nut to crack for
Governor Yari, 19th February, 2016
Premium Times
Newspaper (2014): Zamfara Attack- 112 Buried as Governor Yari Vows for Action,7th
April
Vanguard
Newspaper, (2013): Gunmen on 38 Motor cycles Invaded Zamfara Village, Kill 57,
June, 19.
Vanguard
Newspaper, (2016): Local Vigilantes Shared Rustled Cows with Traditional Rulers
in Zamfara State: Police, 17th July,
[1] I.M. Abbas, ‘No Retreat No
Surrender: Conflict for Survival between Fulani Pastoralists and Farmers in
Northern Nigeria’ European Scientific
Journal, Vol.8, No.1 (2012),p.338
[2] O.Al- Chukwuma and O. Francis,
Cattle Rustling and Dialectics of Security in Northern Nigeria’ International Journal of Liberal Arts and
Social Sciences, Vol.2.No.3, 2014,p110
[3] Isah Abubakar Gummi, 48 years, Oral
Interview, Gusau, 15th January, 2017
[4] Bello Ibrahim Gusau, 41 years,
Oral Interview, Gusau 22nd December, 2016
[5] Mallam Isah Musa, Gusau, 52 years,
oral interview, at Damba, Area, Gusau, 22nd December, 2016. He is a
political commentator on Zamfara Politics; according to him some of the Fulani
bandits started as political thugs during the 2011 gubernatorial elections in
the state.
[6] Ibrahim Ango Mai Kaji, 50 years,
Gusau, Political Party Official, Oral Interview, Gusau,20th
December, 2016.
[7] Idem
[9]. Muhammed Umar, Oral Interview, 48
years, Gusau, 20th December, 2016, see also Okoli A and Fidelis I,
‘Forestlands and National Security in Nigeria: A Threat-Import Analysis, Journal of Political Science and Leadership
Research, Vol. 2 No.2, 2016, www.iiardpub.org.
[10]. Interview with Malam Usman
Muhammad Jahun, Commander-General of Vigilante Group Nigeria,in Daily Trust
Newspaper, Sunday,January 17,2016,pp.54-55
[11]. Premium Times Newspaper: Zamfara
Attack- 112 Buried as Governor Yari Vows for Action,7th April, 2014
[12] Muhammed Isa, Oral Interview, 45
years, Member of the Vigilante Group, Maru, 18th June, 2016
[13] .Vanguard Newspaper: Gunmen on 38
Motor cycles Invaded Zamfara Village, Kill 57, June, 19, 2013
[14] .Daily Trust Newspaper, April, 12,
2014; Governor Yari and APC Destroyed Zamfara State Economically: Says Hon
Muhammed Bello Matawalle
[15] See The
Sun Newspaper Zamfara Terror: Declare state of emergency, former lawmaker
petitions Buhari, 26th June, 2016, for more details of the petition.
[16] See Daily Trust Newspaper, 600m
monthly Security Votes, Zamfara State Not Sincere, 24 September, 2014
[17] Bello Abdullahi, Oral Interview, 45
years, Gusau, 22nd December, 2016
[18] Idem
[19] . Alhaji Sirajo Na Makka Ibrahim
District of Badarawa, Oral Interview, Badarawa 30 years , 18th
September, 2016
[20] Alhaji Haruna Ibrahim Galadi, Oral
Interview 48 years, 15th October, 2016, Galadi village
[21] Musa Haruna, Oral interview, 35
year, Police officer, Shinkafi town, 16th October, 2016. According
to him no sooner that the helicopter report was brought to their notice,
banditry became more rampant in Maradun, Batauna and Galadi areas.
[22] M.A Rufa’i ‘Perspectives on
Farmers-Herdsmen Conflict in Agatu’ Being a Paper Presented at the 61st
Annual Conference of the Historical Society of Nigeria(HSN) on the theme:
Nigeria Counts: Issues of National Rebirth, held at the University of Port
Harcourt, Port Harcourt, 9th -13th October, 2016
[23]. I.W. Zartman, Traditional Cures for Modern Conflicts:
African Conflict Medicine, Boulder, London, 2000,p148
[24] NAK: SNP:17: Sokprof. Security
Report on Dasadau Area, 1913
[25] . Bello Ahmed Sani, Oral
Interview, 40 years, Maru town, 5th November, 2016
[26] Idem, but this should be seen
entirely from this context, because traditionally there are such ties for
centuries.
[27] Anonymous informant
[28] Vanguard Newspaper: Local
Vigilantes Shared Rustled Cows with Traditional Rulers in Zamfara State:
Police, 17th July, 2016
[29] For the nature and influence of
these traditional rulers see, L.K. Salati, D.M.Gyimati and P.A Eshun,
‘Evaluation of Stakeholder’s Role in the Management of Artisanal and
Small-Scale Gold Mining in Anka, Zamfara State, Nigeria,’ Developing Countries
Studies, Vol.4, No.19, 2014
[30] Desert Herald Newspaper, Zamfara
2016 ‘ Budget of the People: A Hard nut to crack for Governor Yari, 19th
February, 2016
[31] O. Shola and I. Hassan, ‘Herder’s
and Farmer’s Association and Social Conflict in Northern Nigeria’ in M.J.Kuna
and J.Ibrahim, Rural Banditry and
Conflict in Northern Nigeria, Centre of Democracy and Development,
Abuja,2015,pp.217-256
[32] See Elnathan's Dark Corner Interview with Mohammed Bello
Tukur Esq., the National Legal Adviser of Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders
Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) and the Acting Secretary General of
Confederation of Traditional Herders Organization in Africa (CORET). Friday,
March 21, 2014
[33] Ibid.
[34] Ibe M., Miyetti Allah Reaffirms
Endorsement of Jonathan’, Leadership Newspaper, Kaduna, 21st November,
available at accessed on 15th January, 2015
[35] . Farouk U.B. ‘The Pastoral-
Agricultural Conflict in Zamfara State, Nigeria’, Memo, North Central Regional
Center for Rural Development, Iowa State University, 107 Curtiss Hall, Ames,
50011 IA, USA
[36] Dan Malam Harande, 50 years ,Oral
Interview, Lambar Bakura, 6th April, 2016. The view of Dan Malam
could be doubted because he is aggrieved by MACBAN an association that take
away their position of authority over the Fulani people.
[37] Idem
[38] Usman Abubakar, Oral Interview, 46
years leading member of MACBAN, Bakura town, 6th April, 2016
[39] Isah Abdullahi, Oral Interview, 40
years, Member of MACBAN, Shinkafi town, 18th September, 2016
[40] Bello Sani, Oral Interview, 35
years, Zurmi town, 20th September, 2016
[41] Ibrahim Usman, Oral Interview, 38
years, Police Officer, Shinkafi Local Government, 19th September,
2016
[42] Sani Muhammed Batauna, Oral
Interview, 48 years, 19th September, 2016
[43] Alkali Hamidu, Oral Interview, 54
years, Danba Village, 22nd December, 2016
[44] Bello Abubakar Barade, Oral
Interview, 42 years, Zurmi town, 20th September, 2016
The official website of the DEGEL Jounal is https://www.degeljournal.com
0 Comments