Cite this article: Ojo, O. E. 2026. “War, Power, and Society: the Dynamics and Consequences of the Kiriji War in Yorubaland”. Sokoto Journal of History Vol. 14, Iss. 01. Pp. 18-33. www.doi.org/10.36349/sokotojh.2026.v14i01.003
WAR, POWER, AND
SOCIETY: THE DYNAMICS AND CONSEQUENCES OF THE KIRIJI WAR IN YORUBALAND
By
Ojo,
Oluranti Edward
Department
of History & Diplomatic Studies,
University
of Abuja, Nigeria
Abstract: The collapse
of the Oyo Empire in the early nineteenth century created a profound political
vacuum in Yorubaland, facilitating the rise of Ibadan as a dominant military
and political power. This ascendancy was consolidated by Ibadan’s victory over
the Fulani forces at the Battle of Osogbo in 1840. However, Ibadan’s expanding
influence, characterized by centralized authority and increasingly coercive
modes of control, generated widespread resistance among other Yoruba polities,
culminating in the Kiriji (Ekiti-Parapo) War of the late nineteenth century.
This study examines the Kiriji War as a critical turning point in the political
and socio-cultural transformation of Yorubaland in present-day southwestern
Nigeria. The paper analyzes Ibadan’s military and administrative strategies,
the structural and immediate causes of the conflict, and the strategic
importance of Igbajo and Imesi-Ile as the principal military encampments of the
Ibadan and Ekiti-Parapo forces, respectively. It further explores the broader
political, social, and cultural consequences of the war, particularly its role
in redefining inter-polity relations and regional identities. Methodologically,
the study adopts a historical research design that integrates primary and
secondary sources. Primary data were drawn from Key Informant Interviews with
local historians and community stakeholders, oral testimonies from selected
residents, and archival materials—including colonial ordinances, intelligence
reports, correspondence, and official gazettes—sourced from the National
Archives, Ibadan, and the Lagos State Records and Archives Bureau. These were
complemented by relevant scholarly literature, government publications, and
photographic documentation of historically significant sites. The findings
demonstrate that Ibadan’s post-Oyo dominance, sustained through military
superiority and political coercion, provoked sustained opposition rooted in
struggles over autonomy, territorial control, and access to resources. The
strategic selection of Igbajo and Imesi-Ile reflected both geographic advantage
and political symbolism. Despite its prolonged violence and devastation, the
Kiriji War fostered new forms of socio-cultural interaction, strengthened
regional consciousness, and encouraged cooperation among previously rival
Yoruba communities. Politically, the conflict contributed to the gradual
reconfiguration and partial unification of Yoruba polities. The study concludes
that the Kiriji War, while destructive, played a significant role in shaping
political authority, socio-cultural integration, and collective identity in
nineteenth-century Yorubaland..
Keywords: Yorubaland;
Ekitiparapo; traditional warriors; Kiriji war; Ajele System
Introduction
The nineteenth century garnered greater attention than any other
period in Yoruba history. One of the major factors that have shaped the course
of history in Yorubaland was the Kiriji (Ekiti-parapo) war. The Kiriji
war did not only mark a critical watershed in the history of the Yoruba, it
was, according to some historians, an accident of history[1]. The Ekitiparapo war which
started like a child’s play got escalated into a full-blown war between 1877
and 1893, and it was indisputably the last and the most protracted war that had
ever broken out in the Yorubaland.
The
Ekiiti-Parapo War, also known as the Kiriji War, was a 16-year civil war that
split the Yoruba people into two sub-ethnic kingdoms: the Western Yoruba, which
included primarily the Ibadan, Ikirun and Oyo-speaking Yoruba, and the Eastern
Yoruba, which included the Ekiti, Ijesha and other Yoruba towns and regions.
This Eastern Yoruba group was joined by the coalition of Igbomina, Egba, Ijebu and
Ilorin.[2] The war lasted
from July 3, 1877, to March 14, 1893, and was adjudged as the longest civil war
in Yorubaland as well as in Nigeria area. The primary issue is the profound
impact of the wars, particularly the Kiriji War and its destruction of
institutions and settlements, as well as the emergence of new metropolitan
conglomerations, which are still felt by the Yoruba till today.
This bloody and
lengthy war broke out, due to a build-up of political upheaval, economic
rivalry, and social discontent among the numerous Yoruba city-states lasting
almost ten years. The execution of the war impacts many parts of
Yoruba people's lives, including the political system, social structure
and interaction, economic structures, cultural traditions, and
demographics. It resulted in the redesigning of borders, the creation of new
political structures, and the restructuring of power dynamics among Yoruba
city-states. It also had a substantial economic impact, including damage to
trade infrastructure, and the loss of agricultural productivity.
The main reason for the civil war was an
attempt to halt the expansive efforts of the Ibadan
city-state, which attempted to replace the Oyo Empire as the dominant region in
Yorubaland.[3] In
addition, Ibadan wanted a unified Yoruba nation similar to that of the Oyo Empire, while the Ijesha wanted a loose confederation
of kingdoms that had existed in the Ekiti region. The fall of the Oyo Empire, which had dominated the region for 500 years
left a gap in the government of Yorubaland. Many city states, which were
previous provinces of the empire, rose up to replace the dominant Oyo Empire,
including Ibadan. Ibadan had won the 1840 Osogbo War and the Battle of Ijaiye
in 1862 and had grown in immense power, almost rising to that of its
predecessor.
Ijesa, Ekiti, Igbomina and Akoko kingdoms had,
for several years, gone through unimaginable subjugations by Aare Latosisa of
Ibadan through his appointed agents, called Ajele.[4]
The Ajeles, were despotic, uncaring, autocratic, and indulged in excesses.[5]
The Background history of the Kiriji War
The imposition and
adoption of Ajele system of
administration by Ibadan on her conquered territories in Yorubaland was
regarded as the remote cause of the Kiriji war. Though the system was not new
in Yorubaland, and was therefore not an innovation of the Ibadan, the way the
Ibadan operated it was new. The Ibadan Ajele
system had been described by some writers and historians as the worst form of
imperial rule in Yorubaland in the nineteenth century, and to some, it was the
best form of rule in Yorubaland during this period.
This system was used
to control a town, as soon as it was conquered by Ibadan. A town was allotted
to a chief in Ibadan for supervision, and he was to maintain a sort of order in
the town, and to see that tributes were paid to Ibadan regularly. This supervision of a town was like a
chieftaincy title in Ibadan, conferred on a person, as a reward for his
services (military or otherwise) to Ibadan.
An Ajele (who was not compulsory, to be an
Ibadan indigene) being the “eyes” and “ears” of the Chief in charge of a town
must be very loyal and transparent. He was not responsible to anyone except the
chief in charge. His action therefore, if supported by the Chief, was
“unquestionable”; this explains why some of these Ajele were very powerful in the tributary towns. They were very
great rivals to the traditional rulers in the conquered towns and they
sometimes usurped the influence and authorities of such rulers. The Ajele courts were even greater than
those of the traditional rulers, based on the model obtained at Ibadan. They
had messengers and hangers-on in their courts, and these people were parasites
on the people in the tributary towns, since the people had to contribute
towards the maintenance of the Ajele
courts. Even the Ajele could
interfere in the appointment of traditional rulers, and they were virtually
“kings” in their conquered territories.
In the tributary
towns, the taxation system was geared towards economic exploitation of the
towns. The towns also paid, whenever and whatever was requested by Ibadan,
emergency levies, foodstuff and cash. They also contributed contingents to
Ibadan, during campaigns, in a tributary state or outside it. The Ajele were sexually and morally corrupt
because they raped the girls, assaulted the women and rifled their valuables.
These were common behaviours of the Ajele
and their agents or lesser officials.
The Ibadan had the
human resources for the system. Until 1877, Ibadan controlled, apart from her
own large population, the populations of the towns and villages in Ekiti,
Ijesa, Akoko, Igbomina, Ife and Osun. The people of Osun accepted Ibadan as
protector against Ilorin who, since the collapse of the Oyo Empire early in the
century, had been making a bid to conquer and rule the Osun district. Young men
from all over Osun flocked to the Ibadan Chiefs or acted as Ibadan Ajele in the Ekiti and neighbouring
districts. From Ife, Ibadan usually demanded contingents to serve in the Ibadan
armies. From Ekiti, Ijesa, Akoko and Igbomina, the Ibadan were constantly
making captives and most of these were later used as “war-boys”, in the
invasion of their own homelands. The Ibadan forces, therefore, always enjoyed
wide superiority in numbers over any opponents they encountered in the north-east
Yoruba country.
By 1877, all these
states had learnt that nothing short of an all-embracing combination of all
their powers could be sufficient to resist Ibadan successfully. Consequently,
in the middle of that year, they took advantage of Ibadan’s preoccupation in a
war against the Egba and Ijebu to come together to form a great confederacy,
the Ekitiparapo, with the aim of expelling Ibadan (their common enemy) from
their lands. In the war – Kiriji,
Ibadan was faced with the greatest challenge of its career.
The immediate cause
of the war was when Ekiti took advantage of the Ibadan’s involvement in a war
with Egba and Ijebu, to stage a rebellion in 1878.[6] The Ekiti sons form a
coalition to commence hostilities against Ibadan. They seized all Oyos and
their families residing peacefully amongst them. They killed some and sold
others into slavery. The Ibadan messengers and the Ajele (political residents of the Ibadan chiefs) were not left out.
Many were massacred. Initially, Ilesa, which had more than once, come into
collision with Ibadan felt reluctant to join the coalition, but she was forced
to later join due to certain circumstances.[7]
The rebellion which
started in Imesi-Igbodo (one of the sixteen Ekiti towns) engulfed the whole
Ekiti and Ijeshaland. There are varying accounts of what led to the rebellion
at Imesi-Igbodo. An account[8] reveals that when Fabunmi
was celebrating the annual Erinle
festival, which was originated by his father, some Ajele messengers with arms attacked the people celebrating with
Fabunmi, confiscated their food, palm-wine and assaulted the celebrants.
Fabunmi lost his temper and killed as many as he could. This problem marked the
outbreak of rebellion in Imesi-Igbodo by Fabunmi.
Fabunmi sent to all
known warriors in Ekiti and Ijesa, urging them to rise with him to throw off
the domineering and oppressive yoke of Ibadan. He sent gifts and messengers to
known warriors like Aduloju and Ogedengbe of Ilesa. Gifts were also sent to the
Oba for spiritual and moral support in the struggle against Ibadan.[9] Responses to Fabunmi’s
invitation were very impressive as people of various kinds came from Ekitiland
to join him. However, the Ijesa were reluctant to join him at the initial stage
because they had constantly clashed with Ibadan and lost.[10]
Amongst those that
joined the coalition were military technocrats that had passed through military
training or apprenticeship of Ibadan, either as slaves, escapees, volunteers,
adventurers, etc. and had taken part in several campaigns of Ibadan both against
their own towns and elsewhere. These set of warriors had imbibed the Ibadan
fighting skills which they later introduced into their areas, thus replacing
the old methods. Among these men were Aduloju, and Ogedengbe[11] of Ilesa, Adeyale of Ila,
Fabunmi of Imsei-Igbodo,[12] others were Omole,
Ayibiowu, Fayise, Odo Edidi, Jege, Osogbo, all from Ijesaland.[13]
It is pertinent to
say that envoys were also sent to all the known enemies of Ibadan like the
Egba, Ijebu and Ilorin to join the coalition, for a concerted action against a
common enemy. Ilorin was the first to join the coalition on the 16th
of June, 1878, and it took others time to join, since they were actively
engaged in war with Ibadan, they could not afford to deploy extra troops to
help the coalition. The coalition raised a formidable army and they were
determined not only to liberate themselves but to overrun the Oyo group right
on to the Ibadan farms at the River Oba.[14] To this end, the alliance
was called EKITIPARAPO (i.e. Ekiti Confederation). The name was a follow up to
the Lagos branch of Ekitiparapo formed by educated Ekiti and Ijesa indigenes
that settled down in Lagos from Brazil, Sierra Leone, Cuba, etc. [15]
The first sign of
warning to Ibadan that was imminent and indispensable was the attack on Igbajo
by the confederation. Igbajo was regarded as being sympathetic towards Ibadan,
(although, regarded as extension of Ijesha territory) she refused to enter into
the “unholy” alliance with other Ekiti/Ijesa towns.[16] The confederation was
bent on having Igbajo on their side because the town was not only strategically
sited but naturally fortified.
The news of the
attack got to Ibadan on the 19th of August, 1873,[17] and Maye of Ibadan,
Osuntoki was sent with a small contingent to relieve Igbajo. Igbajo was invaded
by the confederate army (headed by Fabunmi of Imesi-Igbodo) and was defeated.
The inhabitants of the town hastily deserted the town and fled to Ikirun and
Osogbo. The Owa of Igbajo went to
take refuge at Osogbo. Those that refused to leave were captured, killed or
enslaved. Ekitiparapo army pursued the Igbajo to Ikirun and hemmed[18] the town on all sides.
Maye realised that
he could not overcome the confederate army, he called for reinforcement from
Ibadan. Therefore, Are sent him
strong force headed by Balogun Ajayi
Ogboriefon to be assisted by Osi. The Ibadan forces later defeated the
Ekitiparapo army at Ikirun in a battle known as “JALUMI” war.[19] The defeat was felt
mostly by Ilorin because most of her important soldiers perished in the river.
The withdrawal of
Ibadan forces after the Jalumi defeat spelt doom for the people of Igbajo once
more, as the Ekitiparapo, supported by their Lagos brothers, regrouped and
launched a very serious attack. But about the same time, Ibadan was busily
engaged in the war between her and Egba/Ijebu alliance on one side, and between
her and Ilorin, on the other.
Ogedengbe who
initially refused to join the coalition was recalled from Ita-Ogbolu military
base. After a lot of persuasion, he accepted to lead the Ekitiparapo
confederacy. Moreover, in order to solidify the alliance, there was an exchange
of troops between Ekiti army and Ilorin army.[20] The troop laid siege
again on Igbajo, the town was once again ravaged and pulled down. Ikirun was
attacked and defeated. To quickly arrest
the situation, the Are sent a strong
troop to stop Ekitiparapo’s mission, but unlike the first time, they could not
record any success over the confederate army. However, the confederate army
retreated under pressure into their familiar area around Imesi-Ile. There, they
stood firm and met the challenge of the Ibadan army led by Seriki of Ibadan.
While the
confederate army settled at Imesi-ile as camp, the Ibadan forces also made
Igbajo as their own battle camp. Imesi-Ile had been described by Williams Ojo
in his Folk History of Imesi-Ile as a
town which is by nature situated on a plateau, and the surrounding hills offer
great difficulties to enemies.[21] Early victory was
recorded for Ibadan at the beginning of the battle,[22] but later the table
turned in favour of the confederacy.
The Ibadan and
Ekitiparapo camps in the hilly country between Igbajo and Imesi-Ile during the Kiriji war were two of the greatest
military camps of the century. Ajowu, a suburb of Igbajo (about eight
kilometers to Igbajo) was the battle field. The war was so tense and fierce
that defeats and victories were interchangeably made between the two groups. At
the end of 1886 when the British intervened there was no victor, no vanquished.
This is what the Yoruba called “AJANTUKA” (war of dispersion). It was no doubt,
a mistake of history which could be better dreamt of than experienced.
Explanation for the Stale War
The confederacy was
well organised and went on to achieve that, at the beginning of the war, had
seemed impossible. It did not only hold mighty Ibadan at bay, it held, for most
of the eight years of war, 1878-1886, the upper hand over Ibadan. By 1886, though
Ibadan still proved, in spite of repeated reverses, impossible to crush, the
Ekitiparapo was so far successful in that Ibadan obliged to accept the
independence of the states of the Ekitiparapo.[23]
The Ekitiparapo owed
such achievements to its overall economic advantage over Ibadan. Throughout the
war, the Ekitiparapo stood on two pillars; one planted o the Atlantic Coast
(especially Lagos), the other in the interior, in the countries of the Ekiti,
Ijesa, Igbomina and Akoko who were members of the confederation.
The Ekitiparapo
Society (founded in 1852 in Lagos)[24] aided the Ekiti and Ijesa
in a united revolt to topple the overlordship of Ibadan.[25] Some of the expenses of the war borne by the
Ekitiparapo Society include taxes to buy gifts, arms and ammunition for the
Ekitiparapo.[26]
The society also sent volunteer-troops from Lagos to fight in the Ekitiparapo
forces; to act as advisers and secretaries to the war chiefs; and to teach the
Ekitiparapo “war-boys” the use of the powerful guns, weapons unknown before in
the country – Mauser Rifles, Snider Rifles, Martini Henri Rifles, Remington
Rifles, Manchester Repeaters – which the leaders of the society were importing
into the country for the Ekitiparapo and which immeasurably increased the
superiority of the Ekitiparapo over the Ibadan.[27] These guns when fully loaded and fired,
ricocheted with vibrations and dispensed an onomatopoetic sounds “KI-RI-JI-I”[28] in the surrounding hills[29] because it sounded like
“KI-RI-JI-I”[30]. Therefore, the name kiriji was
onomatopoetically derived from the sound of these deadly rifles which changed
the course of the war in favour of the allies. Some men from this society in
Lagos[31] were also delegated to
the confederate camp to train the Ekitiparapo in the use of these sophisticated
weapons. Men like Labinjo from Lagos and Gureje from Abeokuta played important
roles in the training of the Ekitiparapo army.
The opening in the
1870s of a new road in the Eastern Yoruba country through Ondo, enabling the
members of the society to establish direct contacts from Lagos with Ekiti and
Ijesa without, as hitherto, having to pass through Ibadan, finally gave the
society full opportunity to bring its impact onto the affairs among the Ekiti
and Ijesa.[32]
The other
contributions of the Ekitiparapo society towards the Ekitiparapo war effort was
in maintaining, throughout the war, a steady trade between the Ekitiparapo camp
and the coast, especially Lagos. The importance of this trade was demonstrated
in the fact that, by the 1870s, European fire-arms of all types had become the
chief weapons in Yoruba warfare.[33] In fact, the effects of
the weapons in favour of the confederate army made the Ibadan chiefs to accuse
the British government of supplying the weapons to the Ekitiparapo.[34] Alhough, Ibadan was also
assisted by some Ijebu chiefs, especially the Balogun and merchants in 1883 at
Olu market, it was not enough to change the course of the war in their favour.
Even the assistance of Chief Taiwo Olowo of Lagos to Ibadan could not save
matters.[35]
Ibadan found it very
difficult throughout the war to maintain a steady trade with the coast. The
Ilorin and the Ekitiparapo completely barred the routes to the Niger and Benin
respectively against the Ibadan. Also, Ibadan warriors were not loyal to Latosa
in the war front. Envy and jealousy did not make the Ibadan warlords serving
under Latosa to serve him religiously since they all wanted to be leaders
hence, they were not prepared to labour for another man’s glory. The battle was
so fierce against Ibadan that by 1884, Are Latosa (Sometimes called Are
Latosisa) had to write a petition letter to Ogundipe and Rev. J.B. Wood asking
them to intercede in the war by opening up the Egba, Ijebu and Port Novo trade
routes so that Ibadan might not be totally destroyed. Moreover, another letter
was written to the Governor of Lagos, Capt. A.C. Moloney asking for British
intervention.[36]
The war chiefs in
Ibadan believed that Latosa wanted to eliminate them deliberately by sending
them to the Kiriji battle field, so as to make room for his own sons to be
supreme over them.[37] Therefore, they were not
dedicated and committed to the war whereas for the confederate, there was no
room for any intrigue or division. The sentiment of common hostility to Ibadan,
and the rejection of its overlordship was enough to sustain it, all through the
war.[38]
The numerical
strength of the confederate army was an advantage over the small military
contingent of Ibadan. All towns that formed the alliance donated men, charms,
medicine men and warriors. Apart from this, individual warriors joined the
confederate army with their troops and also by this time, Ogedengbe, who had
earlier refused to join the Ekitiparapo forces, subsequently allied his large
army with them after his successful military exploits at Idoani district.[39] He therefore, left his base, Ita Ogbolu to
join the allies.
The Ife revolt of
May 1882 was also a contributory factor to the reverses of Ibadan at that war.
Ife which had been an ally of Ibadan revolted and attacked the Oyo town of
Modakeke which was practically one town separated only by a small stream from
Ile Ife. The Ibadan sent a contingent to Modakeke and they both attacked Ife,
which was destroyed and sacked by the combined army of Ibadan and Modakeke. The
war chiefs fighting at Kiriji with Ibadan left the camp in a body with their
children and wives, and deflected to the Ekitiparapo side in one night before
day break. The Ife, Ijebu therefore joined others to attack Modakeke.[40]
Ibadan had to divert
a contingent to this new front, thus complicating an already bad situation for
Ibadan at this time.[41] Ibadan was faced on five
fronts, with ammunition spent, yet flinching from none, at Ofa, at Kiriji, at
Modakeke, against the Egba and the Ijebu.[42] With the deflection of
Ife, the last of Ibadan to the coast was finally sealed.[43] She was trapped and to
worsen the whole situation, famine broke out among the Ibadan and their
provisions were exhausted. No food, no water. The common soldiers had now to
live on palm nuts, certain edible roots, and whatever they could procure from
the forests to sustain life, while there was plenty in the confederate camp.[44] Thus, apart from the
short supply of fire arms, hunger further weakened the strength and morale of
Ibadan soldiers.
On the contrary, the
confederate army was able to sustain themselves as a result of the flourish and
boom in palm-oil trade. Palm-oil was sold to Lagos traders by the Ijesa/Ekiti
traders in exchange for European clothes, beads, plates, salt,[45] etc. However, the trade
was not limited to articles like palm-oil and home woven clothes, slaves
continued to be an important item of Yoruba trade because traders were known to
go back from the Kiriji war front through Ondo with as many as 147 slaves at a
time. These slaves were re-sold in other parts of the country.[46]
According to
Governor Rowe[47]
the sale of slaves was more profitable and brought a lot of wealth to
Ekitiparapo than the trade in palm-oil. Thus, impressive population of militia,
adequate supply of food, regular supply of sophisticated firearms, unity among
the confederate members and dedication to a common course played a decisive
role in the prolongation of the war on one hand, the number of casualties and
the level of victory on the other hand. The confederate, for instance, enjoyed
a considerable number of armies. Ogedengbe, the commander-in-chief of the
Ekitiparapo had the largest personal army, others with large number were
Fajembola, the Olugbosun of Oye, Arimoro of Ilesa, Ogunminu of Otun, Fabunmi of
Imesi-Igbodo, Ogunmodede,[48] Lasebikan (Ilorin),
Faboro (Ido-Ekiti), Urogoji (Ibokun), Oluborode (Ikogosi), Ajidagba (Epe),
Laosebikan (Igbaja), Aduloju and Falowo (Ada), Adeyale (Ila), Bakare (Afa),
Fadeyo (Esa-Oke), Otemuyi (Ijebu-Jesa), Oluwo (Ilase), Danaja and Oloyiabe
(Ijeki), Famogbiyele (Oye-Ekiti), Agada Lemisan (Efon), Ogbigo (Ara), Olukotun
(Ara).[49]
The Kiriji war, more
than any other war in the nineteenth century Yorubaland would, for long, be remembered not only for producing a number
of war heroes, uniting the Ekiti communities, creating an advancement in the use
of European fire arms and military strength, but also, for checkmating or
put-paying the unbridled expansion of Ibadan military adventurism.
Impacts of the Kiriji war in Yorubaland
Examining the war's
social, political, economic, and cultural effects can help us comprehend the
war's complexity and diversity and how the peace treaty that follows the war
unifies the Yorubas.
Social Impact: The social
implications of the Kiriji war cannot be understated. Aside from the
widespread loss of lives and property, the war resulted in huge
displacement and migration: The war prompted thousands of people to migrate,
displacing entire towns and disrupting societal systems. As the war ravaged the
region, many settlements were destroyed, and people were compelled to evacuate
their homes to avoid the violence. The war had an especially devastating impact
on the Ijaye kingdom, where the Oyo army's bombardment of cities and villages
resulted in a major migration of people. Many people from Ijaye relocated to
Ibadan and settled in the Sabo district, which later became known as
"Ijaye Sabo" owing to the great number of Ijaye residents who resided
there. Similarly, the people of the Oyo kingdom migrated to other areas in
large numbers. The inhabitants of Igbajo hastily deserted the town and fled to
Ikirun and Osogbo. The Owa of Igbajo went to take refuge at Osogbo[50]. Some Igbajo indigenes
fled to Ibadan (especially in Sango area of Ibadan) where they established
permanent residence and trade in plank/saw mailing till date. The Kiriji
War-induced forced migration of people significantly affected Yorubaland's
demographic and cultural environment, resulting in the emergence of new
communities and a mix of cultures.[51]
Also, the Kiriji War
resulted in the reformation of social structures. Traditional social order was
reevaluated, resulting in the rise of new leaders and an alteration of power
and social dynamics. As the war impaired the old kingdoms of Oyo and Ijaye, new
leaders stepped in to fill the power vacuum. For instance, the war helped
Ibadan emerge as a significant force in Yorubaland, with leaders like Basorun
Ogunmola and Aare Latoosa becoming key actors in the region's leadership.[52] Similarly, the war led to
the development of new rulers in other cities, like Ogbomosho, which
became significant centers of authority and influence. The war also disturbed
conventional hierarchies, resulting in the formation of new political and
social interactions. For instance, the war resulted in the demise of the
ancient Oyo nobility and the creation of new elite groups like Ibadan war
chiefs and Egba merchants.[53]It also resulted in the
development of novel forms of social organization, such as the Ekitiparapo
coalition, which brought together different groups and their leaders to
challenge conventional power frameworks.
Political Impact: The Kiriji war
significantly altered Yorubaland's political landscape and profoundly impacted
the region. A new political system typified by the growth of strong city-states
like Ibadan, Abeokuta, and Ogbomosho replaced the previous Oyo Empire, which
dominated Yorubaland for generations, following the war. These city-states
developed into hubs of governmental authority, encouraging Yoruba unity and a
feeling of regional identity. Along with these effects, the war brought about
the restructuring of existing political alliances and the creation of new ones.
One such example is the Ekitiparapo alliance, which brought together leaders
and members of various parties to foster growth and collaboration in the
region.[54]
The Kiriji War
caused significant territorial readjustment and the establishment of
new political structures. Following the war, the victorious city-states
extended their borders, redesigning the regional map and reducing the Oyo
Empire's power and influence. Furthermore, the conflict resulted in the
creation of new political positions and responsibilities, such as the Bashorun
of Ibadan and the Alake of Abeokuta, which have become powerful emblems of
political authority. The conflict also cleared the way for an influx of
political leaders who became more aware of their necessities and aspirations.
In addition, the Kiriji War represented a critical point in Yorubaland's
political history, resulting in a decentralized and dynamic governmental
system that shaped the region's growth and development for decades.
Economic Impact: The Kiriji War had a
tremendous economic impact on the Yorubas. The devastation of cities and
villages resulted in the depletion of infrastructure, which included
farms, markets, and other economic investments. The war caused the loss
of a great deal of human resources and labor, and the economic consequences
of the war were made even more severe by the victorious city-states'
imposition of tributes and taxation on the defeated communities.[55]Although it is argued by
some scholars that the Kiriji War had no substantial impact on crop production,
it did disrupt trade networks and routes, resulting in decreased commercial
activity and a shortage of essential products. Two significant elements
contributed to this. The traders faced insecurity while traversing the
roadways, making them vulnerable to kidnapping. Also, the major roads were
completely blocked.
However, the Kiriji
War did have some favourable economic consequences for Yorubaland. During the
interwar period, trade merchants selling armaments and ammunition saw
massivebusiness growth. Craftsmen and technicians who produced and maintained
military weapons, including Dane guns, swords, daggers, knives, and iron clubs,
also gained greatly. There was an expansion in business for talismanmakers, who
provided protective charms and medications for warriors. Soldiers typically
wore protective charms on the battlefield. Craftsmen and charm makers faced a
massive task as thousands of them participated in warfare at the same time. The
war resulted in the establishment of new commercial centers, in particular, the
war fueled the expansion of the textile industry as weavers in Ibadan, Oshogbo,
Ilorin, and Abeokuta profited from the need for fabric and adire (tie-dye) to
create vivid textiles that became emblems of Yoruba identity. In addition, the
wartime surge in demand for metallurgy resulted in the growth of blacksmithing,
a profession where talented artisans produced weapons, tools, and other
necessities.[56]Also,
the war resulted in the development of farming, as people attempted to boost
food production to satisfy the requirements of the increasing population.
Ultimately, while the Kiriji War had substantial economic consequences, it also
generated new economic opportunities and fueled Yoruba city-states growth and
prosperity.
Cultural Impacts: The Kiriji War had
cultural ramifications, influencing Yoruba storytelling, folklore, and memory.
It became a part of Yoruba oral tradition, shaping narratives about valor,
bravery, and the consequences of war. Analyzing the cultural effects of war
fosters a greater awareness of cultures' resilience and adaptation in the face
of severe circumstances. Given its magnitude, the Kiriji War undoubtedly
influenced Yoruba culture and ideas. Its influence can be seen not just in the
political and economic spheres but also in the plethora of creative expressions
and thought-provoking conversations it sparked. It is especially clear in the
context of the Kiriji war that conflict has wide-ranging and profound cultural
effects. This war's cultural effects go well beyond the front lines, impacting
socioeconomic institutions, creative endeavors, and collective identities. The
Kiriji War resulted in substantial changes in Yoruba traditions, including
the cessation of human sacrifice and the creation of new cultural standards.
The war's devastating impact on old power structures undermined the
validity of human sacrifice while growing exposure to outside influences
such as Islam, Christianity, and British colonialism encouraged the
acceptance of new practices and ideas. As a result, the conflict triggered a
cultural change, opening the way for the harmonious mixture of ancient and
modern behaviors that distinguishes contemporary Yoruba culture.[57]
The war severely
disturbed traditional lives, causing massive relocation and disrupting social
hierarchies. As communities dealt with the unpredictable environment of war,
many traditions were destroyed or significantly altered. Furthermore, changes
in language and educational pursuits demonstrate the war's deep impact on
Yoruba cultural identity. In many cases, the Kiriji War fundamentally altered
gender roles. Women gradually took major earning duties, often taking up jobs
formerly held by men who became casualties or were incapacitated to work. Women
entered labor markets as a result of necessity during the war. Many became the
principal breadwinners for their families, resulting in a gradual but
noticeable shift in society's attitudes toward women's roles in economic
and political life. This transformation also called into question long-held
societal notions of masculinity. Family units changed as extended families
became increasingly common, frequently owing to displacement. Such shifting
family patterns illustrate Yoruba society's resilience, demonstrating how families
deal with the cultural consequences of the war.
The Kiriji war also
fueled the development of novel styles of art, as Yoruba artists responded
artistically to the conflict's desolation and social turmoil. Warfare songs,
dances, and other artistic expressions became popular, functioning as coping
strategies, memorial devices, and forums for societal critique. These new art
forms preserved the memory of past events, cultural distinctiveness, and
societal cohesion, strengthening Yoruba's artistic history while also
reflecting the horrific consequences of war.
End of Inter-Yoruba wars: The Kiriji war
marked the climax of a series of internal conflicts among Yoruba city-states
that had been ongoing for decades. It ultimately led to the cessation of these
intra-Yoruba wars and the establishment of a more stable political order in the
region.
Development of Modern Yoruba Identity: The war brought
together various Yoruba subgroups, such as the Ekiti, Ijesha, Ibadan, Oyo, and
Ife, in a concerted effort to resist the imperial expansion of the Ijebu
Kingdom. This collective resistance helped foster a sense of unity and shared
identity among the Yoruba people.
Introduction of Modern warfare Tactics: The Kiriji War was
notable for the introduction of modern military tactics, strategies, and
weaponry, including the extensive use of firearms, which significantly
influenced subsequent conflicts in Nigeria and West Africa.
Impact on Colonialism: The Kiriji war
played a role in shaping British colonial policies in the region. The British,
who were observing the conflict, would later use their understanding of Yoruba
military capabilities and political dynamics to manipulate and eventually
conquer different parts of Yorubaland.
Legacy of Diplomacy: The post-war peace
treaty, known as the "Treaty of Ikirun" signed in 1886, exemplifies
the diplomatic ingenuity of Yoruba leaders in resolving conflicts through
negotiation and compromise. This legacy of diplomacy continues to influence
Yoruba political traditions and conflict resolution mechanisms.
Overall, the Kiriji
War is important in Yoruba history because it marked a turning point in the
political, social, and military dynamics of the region, leading to a more
unified Yoruba identity and influencing subsequent historical events and
developments in Nigeria.
Conclusion
The Kiriji war, more
than any other war in the nineteenth century Yorubaland would, for long, be
remembered not only for producing a number of war heroes, uniting the Ekiti
communities, creating an advancement in the use of European fire arms and
military strength, but also, for checkmating or put-paying the unbridled
expansion of Ibadan military adventurism. Though the 1886 peace treaty served
as gateway to colonization in Yorubaland, the treaty of 1893 sealed the
agreement and completed the process of colonization of Yorubaland in Nigeria.
The study found that
Ibadan’s rise to power after the collapse of the Oyo Empire was marked by
strong military leadership and efforts to dominate other Yoruba towns. This
growing authority, coupled with its despotic governance, provoked resistance
from neighboring communities, which eventually led to the Kiriji (Ekiti-Parapo)
War. One of the key causes of the war was opposition to Ibadan’s control, as
well as competition over territorial influence and access to resources.
The war’s major
battle sites, Igbajo and Imesi-Ile, were strategically chosen. Igbajo served as
Ibadan’s base due to its proximity to Ibadan-controlled territories, while
Imesi-Ile became the Ekiti-Parapo coalition’s headquarters because of its
central location and defensible terrain. Despite the destruction caused by the
war, it also fostered socio-cultural integration. Communities that had
previously been rivals collaborated during the conflict, strengthening regional
identity and encouraging cultural exchange.
Politically, the war
contributed to the gradual unification of Yoruba towns. Collective
decision-making among the coalition states and interactions between communities
helped stabilize inter-town relations in southwest Nigeria. Archival records,
colonial documents, and oral histories confirmed both the strategic importance
of the battle sites and the broader social impact of the conflict.
In summary, the
Kiriji War was more than a struggle for political dominance; it also served as
a catalyst for socio-cultural integration, regional identity formation, and
political consolidation in nineteenth-century Yorubaland.
References
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Appendix 1: Table
showing the two warring blocs during the Ekitiparapo (Kiriji) war
|
Ibadan and allies
(Western Bloc) |
Ekitiparapo group
and supporters (Eastern Bloc) |
|
·
Ibadan (Headquarters of the military forces) ·
Oyo and regions
formerly under the old Oyo Empire ·
Ogbomoso ·
Ede ·
Ikirun ·
Ilobu ·
Ejigbo ·
Iwo Kingdom ·
Igbajo ·
Modakeke ·
Ila-orangun (at
various stages and partially) ·
Osogbo |
·
Ijesha kingdom and
confederacy ·
Ekiti confederacy and
neighbours ·
Akure Kingdom ·
Ondo Kingdom
(Played limited, diplomatic, logistics and strategic roles) ·
Akoko confederacy ·
Egba kingdom, the city state
of Abeokuta ·
Ila Kingdom and the Igbomina confederacy ·
Ilorin (Partial
and indirect support)
|
Source: Multiple sources
such as, Johnson, S. The History of the Yorubas and Falola, T. The History of Nigeria
[1] E.O. Ojo, Igbajo:
History, Culture and Development, C.1250-1990, Abuja, Olly Prints Ltd, 2018,
pp73-74
[2] L. O. Buhari, Department of
History and International Studies, Faculty of Arts, Ekiti State University,
Ekiti, Nigeria. Polit Journal:
Scientific Journal of Politics. Vol. 3, No. 2, May 2023, Page: 67-76.
[3] Adewale Adeoye "Kiriji:
The World's Longest Civil War, - Premium Times Opinion". 27 September 2017
[4] Johnson,
Samuel. The History of the Yorubas from the Earliest Times to the Beginning of
the British Protectorate. Great Britain: Lowe and Brydone Limited. (1921).
pp. 423–425. ISBN 9781642275308
[5] Adekanla,
Olabisi. Imesi-Ile : the
ancient Kiriji camp. Ibadan: Peetee Nigeria Ltd. (1999). p. 15. ISBN 978-35009-0-2. OCLC 49823357
[6] S. Johnson, op. cit., p. 423
[7] When Ayitiki the Owoni lately crowned by the
Area of Ibadan for the Ifes captured some Ijesa towns, viz, Ipindun, Ifewara,
Oru, gave rise to the panic at Ilesa, hence she was forced to join the
coalition.
[8] S.A. Akintoye, op. cit., p. 87.
[9] S.A. Akintoye, p. 91.
[10] S. Jonson op. cit., p. 423
[11] “Ogedengbe was placed under bada Aki iko o, a
distinguished warrior, under whom he learnt the art of war. When the Ijesas
rebelled against Ibadan, he was one of those who returned home to rejoin his
compatriots to lay siege against Igbajo. When they were defeated he was caught
and brought back to Ibadan and handed over to Ogunmola”. He was not killed but
spared and given another chance but was seriously dealt with. See S. Johnson,
p. 377.
[12] CMS(Y) 1/7/5… In a letter to Captain Moloney
at Lagos sent through Rev. Charles Phillip, the Ekiti Obas admitted that their
leading warriors had military experience under Ibadan.
[13] See also S. Johnson, op. cit., p. 369.
[14] S. Johnson, p. 439.
[15] E.A. Ayandele: The Missionary Impact on Modern Nigeria. London: Longman, 1966, p.
34.
[16] S. Johnson, op. cit., p. 425.
[17] S. Johnson,
[18] S. Johnson, p. 370
[19] S. Johnson, p. 435.
[20] S.A. Akintoye, op. cit., p. 113.
[21] W. Ojo, “History of Imesi-Ile”, Nigeria Magazine, No. 42, 1953, p. 99.
[22] The reasons responsible for the Ibadan early
victory were contained in Owoaje Olufemi, op. cit., p. 14.
[23] Cd. 4957, London, 1887 – “Treaty of Peace, Friendship and
Commerce”, - enclosure in Moloney to Granville, 23, June, 1886.
[24] NAI. Phillips, ¼: An Address delivered at a missionary meeting at
Faji, Lagos, Feb. 28, 1879”. Also T. Lloyd Harrison to Fox Bourne, January 27,
1892. See also O. Owoaje, op. cit., p. 15.
[25] CMS, CA2/098: Young’s “Journal Extract for the Quarter edition Dec.
31, 1875”.
[26] NAI, CMS(Y), 4/1/8, Phillips: “An Account of my interview with
Chief Manuwa of Itebu”, 1881, Philips 1/1, Phillips” 1879 Journal; CMS(Y)
1/7/5…; S. Johnson to the Lt. Governor of Lagos, 23/1/1882.
[27] Lagos Observer,
22/11/1883; also cd. 4957, London 1887 – Reports of Phillips, First and Second
1886 Missions and of the Special Commissioners.
[28] See also S. Johnson, op. cit., p. 448.
[29] See also S. Johnson, op. cit., p. 448.
[30] See also S. Johnson, op. cit., p. 448.
[31] CMS(Y) 1/7/5… Letters to and from the
Secretary, Yoruba Mission.
[32] NAI. Phillips 1/1/1: Note on “Glover and the
Ondos” – in Diary and Letter Book, 1887-86.
[33] C.F. Ajayi Smith:
Yoruba Warfare in the 19th Century. London: Cambridge, 1964, pp.
13-22.
[34] CMS(Y) 1/7/5…
Johnson to Lieutenant Governor of Lagos, 23rd August, 1882.
[35] C.O. 879/33 –
Ekitiparapo Kings to the Lagos Government – Letter dated 19th
October, 1885.
[36] T. Omikunle (ed.)
op. cit., p. 185.
[37] S. Johnson, op.
cit., pp. 444-447.
[38] B. Awe, op. cit., p.
273.
[39] T. Omikunle (ed.)
op. cit., p. 184. See S. Johnson, p. 443.
[40] S.A. Akintoye, op.
cit., pp. 475-478.
[41] S.A. Akintoye, p.
448.
[42] S.A. Akintoye, p.
478
[43] The Egbas and Ijebus
had earlier blockaded the route in her territory between Ibadan and Lagos in
order to punish Ibadan and to keep Ibadan to its hell. For details see c.d.
4957. London 1887, ‘statement of the Apena’s mission to the King of Jebu’,
enclosure in Moloney to Rowe, 31 January, 1883.
[44] The Nigerian Daily
Sketch, 28/02/1967, p. 7.
[45] NAI. CMS(Y), Wood to
Land, 15/10/1885.
[46] (P.R.O.) C.O.
147/55, Evans to Griffiths, 28/Aug./1885.
[47] (P.R.O.) C.O.
147/50, Rowe to Derby 18/5/1883. Though the Egba and Ijebu were officially at
war with Ibadan, yet they were able to buy slaves from there.
[48] S.A. Akintoye, op.
cit., p. 41.
[49] A. Fasiku: Igbajo and its People. Lagos: Writers’
Fraternity Ltd., 1995, p. 16.
[50] E.O. Ojo, Igbajo:
History, Culture and Development, C.1250-1990, Abuja, Olly Prints Ltd, 2018, p86
[51]S. Oyeweso, The Kiriji War Saga: The
Issues, the Aftermath and the Prospects. “Text of the keynote Address
delivered at the 126th Aniversary of the Kiriji War Organised by Osun State Ministry
of Home Affairs, Culture & Tourism in collaboration with Kiriji War Heritage
Council”, 22nd-23rd September, 2012.
[52]F. Oyefeso, Unveiling the Epic Saga: The Kiriji
War - Yoruba's Longest Civil Conflict, https://www.foluoyefeso.com/post/unveiling-the-epic-saga-the-kiriji-war-yoruba-s-longest-civil-conflict, Accessed on 16th September,
2024.
[53]G. O. Olusanya, (ed.) Studies in
Yoruba History and Culture, Ibadan: UPL, 1993, p. 16
[54]S. A. Akintoye, Revolution and Power
Politics in Yorubaland 1840–1893: Ibadan expansion and the rise of Ekiti
Parapo, 1971, p. 23
[55]D. A. Ilesanmi, “Revisiting the Ekitiparapo
Liberation War after 137 Years,” Associate Research Professor of Biblical
Research and Christian Education, 2023, p. 9
[56]J. F. Ajayi, and R. S. Smith, Yoruba
Warfare in the 19 Century, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1964, 21
[57]O. Ajayi, “How Kiriji war will shape Yoruba’s
future”, Vanguard News, September 26, 2015,https://www.vanguardngr.com/2016/09/kiriji-warll-shape-yorubas-future/#google_vignette,
Accessed on 16th September, 2024.
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