Cite this article: Ojo, O. E. 2026. “War, Power, and Society: the Dynamics and Consequences of the Kiriji War in Yorubaland”. Sokoto Journal of History Vol. 14, Iss. 01. Pp. 140-153. www.doi.org/10.36349/sokotojh.2026.v14i01.013
WAR, POWER, AND
SOCIETY: THE DYNAMICS AND CONSEQUENCES OF THE KIRIJI WAR IN YORUBALAND
By
Ojo,
Oluranti Edward
Department
of History & Diplomatic Studies
University of Abuja, Nigeria
Abstract: The collapse
of the Oyo Empire in the early nineteenth century created a profound political
vacuum in Yorubaland, facilitating the rise of Ibadan as a dominant military
and political power. This ascendancy was consolidated by Ibadan’s victory over
the Fulani forces at the Battle of Osogbo in 1840. However, Ibadan’s expanding
influence, characterized by centralized authority and increasingly coercive
modes of control, generated widespread resistance among other Yoruba polities,
culminating in the Kiriji (Ekiti-Parapo) War of the late nineteenth century.
This study examines the Kiriji War as a critical turning point in the political
and socio-cultural transformation of Yorubaland in present-day southwestern
Nigeria. The paper analyzes Ibadan’s military and administrative strategies,
the structural and immediate causes of the conflict, and the strategic
importance of Igbajo and Imesi-Ile as the principal military encampments of the
Ibadan and Ekiti-Parapo forces, respectively. It further explores the broader
political, social, and cultural consequences of the war, particularly its role
in redefining inter-polity relations and regional identities. Methodologically,
the study adopts a historical research design that integrates primary and
secondary sources. Primary data were drawn from Key Informant Interviews with
local historians and community stakeholders, oral testimonies from selected
residents, and archival materials—including colonial ordinances, intelligence
reports, correspondence, and official gazettes—sourced from the National
Archives, Ibadan, and the Lagos State Records and Archives Bureau. These were
complemented by relevant scholarly literature, government publications, and
photographic documentation of historically significant sites. The findings
demonstrate that Ibadan’s post-Oyo dominance, sustained through military
superiority and political coercion, provoked sustained opposition rooted in
struggles over autonomy, territorial control, and access to resources. The
strategic selection of Igbajo and Imesi-Ile reflected both geographic advantage
and political symbolism. Despite its prolonged violence and devastation, the
Kiriji War fostered new forms of socio-cultural interaction, strengthened
regional consciousness, and encouraged cooperation among previously rival
Yoruba communities. Politically, the conflict contributed to the gradual
reconfiguration and partial unification of Yoruba polities. The study concludes
that the Kiriji War, while destructive, played a significant role in shaping
political authority, socio-cultural integration, and collective identity in
nineteenth-century Yorubaland.
Keywords: Yorubaland; Ekitiparapo; traditional warriors; Kiriji war; Ajele
System
Introduction
The
nineteenth century garnered greater attention than any other period in Yoruba
history. One of the major factors that have shaped the course of history in
Yorubaland was the Kiriji (Ekiti-parapo) war. The Kiriji war did
not only mark a critical watershed in the history of the Yoruba, it was,
according to some historians, an accident of history[1]. The Ekitiparapo war which
started like a child’s play got escalated into a full-blown war between 1877
and 1893, and it was indisputably the last and the most protracted war that had
ever broken out in the Yorubaland.
The Ekiiti-Parapo War, also known
as the Kiriji War, was a 16-year civil war that split the Yoruba people into
two sub-ethnic kingdoms: the Western Yoruba, which included primarily the
Ibadan, Ikirun and Oyo-speaking Yoruba, and the Eastern Yoruba, which included
the Ekiti, Ijesha and other Yoruba towns and regions. This Eastern Yoruba group
was joined by the coalition of Igbomina, Egba, Ijebu and Ilorin.[2] The war lasted
from July 3, 1877, to March 14, 1893, and was adjudged as the longest civil war
in Yorubaland as well as in Nigeria area. The primary issue is the profound
impact of the wars, particularly the Kiriji War and its destruction of
institutions and settlements, as well as the emergence of new metropolitan
conglomerations, which are still felt by the Yoruba till today.
This bloody and lengthy war broke out,
due to a build-up of political upheaval, economic rivalry, and social
discontent among the numerous Yoruba city-states lasting almost ten years. The
execution of the war impacts many parts of Yoruba people's lives,
including the political system, social structure and interaction, economic
structures, cultural traditions, and demographics. It resulted in the
redesigning of borders, the creation of new political structures, and the
restructuring of power dynamics among Yoruba city-states. It also had a
substantial economic impact, including damage to trade infrastructure, and the
loss of agricultural productivity.
The
main reason for the civil war was an attempt to halt the expansive efforts of
the Ibadan city-state, which attempted to replace the Oyo
Empire as the dominant region in Yorubaland.[3]
In addition, Ibadan wanted a unified Yoruba nation similar to that of the Oyo Empire, while the Ijesha wanted a loose confederation
of kingdoms that had existed in the Ekiti region. The fall of the Oyo Empire, which had dominated the region for 500 years
left a gap in the government of Yorubaland. Many city states, which were
previous provinces of the empire, rose up to replace the dominant Oyo Empire,
including Ibadan. Ibadan had won the 1840 Osogbo War and the Battle of Ijaiye
in 1862 and had grown in immense power, almost rising to that of its
predecessor.
Ijesa,
Ekiti, Igbomina and Akoko kingdoms had, for several years, gone through
unimaginable subjugations by Aare Latosisa of Ibadan through his appointed
agents, called Ajele.[4]
The Ajeles, were despotic, uncaring, autocratic, and indulged in excesses.[5]
The Background
history of the Kiriji War
The imposition and adoption of Ajele system of administration by Ibadan
on her conquered territories in Yorubaland was regarded as the remote cause of
the Kiriji war. Though the system was not new in Yorubaland, and was therefore
not an innovation of the Ibadan, the way the Ibadan operated it was new. The
Ibadan Ajele system had been
described by some writers and historians as the worst form of imperial rule in
Yorubaland in the nineteenth century, and to some, it was the best form of rule
in Yorubaland during this period.
This system was used to control a town,
as soon as it was conquered by Ibadan. A town was allotted to a chief in Ibadan
for supervision, and he was to maintain a sort of order in the town, and to see
that tributes were paid to Ibadan regularly.
This supervision of a town was like a chieftaincy title in Ibadan,
conferred on a person, as a reward for his services (military or otherwise) to
Ibadan.
An Ajele
(who was not compulsory, to be an Ibadan indigene) being the “eyes” and “ears”
of the Chief in charge of a town must be very loyal and transparent. He was not
responsible to anyone except the chief in charge. His action therefore, if
supported by the Chief, was “unquestionable”; this explains why some of these Ajele were very powerful in the
tributary towns. They were very great rivals to the traditional rulers in the
conquered towns and they sometimes usurped the influence and authorities of
such rulers. The Ajele courts were
even greater than those of the traditional rulers, based on the model obtained
at Ibadan. They had messengers and hangers-on in their courts, and these people
were parasites on the people in the tributary towns, since the people had to
contribute towards the maintenance of the Ajele
courts. Even the Ajele could
interfere in the appointment of traditional rulers, and they were virtually
“kings” in their conquered territories.
In the tributary towns, the taxation
system was geared towards economic exploitation of the towns. The towns also
paid, whenever and whatever was requested by Ibadan, emergency levies,
foodstuff and cash. They also contributed contingents to Ibadan, during
campaigns, in a tributary state or outside it. The Ajele were sexually and morally corrupt because they raped the
girls, assaulted the women and rifled their valuables. These were common
behaviours of the Ajele and their
agents or lesser officials.
The Ibadan had the human resources for
the system. Until 1877, Ibadan controlled, apart from her own large population,
the populations of the towns and villages in Ekiti, Ijesa, Akoko, Igbomina, Ife
and Osun. The people of Osun accepted Ibadan as protector against Ilorin who,
since the collapse of the Oyo Empire early in the century, had been making a
bid to conquer and rule the Osun district. Young men from all over Osun flocked
to the Ibadan Chiefs or acted as Ibadan Ajele
in the Ekiti and neighbouring districts. From Ife, Ibadan usually demanded
contingents to serve in the Ibadan armies. From Ekiti, Ijesa, Akoko and
Igbomina, the Ibadan were constantly making captives and most of these were
later used as “war-boys”, in the invasion of their own homelands. The Ibadan
forces, therefore, always enjoyed wide superiority in numbers over any
opponents they encountered in the north-east Yoruba country.
By 1877, all these states had learnt that
nothing short of an all-embracing combination of all their powers could be
sufficient to resist Ibadan successfully. Consequently, in the middle of that
year, they took advantage of Ibadan’s preoccupation in a war against the Egba
and Ijebu to come together to form a great confederacy, the Ekitiparapo, with
the aim of expelling Ibadan (their common enemy) from their lands. In the war –
Kiriji, Ibadan was faced with the
greatest challenge of its career.
The immediate cause of the war was when
Ekiti took advantage of the Ibadan’s involvement in a war with Egba and Ijebu,
to stage a rebellion in 1878.[6] The Ekiti sons form a
coalition to commence hostilities against Ibadan. They seized all Oyos and
their families residing peacefully amongst them. They killed some and sold
others into slavery. The Ibadan messengers and the Ajele (political residents of the Ibadan chiefs) were not left out.
Many were massacred. Initially, Ilesa, which had more than once, come into
collision with Ibadan felt reluctant to join the coalition, but she was forced
to later join due to certain circumstances.[7]
The rebellion which started in
Imesi-Igbodo (one of the sixteen Ekiti towns) engulfed the whole Ekiti and
Ijeshaland. There are varying accounts of what led to the rebellion at
Imesi-Igbodo. An account[8] reveals that when Fabunmi
was celebrating the annual Erinle
festival, which was originated by his father, some Ajele messengers with arms attacked the people celebrating with
Fabunmi, confiscated their food, palm-wine and assaulted the celebrants.
Fabunmi lost his temper and killed as many as he could. This problem marked the
outbreak of rebellion in Imesi-Igbodo by Fabunmi.
Fabunmi sent to all known warriors in
Ekiti and Ijesa, urging them to rise with him to throw off the domineering and
oppressive yoke of Ibadan. He sent gifts and messengers to known warriors like
Aduloju and Ogedengbe of Ilesa. Gifts were also sent to the Oba for spiritual
and moral support in the struggle against Ibadan.[9] Responses to Fabunmi’s
invitation were very impressive as people of various kinds came from Ekitiland
to join him. However, the Ijesa were reluctant to join him at the initial stage
because they had constantly clashed with Ibadan and lost.[10]
Amongst those that joined the coalition
were military technocrats that had passed through military training or
apprenticeship of Ibadan, either as slaves, escapees, volunteers, adventurers,
etc. and had taken part in several campaigns of Ibadan both against their own
towns and elsewhere. These set of warriors had imbibed the Ibadan fighting
skills which they later introduced into their areas, thus replacing the old
methods. Among these men were Aduloju, and Ogedengbe[11] of Ilesa, Adeyale of Ila,
Fabunmi of Imsei-Igbodo,[12] others were Omole,
Ayibiowu, Fayise, Odo Edidi, Jege, Osogbo, all from Ijesaland.[13]
It is pertinent to say that envoys were
also sent to all the known enemies of Ibadan like the Egba, Ijebu and Ilorin to
join the coalition, for a concerted action against a common enemy. Ilorin was
the first to join the coalition on the 16th of June, 1878, and it
took others time to join, since they were actively engaged in war with Ibadan,
they could not afford to deploy extra troops to help the coalition. The
coalition raised a formidable army and they were determined not only to
liberate themselves but to overrun the Oyo group right on to the Ibadan farms
at the River Oba.[14] To this end, the alliance
was called EKITIPARAPO (i.e. Ekiti Confederation). The name was a follow up to
the Lagos branch of Ekitiparapo formed by educated Ekiti and Ijesa indigenes
that settled down in Lagos from Brazil, Sierra Leone, Cuba, etc. [15]
The first sign of warning to Ibadan that
was imminent and indispensable was the attack on Igbajo by the confederation.
Igbajo was regarded as being sympathetic towards Ibadan, (although, regarded as
extension of Ijesha territory) she refused to enter into the “unholy” alliance
with other Ekiti/Ijesa towns.[16] The confederation was
bent on having Igbajo on their side because the town was not only strategically
sited but naturally fortified.
The news of the attack got to Ibadan on
the 19th of August, 1873,[17] and Maye of Ibadan,
Osuntoki was sent with a small contingent to relieve Igbajo. Igbajo was invaded
by the confederate army (headed by Fabunmi of Imesi-Igbodo) and was defeated.
The inhabitants of the town hastily deserted the town and fled to Ikirun and
Osogbo. The Owa of Igbajo went to
take refuge at Osogbo. Those that refused to leave were captured, killed or
enslaved. Ekitiparapo army pursued the Igbajo to Ikirun and hemmed[18] the town on all sides.
Maye realised that he could not overcome
the confederate army, he called for reinforcement from Ibadan. Therefore, Are sent him strong force headed by Balogun Ajayi Ogboriefon to be assisted
by Osi. The Ibadan forces later defeated the Ekitiparapo army at Ikirun in a
battle known as “JALUMI” war.[19] The defeat was felt
mostly by Ilorin because most of her important soldiers perished in the river.
The withdrawal of Ibadan forces after the
Jalumi defeat spelt doom for the people of Igbajo once more, as the
Ekitiparapo, supported by their Lagos brothers, regrouped and launched a very
serious attack. But about the same time, Ibadan was busily engaged in the war
between her and Egba/Ijebu alliance on one side, and between her and Ilorin, on
the other.
Ogedengbe who initially refused to join
the coalition was recalled from Ita-Ogbolu military base. After a lot of
persuasion, he accepted to lead the Ekitiparapo confederacy. Moreover, in order
to solidify the alliance, there was an exchange of troops between Ekiti army
and Ilorin army.[20]
The troop laid siege again on Igbajo, the town was once again ravaged and
pulled down. Ikirun was attacked and defeated.
To quickly arrest the situation, the Are
sent a strong troop to stop Ekitiparapo’s mission, but unlike the first
time, they could not record any success over the confederate army. However, the
confederate army retreated under pressure into their familiar area around
Imesi-Ile. There, they stood firm and met the challenge of the Ibadan army led
by Seriki of Ibadan.
While the confederate army settled at
Imesi-ile as camp, the Ibadan forces also made Igbajo as their own battle camp.
Imesi-Ile had been described by Williams Ojo in his Folk History of Imesi-Ile as a town which is by nature situated on
a plateau, and the surrounding hills offer great difficulties to enemies.[21] Early victory was
recorded for Ibadan at the beginning of the battle,[22] but later the table
turned in favour of the confederacy.
The Ibadan and Ekitiparapo camps in the
hilly country between Igbajo and Imesi-Ile during the Kiriji war were two of the greatest military camps of the century.
Ajowu, a suburb of Igbajo (about eight kilometers to Igbajo) was the battle
field. The war was so tense and fierce that defeats and victories were
interchangeably made between the two groups. At the end of 1886 when the
British intervened there was no victor, no vanquished. This is what the Yoruba
called “AJANTUKA” (war of dispersion). It was no doubt, a mistake of history
which could be better dreamt of than experienced.
Explanation for the
Stale War
The confederacy was well organised and
went on to achieve that, at the beginning of the war, had seemed impossible. It
did not only hold mighty Ibadan at bay, it held, for most of the eight years of
war, 1878-1886, the upper hand over Ibadan. By 1886, though Ibadan still
proved, in spite of repeated reverses, impossible to crush, the Ekitiparapo was
so far successful in that Ibadan obliged to accept the independence of the
states of the Ekitiparapo.[23]
The Ekitiparapo owed such achievements to
its overall economic advantage over Ibadan. Throughout the war, the Ekitiparapo
stood on two pillars; one planted o the Atlantic Coast (especially Lagos), the
other in the interior, in the countries of the Ekiti, Ijesa, Igbomina and Akoko
who were members of the confederation.
The Ekitiparapo Society (founded in 1852
in Lagos)[24]
aided the Ekiti and Ijesa in a united revolt to topple the overlordship of
Ibadan.[25] Some of the expenses of the war borne by the
Ekitiparapo Society include taxes to buy gifts, arms and ammunition for the
Ekitiparapo.[26]
The society also sent volunteer-troops from Lagos to fight in the Ekitiparapo
forces; to act as advisers and secretaries to the war chiefs; and to teach the
Ekitiparapo “war-boys” the use of the powerful guns, weapons unknown before in
the country – Mauser Rifles, Snider Rifles, Martini Henri Rifles, Remington
Rifles, Manchester Repeaters – which the leaders of the society were importing
into the country for the Ekitiparapo and which immeasurably increased the
superiority of the Ekitiparapo over the Ibadan.[27] These guns when fully loaded and fired,
ricocheted with vibrations and dispensed an onomatopoetic sounds “KI-RI-JI-I”[28] in the surrounding hills[29] because it sounded like
“KI-RI-JI-I”[30]. Therefore, the name kiriji was
onomatopoetically derived from the sound of these deadly rifles which changed
the course of the war in favour of the allies. Some men from this society in
Lagos[31] were also delegated to
the confederate camp to train the Ekitiparapo in the use of these sophisticated
weapons. Men like Labinjo from Lagos and Gureje from Abeokuta played important
roles in the training of the Ekitiparapo army.
The opening in the 1870s of a new road in
the Eastern Yoruba country through Ondo, enabling the members of the society to
establish direct contacts from Lagos with Ekiti and Ijesa without, as hitherto,
having to pass through Ibadan, finally gave the society full opportunity to
bring its impact onto the affairs among the Ekiti and Ijesa.[32]
The other contributions of the
Ekitiparapo society towards the Ekitiparapo war effort was in maintaining,
throughout the war, a steady trade between the Ekitiparapo camp and the coast,
especially Lagos. The importance of this trade was demonstrated in the fact
that, by the 1870s, European fire-arms of all types had become the chief
weapons in Yoruba warfare.[33] In fact, the effects of
the weapons in favour of the confederate army made the Ibadan chiefs to accuse
the British government of supplying the weapons to the Ekitiparapo.[34] Alhough, Ibadan was also
assisted by some Ijebu chiefs, especially the Balogun and merchants in 1883 at
Olu market, it was not enough to change the course of the war in their favour.
Even the assistance of Chief Taiwo Olowo of Lagos to Ibadan could not save
matters.[35]
Ibadan found it very difficult throughout
the war to maintain a steady trade with the coast. The Ilorin and the
Ekitiparapo completely barred the routes to the Niger and Benin respectively
against the Ibadan. Also, Ibadan warriors were not loyal to Latosa in the war
front. Envy and jealousy did not make the Ibadan warlords serving under Latosa
to serve him religiously since they all wanted to be leaders hence, they were
not prepared to labour for another man’s glory. The battle was so fierce
against Ibadan that by 1884, Are Latosa (Sometimes called Are Latosisa) had to
write a petition letter to Ogundipe and Rev. J.B. Wood asking them to intercede
in the war by opening up the Egba, Ijebu and Port Novo trade routes so that
Ibadan might not be totally destroyed. Moreover, another letter was written to
the Governor of Lagos, Capt. A.C. Moloney asking for British intervention.[36]
The war chiefs in Ibadan believed that
Latosa wanted to eliminate them deliberately by sending them to the Kiriji
battle field, so as to make room for his own sons to be supreme over them.[37] Therefore, they were not
dedicated and committed to the war whereas for the confederate, there was no
room for any intrigue or division. The sentiment of common hostility to Ibadan,
and the rejection of its overlordship was enough to sustain it, all through the
war.[38]
The numerical strength of the confederate
army was an advantage over the small military contingent of Ibadan. All towns
that formed the alliance donated men, charms, medicine men and warriors. Apart
from this, individual warriors joined the confederate army with their troops
and also by this time, Ogedengbe, who had earlier refused to join the
Ekitiparapo forces, subsequently allied his large army with them after his
successful military exploits at Idoani district.[39] He therefore, left his base, Ita Ogbolu to
join the allies.
The Ife revolt of May 1882 was also a
contributory factor to the reverses of Ibadan at that war. Ife which had been
an ally of Ibadan revolted and attacked the Oyo town of Modakeke which was
practically one town separated only by a small stream from Ile Ife. The Ibadan
sent a contingent to Modakeke and they both attacked Ife, which was destroyed
and sacked by the combined army of Ibadan and Modakeke. The war chiefs fighting
at Kiriji with Ibadan left the camp in a body with their children and wives,
and deflected to the Ekitiparapo side in one night before day break. The Ife,
Ijebu therefore joined others to attack Modakeke.[40]
Ibadan had to divert a contingent to this
new front, thus complicating an already bad situation for Ibadan at this time.[41] Ibadan was faced on five
fronts, with ammunition spent, yet flinching from none, at Ofa, at Kiriji, at
Modakeke, against the Egba and the Ijebu.[42] With the deflection of
Ife, the last of Ibadan to the coast was finally sealed.[43] She was trapped and to
worsen the whole situation, famine broke out among the Ibadan and their
provisions were exhausted. No food, no water. The common soldiers had now to
live on palm nuts, certain edible roots, and whatever they could procure from
the forests to sustain life, while there was plenty in the confederate camp.[44] Thus, apart from the
short supply of fire arms, hunger further weakened the strength and morale of
Ibadan soldiers.
On the contrary, the confederate army was
able to sustain themselves as a result of the flourish and boom in palm-oil
trade. Palm-oil was sold to Lagos traders by the Ijesa/Ekiti traders in
exchange for European clothes, beads, plates, salt,[45] etc. However, the trade
was not limited to articles like palm-oil and home woven clothes, slaves
continued to be an important item of Yoruba trade because traders were known to
go back from the Kiriji war front through Ondo with as many as 147 slaves at a
time. These slaves were re-sold in other parts of the country.[46]
According to Governor Rowe[47] the sale of slaves was
more profitable and brought a lot of wealth to Ekitiparapo than the trade in
palm-oil. Thus, impressive population of militia, adequate supply of food,
regular supply of sophisticated firearms, unity among the confederate members
and dedication to a common course played a decisive role in the prolongation of
the war on one hand, the number of casualties and the level of victory on the
other hand. The confederate, for instance, enjoyed a considerable number of
armies. Ogedengbe, the commander-in-chief of the Ekitiparapo had the largest
personal army, others with large number were Fajembola, the Olugbosun of Oye,
Arimoro of Ilesa, Ogunminu of Otun, Fabunmi of Imesi-Igbodo, Ogunmodede,[48] Lasebikan (Ilorin),
Faboro (Ido-Ekiti), Urogoji (Ibokun), Oluborode (Ikogosi), Ajidagba (Epe),
Laosebikan (Igbaja), Aduloju and Falowo (Ada), Adeyale (Ila), Bakare (Afa),
Fadeyo (Esa-Oke), Otemuyi (Ijebu-Jesa), Oluwo (Ilase), Danaja and Oloyiabe
(Ijeki), Famogbiyele (Oye-Ekiti), Agada Lemisan (Efon), Ogbigo (Ara), Olukotun
(Ara).[49]
The Kiriji war, more than any other war
in the nineteenth century Yorubaland would, for long, be remembered not only for producing a number
of war heroes, uniting the Ekiti communities, creating an advancement in the use
of European fire arms and military strength, but also, for checkmating or
put-paying the unbridled expansion of Ibadan military adventurism.
Impacts of the
Kiriji war in Yorubaland
Examining the war's social, political,
economic, and cultural effects can help us comprehend the war's complexity and
diversity and how the peace treaty that follows the war unifies the Yorubas.
Social Impact: The social
implications of the Kiriji war cannot be understated. Aside from the
widespread loss of lives and property, the war resulted in huge
displacement and migration: The war prompted thousands of people to migrate,
displacing entire towns and disrupting societal systems. As the war ravaged the
region, many settlements were destroyed, and people were compelled to evacuate
their homes to avoid the violence. The war had an especially devastating impact
on the Ijaye kingdom, where the Oyo army's bombardment of cities and villages
resulted in a major migration of people. Many people from Ijaye relocated to
Ibadan and settled in the Sabo district, which later became known as
"Ijaye Sabo" owing to the great number of Ijaye residents who resided
there. Similarly, the people of the Oyo kingdom migrated to other areas in
large numbers. The inhabitants of Igbajo hastily deserted the town and fled to
Ikirun and Osogbo. The Owa of Igbajo went to take refuge at Osogbo[50]. Some Igbajo indigenes
fled to Ibadan (especially in Sango area of Ibadan) where they established
permanent residence and trade in plank/saw mailing till date. The Kiriji
War-induced forced migration of people significantly affected Yorubaland's
demographic and cultural environment, resulting in the emergence of new
communities and a mix of cultures.[51]
Also, the Kiriji War resulted in the
reformation of social structures. Traditional social order was reevaluated,
resulting in the rise of new leaders and an alteration of power and social
dynamics. As the war impaired the old kingdoms of Oyo and Ijaye, new leaders
stepped in to fill the power vacuum. For instance, the war helped Ibadan emerge
as a significant force in Yorubaland, with leaders like Basorun Ogunmola and
Aare Latoosa becoming key actors in the region's leadership.[52] Similarly, the war led to
the development of new rulers in other cities, like Ogbomosho, which
became significant centers of authority and influence. The war also disturbed
conventional hierarchies, resulting in the formation of new political and
social interactions. For instance, the war resulted in the demise of the
ancient Oyo nobility and the creation of new elite groups like Ibadan war
chiefs and Egba merchants.[53]It also resulted in the
development of novel forms of social organization, such as the Ekitiparapo
coalition, which brought together different groups and their leaders to
challenge conventional power frameworks.
Political Impact: The Kiriji war
significantly altered Yorubaland's political landscape and profoundly impacted
the region. A new political system typified by the growth of strong city-states
like Ibadan, Abeokuta, and Ogbomosho replaced the previous Oyo Empire, which
dominated Yorubaland for generations, following the war. These city-states
developed into hubs of governmental authority, encouraging Yoruba unity and a
feeling of regional identity. Along with these effects, the war brought about
the restructuring of existing political alliances and the creation of new ones.
One such example is the Ekitiparapo alliance, which brought together leaders
and members of various parties to foster growth and collaboration in the
region.[54]
The Kiriji War caused significant
territorial readjustment and the establishment of new political
structures. Following the war, the victorious city-states extended their
borders, redesigning the regional map and reducing the Oyo Empire's power and
influence. Furthermore, the conflict resulted in the creation of new political
positions and responsibilities, such as the Bashorun of Ibadan and the Alake of
Abeokuta, which have become powerful emblems of political authority. The
conflict also cleared the way for an influx of political leaders who became
more aware of their necessities and aspirations. In addition, the Kiriji War represented
a critical point in Yorubaland's political history, resulting in a
decentralized and dynamic governmental system that shaped the region's
growth and development for decades.
Economic Impact: The Kiriji War had a
tremendous economic impact on the Yorubas. The devastation of cities and
villages resulted in the depletion of infrastructure, which included
farms, markets, and other economic investments. The war caused the loss
of a great deal of human resources and labor, and the economic consequences
of the war were made even more severe by the victorious city-states'
imposition of tributes and taxation on the defeated communities.[55]Although it is argued by
some scholars that the Kiriji War had no substantial impact on crop production,
it did disrupt trade networks and routes, resulting in decreased commercial
activity and a shortage of essential products. Two significant elements
contributed to this. The traders faced insecurity while traversing the
roadways, making them vulnerable to kidnapping. Also, the major roads were
completely blocked.
However, the Kiriji War did have some
favorable economic consequences for Yorubaland. During the interwar period,
trade merchants selling armaments and ammunition saw massivebusiness growth.
Craftsmen and technicians who produced and maintained military weapons,
including Dane guns, swords, daggers, knives, and iron clubs, also gained greatly.
There was an expansion in business for talismanmakers, who provided protective
charms and medications for warriors. Soldiers typically wore protective charms
on the battlefield. Craftsmen and charm makers faced a massive task as
thousands of them participated in warfare at the same time. The war resulted in
the establishment of new commercial centers, in particular, the war fueled the
expansion of the textile industry as weavers in Ibadan, Oshogbo, Ilorin, and
Abeokuta profited from the need for fabric and adire (tie-dye) to create vivid
textiles that became emblems of Yoruba identity. In addition, the wartime surge
in demand for metallurgy resulted in the growth of blacksmithing, a profession
where talented artisans produced weapons, tools, and other necessities.[56]Also, the war resulted in
the development of farming, as people attempted to boost food production to
satisfy the requirements of the increasing population. Ultimately, while the
Kiriji War had substantial economic consequences, it also generated new
economic opportunities and fueled Yoruba city-states growth and prosperity.
Cultural Impacts: The Kiriji War had
cultural ramifications, influencing Yoruba storytelling, folklore, and memory.
It became a part of Yoruba oral tradition, shaping narratives about valor,
bravery, and the consequences of war. Analyzing the cultural effects of war
fosters a greater awareness of cultures' resilience and adaptation in the face
of severe circumstances. Given its magnitude, the Kiriji War undoubtedly
influenced Yoruba culture and ideas. Its influence can be seen not just in the
political and economic spheres but also in the plethora of creative expressions
and thought-provoking conversations it sparked. It is especially clear in the
context of the Kiriji war that conflict has wide-ranging and profound cultural
effects. This war's cultural effects go well beyond the front lines, impacting
socioeconomic institutions, creative endeavors, and collective identities. The
Kiriji War resulted in substantial changes in Yoruba traditions, including
the cessation of human sacrifice and the creation of new cultural standards.
The war's devastating impact on old power structures undermined the
validity of human sacrifice while growing exposure to outside influences
such as Islam, Christianity, and British colonialism encouraged the
acceptance of new practices and ideas. As a result, the conflict triggered a
cultural change, opening the way for the harmonious mixture of ancient and
modern behaviors that distinguishes contemporary Yoruba culture.[57]
The war severely disturbed traditional
lives, causing massive relocation and disrupting social hierarchies. As
communities dealt with the unpredictable environment of war, many traditions
were destroyed or significantly altered. Furthermore, changes in language and
educational pursuits demonstrate the war's deep impact on Yoruba cultural
identity. In many cases, the Kiriji War fundamentally altered gender roles.
Women gradually took major earning duties, often taking up jobs formerly held
by men who became casualties or were incapacitated to work. Women entered labor
markets as a result of necessity during the war. Many became the principal
breadwinners for their families, resulting in a gradual but noticeable shift in
society's attitudes toward women's roles in economic and political life.
This transformation also called into question long-held societal notions of
masculinity. Family units changed as extended families became increasingly
common, frequently owing to displacement. Such shifting family patterns
illustrate Yoruba society's resilience, demonstrating how families deal with
the cultural consequences of the war.
The Kiriji war also fueled the
development of novel styles of art, as Yoruba artists responded artistically to
the conflict's desolation and social turmoil. Warfare songs, dances, and other
artistic expressions became popular, functioning as coping strategies, memorial
devices, and forums for societal critique. These new art forms preserved the
memory of past events, cultural distinctiveness, and societal cohesion,
strengthening Yoruba's artistic history while also reflecting the horrific
consequences of war.
End of Inter-Yoruba
wars: The Kiriji war
marked the climax of a series of internal conflicts among Yoruba city-states
that had been ongoing for decades. It ultimately led to the cessation of these
intra-Yoruba wars and the establishment of a more stable political order in the
region.
Development of
Modern Yoruba Identity: The war brought together various Yoruba subgroups, such as the
Ekiti, Ijesha, Ibadan, Oyo, and Ife, in a concerted effort to resist the
imperial expansion of the Ijebu Kingdom. This collective resistance helped
foster a sense of unity and shared identity among the Yoruba people.
Introduction of
Modern warfare Tactics: The Kiriji War was notable for the introduction of modern
military tactics, strategies, and weaponry, including the extensive use of
firearms, which significantly influenced subsequent conflicts in Nigeria and
West Africa.
Impact on
Colonialism:
The Kiriji war played a role in shaping British colonial policies in the
region. The British, who were observing the conflict, would later use their
understanding of Yoruba military capabilities and political dynamics to
manipulate and eventually conquer different parts of Yorubaland.
Legacy of Diplomacy: The post-war peace
treaty, known as the "Treaty of Ikirun" signed in 1886, exemplifies
the diplomatic ingenuity of Yoruba leaders in resolving conflicts through
negotiation and compromise. This legacy of diplomacy continues to influence
Yoruba political traditions and conflict resolution mechanisms.
Overall, the Kiriji War is important in
Yoruba history because it marked a turning point in the political, social, and
military dynamics of the region, leading to a more unified Yoruba identity and
influencing subsequent historical events and developments in Nigeria.
Conclusion
The Kiriji war, more than any other war
in the nineteenth century Yorubaland would, for long, be remembered not only
for producing a number of war heroes, uniting the Ekiti communities, creating
an advancement in the use of European fire arms and military strength, but
also, for checkmating or put-paying the unbridled expansion of Ibadan military
adventurism. Though the 1886 peace treaty served as gateway to colonization in
Yorubaland, the treaty of 1893 sealed the agreement and completed the process
of colonization of Yorubaland in Nigeria.
The study found that Ibadan’s rise to
power after the collapse of the Oyo Empire was marked by strong military
leadership and efforts to dominate other Yoruba towns. This growing authority,
coupled with its despotic governance, provoked resistance from neighboring
communities, which eventually led to the Kiriji (Ekiti-Parapo) War. One of the
key causes of the war was opposition to Ibadan’s control, as well as
competition over territorial influence and access to resources.
The war’s major battle sites, Igbajo and
Imesi-Ile, were strategically chosen. Igbajo served as Ibadan’s base due to its
proximity to Ibadan-controlled territories, while Imesi-Ile became the
Ekiti-Parapo coalition’s headquarters because of its central location and
defensible terrain. Despite the destruction caused by the war, it also fostered
socio-cultural integration. Communities that had previously been rivals
collaborated during the conflict, strengthening regional identity and
encouraging cultural exchange.
Politically, the war contributed to the
gradual unification of Yoruba towns. Collective decision-making among the
coalition states and interactions between communities helped stabilize
inter-town relations in southwest Nigeria. Archival records, colonial
documents, and oral histories confirmed both the strategic importance of the
battle sites and the broader social impact of the conflict.
In summary, the Kiriji War was more than
a struggle for political dominance; it also served as a catalyst for
socio-cultural integration, regional identity formation, and political
consolidation in nineteenth-century Yorubaland.
Appendix 1: Table showing the two warring
blocs during the Ekitiparapo (Kiriji) war
|
Ibadan and allies
(Western Bloc) |
Ekitiparapo group
and supporters (Eastern Bloc) |
|
·
Ibadan (Headquarters of the military forces) ·
Oyo and regions formerly under the old
Oyo Empire ·
Ogbomoso ·
Ede ·
Ikirun ·
Ilobu ·
Ejigbo ·
Iwo Kingdom ·
Igbajo ·
Modakeke ·
Ila-orangun (at various stages and
partially) ·
Osogbo |
·
Ijesha kingdom and
confederacy ·
Ekiti confederacy and
neighbours ·
Akure Kingdom ·
Ondo Kingdom (Played limited,
diplomatic, logistics and strategic roles) ·
Akoko confederacy ·
Egba kingdom, the city state
of Abeokuta ·
Ila Kingdom and the Igbomina confederacy ·
Ilorin (Partial and indirect support)
|
Source: Multiple
sources such as, Johnson, S. The History of the Yorubas and Falola, T. The History of Nigeria
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pp73-74
[2] L. O. Buhari, Department of
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[3] Adewale Adeoye "Kiriji:
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[4] Johnson,
Samuel. The History of the Yorubas from the Earliest Times to the Beginning of
the British Protectorate. Great Britain: Lowe and Brydone Limited. (1921).
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[5] Adekanla,
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[6] S. Johnson, op. cit., p. 423
[7] When Ayitiki the Owoni lately crowned by the
Area of Ibadan for the Ifes captured some Ijesa towns, viz, Ipindun, Ifewara,
Oru, gave rise to the panic at Ilesa, hence she was forced to join the
coalition.
[8] S.A. Akintoye, op. cit., p. 87.
[9] S.A. Akintoye, p. 91.
[10] S. Jonson op. cit., p. 423
[11] “Ogedengbe was placed under bada Aki iko o, a
distinguished warrior, under whom he learnt the art of war. When the Ijesas
rebelled against Ibadan, he was one of those who returned home to rejoin his
compatriots to lay siege against Igbajo. When they were defeated he was caught
and brought back to Ibadan and handed over to Ogunmola”. He was not killed but
spared and given another chance but was seriously dealt with. See S. Johnson,
p. 377.
[12] CMS(Y) 1/7/5… In a letter to Captain Moloney
at Lagos sent through Rev. Charles Phillip, the Ekiti Obas admitted that their
leading warriors had military experience under Ibadan.
[13] See also S. Johnson, op. cit., p. 369.
[14] S. Johnson, p. 439.
[15] E.A. Ayandele: The Missionary Impact on Modern Nigeria. London: Longman, 1966, p.
34.
[16] S. Johnson, op. cit., p. 425.
[17] S. Johnson,
[18] S. Johnson, p. 370
[19] S. Johnson, p. 435.
[20] S.A. Akintoye, op. cit., p. 113.
[21] W. Ojo, “History of Imesi-Ile”, Nigeria Magazine, No. 42, 1953, p. 99.
[22] The reasons responsible for the Ibadan early
victory were contained in Owoaje Olufemi, op. cit., p. 14.
[23] Cd. 4957, London, 1887 – “Treaty of Peace, Friendship and
Commerce”, - enclosure in Moloney to Granville, 23, June, 1886.
[24] NAI. Phillips, ¼: An Address delivered at a missionary meeting at
Faji, Lagos, Feb. 28, 1879”. Also T. Lloyd Harrison to Fox Bourne, January 27,
1892. See also O. Owoaje, op. cit., p. 15.
[25] CMS, CA2/098: Young’s “Journal Extract for the Quarter edition Dec.
31, 1875”.
[26] NAI, CMS(Y), 4/1/8, Phillips: “An Account of my interview with
Chief Manuwa of Itebu”, 1881, Philips 1/1, Phillips” 1879 Journal; CMS(Y)
1/7/5…; S. Johnson to the Lt. Governor of Lagos, 23/1/1882.
[27] Lagos Observer,
22/11/1883; also cd. 4957, London 1887 – Reports of Phillips, First and Second
1886 Missions and of the Special Commissioners.
[28] See also S. Johnson, op. cit., p. 448.
[29] See also S. Johnson, op. cit., p. 448.
[30] See also S. Johnson, op. cit., p. 448.
[31] CMS(Y) 1/7/5… Letters to and from the
Secretary, Yoruba Mission.
[32] NAI. Phillips 1/1/1: Note on “Glover and the
Ondos” – in Diary and Letter Book, 1887-86.
[33] C.F. Ajayi Smith:
Yoruba Warfare in the 19th Century. London: Cambridge, 1964, pp.
13-22.
[34] CMS(Y) 1/7/5…
Johnson to Lieutenant Governor of Lagos, 23rd August, 1882.
[35] C.O. 879/33 –
Ekitiparapo Kings to the Lagos Government – Letter dated 19th
October, 1885.
[36] T. Omikunle (ed.)
op. cit., p. 185.
[37] S. Johnson, op.
cit., pp. 444-447.
[38] B. Awe, op. cit., p.
273.
[39] T. Omikunle (ed.)
op. cit., p. 184. See S. Johnson, p. 443.
[40] S.A. Akintoye, op.
cit., pp. 475-478.
[41] S.A. Akintoye, p.
448.
[42] S.A. Akintoye, p.
478
[43] The Egbas and Ijebus
had earlier blockaded the route in her territory between Ibadan and Lagos in
order to punish Ibadan and to keep Ibadan to its hell. For details see c.d.
4957. London 1887, ‘statement of the Apena’s mission to the King of Jebu’,
enclosure in Moloney to Rowe, 31 January, 1883.
[44] The Nigerian Daily
Sketch, 28/02/1967, p. 7.
[45] NAI. CMS(Y), Wood to
Land, 15/10/1885.
[46] (P.R.O.) C.O.
147/55, Evans to Griffiths, 28/Aug./1885.
[47] (P.R.O.) C.O.
147/50, Rowe to Derby 18/5/1883. Though the Egba and Ijebu were officially at
war with Ibadan, yet they were able to buy slaves from there.
[48] S.A. Akintoye, op.
cit., p. 41.
[49] A. Fasiku: Igbajo and its People. Lagos: Writers’
Fraternity Ltd., 1995, p. 16.
[50] E.O.Ojo, Igbajo:
History, Culture and Development, C.1250-1990, Abuja, Olly Prints Ltd, 2018, p86
[51]S. Oyeweso,The Kiriji War Saga: The
Issues, the Aftermath and the Prospects. “Text of the keynote Address
delivered at the 126th Aniversary of the Kiriji War Organised by Osun
StateMinistry of Home Affairs, Culture & Tourism in collaboration with
Kiriji WarHeritageCouncil”, 22nd-23rd September, 2012.
[52]F. Oyefeso, Unveiling the Epic Saga: The Kiriji
War - Yoruba's Longest Civil Conflict, https://www.foluoyefeso.com/post/unveiling-the-epic-saga-the-kiriji-war-yoruba-s-longest-civil-conflict, Accessed on 16th September,
2024.
[53]G. O. Olusanya, (ed.) Studies in
Yoruba History and Culture, Ibadan: UPL, 1993, p. 16
[54]S. A. Akintoye,Revolution and Power
Politics in Yorubaland 1840–1893: Ibadan expansion and the rise of Ekiti
Parapo, 1971, p. 23
[55]D. A. Ilesanmi, “Revisiting the Ekitiparapo
Liberation War after 137 Years,” Associate Research Professor of Biblical
Research and Christian Education, 2023, p. 9
[56]J. F. Ajayi, and R. S. Smith, Yoruba
Warfare in the 19 Century, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1964, 21
[57]O. Ajayi, “How Kiriji war will shape Yoruba’s
future”, Vanguard News, September 26, 2015,https://www.vanguardngr.com/2016/09/kiriji-warll-shape-yorubas-future/#google_vignette,
Accessed on 16th September, 2024.
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