By
1Musa
Suleiman & 2Dr.
Aisha Umar Adamu
1Department
of Hausa,
Aminu Kano College of Islamic and Legal Studies, Kano State, Nigeria
2Department of Nigerian Languages, Northwest
University, Kano
State, Nigeria
Corresponding Author’s email & Phone: musasuleiman424@gmail.com, +1238061256096
Abstract
This
paper investigates the cultural and political significance of traditional
occupational titles within the Kano Emirate, focusing on their roles in
sustaining the emirate’s socio-political order. The study pursues two core
objectives: first, to examine the status of occupational titles in the Kano
Emirate; and second, to analyze the specific functions of the Chief of Butchers
(Sarkin Fawa), Chief of Bone Setters (Sarkin Ɗori), Chief of Builders (Sarkin Gini), and
Chief of Blacksmiths (Sarkin Ƙira). The research is grounded in the Structural
Theory of Culture, whose foundations can be traced to Ferdinand de Saussure’s
structuralist ideas (Dobie, 2002; Hassan, 2015). The framework is further
enriched by the contributions of scholars such as Auguste Comte (1853), Herbert
Spencer (1876-1896), Emile Durkheim (1893-1984), Max Weber (1946), A. R.
Radcliffe-Brown (1952) and Bronisław, Malinowski (1944), all of whom advanced
structuralist interpretations of culture and society (Mahuta, 2000; Otite,
1978). Methodologically, the study combines textual analysis of secondary
sources including books, theses, and journal articles with oral interviews
conducted among individuals knowledgeable about the Kano Emirate. Findings
demonstrate that occupational titles remain central to the emirate’s cultural
identity and governance structure. In particular, the offices of Sarkin Fawa,
Sarkin Ɗori, Sarkin Gini, and Sarkin Ƙira highlight how the specialized crafts
were historically institutionalized within traditional authority systems.
Keywords: Role, Socio-Culture, Occupational
Titles, Tradition, Emirate, Kano.
1.0 Introduction
The early social
life of the Hausa people laid the foundation for the development of power,
authority, and leadership, which later gave rise to the traditional political
system known today as Sarauta (traditional kingship). This system developed
gradually through organized social structures that guided how leadership and
authority were exercised in Hausa society. It began at the family level, with
the household head (mai gida) and his family, and extended to the communal
living system (Gandu).
As communities
expanded, neighborhoods (Unguwa) emerged under the leadership of ward heads
(mai unguwa). With population growth and the increase in the number of
settlements, village leadership positions such as dagaci or maigari were
established to oversee groups of neighborhoods known as villages (Ƙauye). As
villages continued to multiply, a higher level of leadership emerged in the
form of Hakimai (District heads), who supervised larger areas, while above them
stood the Sarki (king), who held authority over the entire territory.[1]
This hierarchical
system of leadership in Hausa land developed like layered structures, where
authority flows from the top downward. The Sarki occupies the highest position,
overseeing the whole society, while hakimai and dagatai receive their authority
and instructions from him.[2]
Within this
traditional leadership system, there also exist traditional occupational titles
(Sarautun Sana’o’in Gargajiya). These titles are held by leaders who organize,
guide, and supervise groups of people engaged in specific traditional
occupations. Each occupation has its own leader, responsible for maintaining
order, resolving disputes, and ensuring that the profession operates in a
structured and organized manner.
In simple terms, the
purpose of this research is to examine the importance and roles of traditional
occupational titles, with special focus on their status in the Kano Emirate.
Based on this, the study is guided by two main objectives:
a. To explain the
status and significance of traditional occupational titles in the Kano Emirate.
b. To examine the roles and functions of the traditional occupational titles of
Blacksmithing (ƙira), Chief
of Butchers (fawa) bone setters (Ɗori), and Building production (Gini) in the Kano Emirate.
1.1 Methodology
This study is based
on data collected directly from primary sources. These sources consist mainly
of selected traditional occupational titles included in the research sample.
Interviews were conducted with experts and individuals who possess in-depth knowledge
of these traditional titles. In addition, the study made use of secondary
sources by consulting the works of scholars and researchers in their
publications, which provided valuable guidance and intellectual support for the
conduct of this research.
The study is
anchored on the Structural Theory of Culture (Structural Theory of
Society/Culture). This theory examines society and culture through their
structures and systems, focusing on how social groups, traditions, and cultural
practices are organized and how people within these structures live and
interact. It views society as an organized system made up of interconnected
layers and components, and it studies culture as a structured whole at a
particular point in time (Bello, 2016, pg. 25).
Scholars who
developed and advanced this theory built its foundations on the works of
Ferdinand de Saussure, who is widely regarded as the pioneer of structuralist
thought, especially in relation to the concept of “structure” (Dobie, 2002, pg.
35; Hassan, 2015, pg. 182). Some cultural scholars also trace the intellectual
roots of the theory to Charles Darwin, with its later development and expansion
influenced by other thinkers such as (Auguste Comte,1853), a French
philosopher.
Several scholars
have applied this theoretical framework in their studies. Among them is Bunza
(2006), who authored the book Gadon Feɗe Al’ada. Ado (2017) also applied
this theory in his PhD thesis titled Sana’ar Gardancin Hausawa: Asalinta da
Yadda Take, while Rumah (2018) used the same theoretical approach in his
Master’s thesis titled Nazarin Wasu Sarautun Karramawa a Masarautar Katsina.
Based on this
perspective, it is clear that traditional occupational titles play wide-ranging
roles in the social, cultural, and economic life of the Hausa people. However,
this study is limited to only four (4) traditional occupational titles,
which serve as the research sample. These are:
I. The traditional title of Sarkin
Ɗori (Chief of born setters ).
II.. The traditional title of Sarkin Fawa (Chief of butchers )
III. The traditional title of Sarkin Gini (Chief of Builders)
IV. The traditional title of Sarkin Ƙira (Chief of Blacksmiths)
1.2 Conceptual Clarification of Key Terms
This section
explains the key concepts that form the foundation of this research. Clarifying
these terms helps to provide better understanding and clearer interpretation of
the study.
1.2.1 Status (Matsayi)
In this section,
different scholarly views on the meaning of status are reviewed. According to
the Hausa Dictionary (2006, pg. 340), status is defined as “a condition,
position, or place.” Similarly, Newman and Rozana (2020, pg. 182) describe it
as “a position, place, or condition.”
Based on these
explanations, this study understands status as a responsibility or role
assigned to a person within a particular social environment, where the person
is entrusted with leadership, supervision, or management over certain people,
duties, or activities under their authority.
1.2.2 Traditional Authority / Kingship (Sarauta)
Many scholars have
attempted to define the concept of Sarauta (traditional authority/kingship).
Umar (1987, pg. 10) explains Sarauta as governance in Hausa society based on
accepted leadership structures, including giving instructions, making
judgments, settling disputes, and managing public affairs. Alhassan et al.
(1982, pg. 66) describe it as leadership and guidance in people’s collective
social life. Gusau (1988, pg. 24) views Sarauta as leadership aimed at
protecting religion, managing political affairs, ensuring social welfare, and
improving economic conditions. Bello (1991, pg. 1) defines it as authority or
power held by an individual or group over others, including the right to give
commands and enforce decisions. Yahaya et al. (1992, pg. 73) describe Sarauta
as leadership responsibility involving protection of life and property, social
justice, legal governance, and external relations. Gaya (1998, pg. 10) sees it
as fair governance, protection of citizens’ rights, and promotion of welfare.
The Bayero University Hausa Dictionary (2006, pg. 391) simply defines Sarauta
as traditional leadership.
From these
perspectives, this study defines Sarauta as: A system of leadership through
which a community is governed, protected, and guided, involving the protection
of life and property, provision of security, management of economic and social
affairs, conflict resolution, administration of justice, protection of rights,
and general organization of everyday life within the community .
1.2.3 Occupation/Profession (Sana’a)
Scholars have also
contributed various definitions of sana’a (occupation/profession). Musa (1991)
describes it as a means through which humans use the skills and abilities given
by God to meet daily living needs. Sani (1995) defines it as the intelligent
and wise use of resources and blessings available to humans for everyday
survival. Muhammad and Ibrahim (2004) view it as the processing and utilization
of natural resources such as crops, animals, plants, minerals, stones, and
water for livelihood and consumption. Muhammad (2019) expands this
understanding by defining sana’a as activities involving buying and selling,
daily economic transactions, and transforming materials from one form into
another.
Despite these
varying views, they all point to a common understanding that every occupation
has its own methods, practitioners, working spaces, and operational systems. Based
on these definitions, this study understands sana’a as: A structured means
through which a community processes and utilizes available resources for
production, trade, and services in order to meet social needs and secure daily
livelihood and economic survival.
1.3 Historical Overview of the Kano Emirate
The history of the
Kano Emirate is well known within Hausa land. This is largely due to the
prominence of the emirate and the richness of its historical heritage, which
has made it a major subject of scholarly research. Numerous academic studies at
different levels of education have been conducted on Kano, reflecting its
political, cultural, and historical significance. Scholars such as (Gaya,1998),
(Waya, 2000), (Ibrahim, 2001a; 2001b), (Bello, 2003), (Saleh, 2006), (Abubakar,
2008), (Ibrahim, 2008), (Muhd, 2008), (Ɗan-Iya, 2020), and (Ɗanjuma, 2021) have
all contributed to the documentation and analysis of Kano’s history.
Given the volume of
existing literature, presenting a full historical narrative of the Kano Emirate
in detail would only repeat what has already been well documented. Therefore,
this study focuses only on key historical developments and major transformations
that have shaped the emirate in recent times.
The Kano Emirate is
one of the oldest and most established traditional institutions in Hausa land.
Before the creation of Jigawa State from Kano State, there were four autonomous
emirates within the former Kano territory, namely Hadejia, Gumel, Kazaure, and
Kano itself.[3]
After Kano State
became a single political entity, the Kano Emirate remained the only central
emirate, with district heads under the leadership of the Emir of Kano, Ado
Bayero. He ruled Kano for fifty-one (51) years until his death in 2014.
Following his death, Muhammadu Sanusi II was appointed as the new Emir of Kano
and ruled for six (6) years.
During his reign,
the Governor of Kano State, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, created four new autonomous
emirates in 2020.[4]
These newly established emirates were:
- Bichi Emirate
- Gaya Emirate
- Rano Emirate
- Karaye Emirate
Following this
restructuring, Muhammadu Sanusi II was made Chairman of the Kano State Council
of Emirs, with the council headquarters located at Gidan Shattima in Soron
Ɗinki, within Kano city. The government also introduced a law providing for the
rotation of the chairmanship of the council every two years.
However, the
creation of these new emirates led to political tension between the Kano
Emirate and the Kano State Government. This crisis eventually resulted in the
removal of Muhammadu Sanusi II as Emir of Kano. Subsequently, Aminu Ado Bayero
was appointed as the new Emir of Kano.
Later, the Kano
State Government amended the initial law, which require the rotational
leadership of the Council of Emirs, to maintaining the Emir of Kano as the
permanent chairman of the Kano State Council of Emirs. As a result, Kano State
continued to recognize the four newly created emirates alongside the Kano
Emirate.
With the emergence
of a new government under Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, another major
restructuring took place. The four newly created emirates were dissolved, and
the 15th Emir of Kano was restored as the Emir of Kano with first-class status.
Meanwhile, the emirs of Gaya, Rano, and Karaye were reinstated as second-class
emirs.
1.4 The Status of Traditional Occupational Titles in the Kano Emirate
Within the
traditional administrative structure of the Kano Emirate, the traditional
occupational title holders are regarded as hakimai (Chiefs), and a hakimi
occupies the second-highest level of authority in the emirate’s hierarchy,
after the Emir himself.[5]
This elevated status places them in positions of leadership over communities
engaged in specific traditional occupations. They also serve as official
representatives of the Emir at important gatherings, meetings, and ceremonies
where the presence of occupational groups is required.[6]
In the Kano Emirate,
the Emir personally appoints these hakimai as his representatives. They
function as the “eyes of the Emir within their respective communities,
monitoring activities and developments under their jurisdiction. Any serious
issue or conflict that arises within these occupational groups does not go directly
to the Emir; instead, it is first handled by these traditional/occupational
leaders, who attempt to resolve the matter in line with tradition and
authority. Only when necessary is the issue referred to the Emir.
All actions taken by
these traditional occupational leaders are carried out in the name of the Emir.
During their regular Friday homage visits to the Emir, they present reports on
developments within their communities, the challenges encountered, and the
actions they have taken. The Emir, in turn, offers appreciation and blessings
for their service. Where mistakes occur in judgment or action, the Emir
corrects and guides them to ensure better leadership and future accountability.
1.4.1 The Status of Sarkin Ɗori
Traditionally, the
title of Sarkin Ɗori occupies a highly respected position because it is
directly connected to public health and community wellbeing in Hausa society.
Practitioners of ɗori (traditional bone-setting and treatment of bone-related
injuries) maintain close relationships with the general population, as their
profession is deeply linked to healthcare. Due to the nature of their work,
they interact with all segments of society royalty and commoners, men and women
alike since bone injuries and health problems affect everyone regardless of
social status.
The Hausa community
holds the title of Sarkin Ɗori in very high esteem because of the vital role
the practitioners play in safeguarding public health, especially in the
treatment of bone-related conditions such as dislocations, fractures, breaks,
and other skeletal injuries. In Kano, traditional bone-setters (maɗora) are
recognized as key contributors to community health, working tirelessly to
restore physical wellbeing to individuals suffering from bone-related ailments.
Among the
traditional rulers of Kano, the status of the ɗori institution is equally
significant. Historically, the emergence of this title is closely linked to the
treatment of wounded warriors in times of war, when bone-setters played crucial
roles in caring for injured fighters. Because of their effectiveness and social
importance, the Emir of Kano, Sarkin Kano Tukur, formally appointed a leader to
head this professional group, thereby establishing the title of Sarkin Ɗori.
This historical
foundation and continuous social relevance have given the title of Sarkin Ɗori
a strong and well-established status among both the traditional rulers and the
wider Hausa society. It is therefore recognized not merely as an occupational
leadership role, but as a respected traditional institution deeply rooted in
the cultural and social life of the Kano Emirate and Hausa land in general.
1.4.2 The Status of Sarkin Gini
The title of Sarkin
Gini represents the leadership of the community of traditional builders (Magina)
who are responsible for construction activities. These builders have made
immense contributions to the development of human settlement in Kano and across
Hausa land. In the distant past, people lived in caves, tree hollows, rocky
shelters, and similar natural structures. Over time, this group of craftsmen
developed building techniques that enabled people to construct proper houses,
protect themselves, and provide shelter for their families and future
generations. Because of this historical contribution, Hausa society accords
great respect and value to traditional builders.
Within the
traditional political system, the rulers of Kano have always held the title of
Sarkin Gini in high esteem. This respect is rooted in the historical role of
builders in protecting the city of Kano from external attacks in ancient times.
They were responsible for constructing the defensive walls that surrounded
Kano, known as the ganuwa or badala (city walls). In addition, they built the
palace of Muhammadu Rumfa, which later became the central palace of the Kano
Emirate.
As a result of these
critical historical services, the traditional title of Sarkin Gini was formally
established for this professional group. Up to the present day, holders of this
title continue to perform important roles within the Kano Emirate. For
instance, whenever a new Emir is installed, they perform the traditional ritual
of opening the palace gate for him. In addition, all major construction and
building-related works within the emirate remain under their supervision and
responsibility. This continuous involvement in the physical and symbolic
development of the emirate confirms the high status and lasting relevance of
the title of Sarkin Gini.
1.4.3 The Status of Sarkin Fawa
Traditionally, the
title of Sarkin Fawa in Kano is associated with a group of people whose
occupation involves activities related to blood, waste, and unpleasant smells namely
the Rundawa (butchers).[7]
Because of the nature of their work, some members of society historically
viewed them as “unclean,” a perception that led to social stigma and
discrimination. In many cases, this negative perception resulted in ridicule
and mockery, even among children, who sometimes insulted the children of
butchers because of their parents’ occupation.
Some early scholars,
such as Harris (1934) and Adamu (1978), linked butchers with servile social
status, portraying them as socially inferior and detached from the traditional
aristocratic structure. This perception contributed to their marginalization,
including social exclusion in marriage relations and other community
interactions. Historically, tasks such as the burial of dead animals including
royal horses were assigned to them, further reinforcing their stigmatized
position.
Despite these social
challenges, the Sarkin Fawa is also widely recognized for positive personal and
professional qualities. He is often seen as a hardworking, resilient, and
courageous individual, especially considering the demanding nature of the
profession, which involves acquiring livestock, slaughtering animals, and
supplying meat for public consumption. In terms of character, the Sarkin Fawa
is commonly described as sociable and friendly, maintaining close and
interactive relationships with customers and community members.
From the perspective
of Islam, the status of the Sarkin Fawa is particularly significant. The
profession plays a vital religious role in ensuring that animals slaughtered
for consumption are done in accordance with Islamic law (Halal). Animals
forbidden by Islam are not slaughtered for consumption, and those that are
permitted must be slaughtered following strict religious guidelines. For this
reason, the Sarkin Fawa traditionally appoints a qualified Islamic scholar (Malamin
yanka) who is responsible for performing or supervising the slaughtering
process according to Islamic principles.[8]
This arrangement not
only ensures religious compliance but also protects the wider community from
consuming unlawful meat. It also reflects an institutional response to the
social stigma historically associated with the profession, transforming it into
a regulated and religiously respected occupation. As such, despite historical
discrimination, the title of Sarkin Fawa holds an important functional,
religious, and social position within the Kano Emirate and Hausa society at
large.[9]
1.4.4 The Status of Sarkin Ƙira
The status of the
title of Sarkin Ƙira refers to the respect, dignity, and social value accorded
to him by Hausa society based on the importance of the occupation he leads. The
Sarkin Ƙira is the leader of the community of craftsmen who produce essential
farming tools used in agricultural activities. These tools include implements
such as Ploughs (Garma), Hoes (Fartanya), Sickles (Lauje), Axes (Gatari), and
many others. Without these tools, farming activities would be extremely
difficult, if not impossible, for the community.
Because of this, the
Sarkin Ƙira occupies a special and highly respected position in society. The
profession he represents does not only support agriculture, but also
contributes directly to the development of other traditional Hausa occupations.
The tools produced by craftsmen are used across various professions such as
butchery (fawa), farming (noma), traditional medicine (Magungunan Gargajiya),
barbing (wanzanci), farauta (hunting) and several other indigenous trades. In
this way, the craft profession serves as a foundational occupation that
supports and sustains many other aspects of Hausa economic and social life.
This interconnected
role gives the profession of ƙira, and by extension the title of Sarkin Ƙira, a
unique and strategic position within the traditional occupational structure of
Hausa society. It is not merely a craft occupation, but a central pillar of
traditional economic production and community survival.
Regarding the status
of the craft profession, Rimmer et al. (1948:116) recorded a praise poem
(kirari) recited by Baba Maƙeri, in which he celebrated himself and emphasized
the importance and dignity of the craft profession. He expressed pride in his
work and highlighted the value of craftsmanship in sustaining society, thereby
reinforcing the high cultural and symbolic status of ƙira within Hausa
traditional life. He stated that:
“Sai ni baƙi, dodon ƙarfe, mai amana da maharba!
Da ba domin taya ba, da na yi mota!
Ba don ni ba, da ƙasa ta yi saura!
Kai, ba don ni ba, da maza sun yi gizo!
Sai ni na Ali, gatan kaka, mai abin mamaki!
Ƙarya kuke, magauta,
Sai na gaji na bari don kaina!”
Baba Maƙeri, in his
praise poem (kirari) about the craft profession (ƙira), highlights the
importance, dignity, and social trust embedded in this occupation. He
emphasizes that craftsmen are entrusted with critical tasks, especially
producing tools and equipment used by hunters and warriors, showing that their
work requires skill, precision, and mutual understanding with other
professions. He proudly asserts his mastery, noting that he is not a mere
apprentice but a true expert. In his view, tools are not just made of wood or
iron they are the means by which work and survival are possible. Without the
craft of ƙira, agricultural productivity would be severely limited, as the
essential tools for farming would not exist.
The kirari also
highlights the broader social value of the craft profession. In Hausa society,
the Sarkin Ƙira is respected not only for the tools he produces but also for aiding
other trades and activities. For instance, women, rely especially on the Sarkin
Fari,[10] for
items such as cooking implements, jewelry, and protective tools. Similarly,
other members of society depend on the work of craftsmen for defensive and
practical tools like arrows, guns, and gates. Without them, people would lack
the means to protect themselves and sustain their livelihoods.
Traditionally, the
Sarkin Ƙira is recognized for good interpersonal relations with nearly all
other traditional occupational groups. He is often praised in the saying,
“Komai da ruwanka,” reflecting his respected and supportive role in Hausa
craftsmanship. He is admired for resilience and endurance, as the work requires
dealing with intense heat, heavy labor, and the challenges of metalwork and
fabrication. Despite these hardships, Sarkin Ƙira and his craftsmen approach
their work with skills, a sense of joy, pride, and dedication.
In the eyes of the
Hausa rulers, the Sarkin Ƙira is highly respected because his profession
directly contributes to essential cultural and social functions. He produces
war tools, ceremonial items, gates, and other critical implements,
demonstrating the central role of craftsmanship in sustaining both the economy
and social structure of Hausa society. Some scholars note that without skilled
craftsmen, many traditional occupations could not function effectively.
1.6 Discussion of Findings
This section
discusses the findings of the study in relation to the Structural Theory of
Culture, which serves as the theoretical foundation of this research. The
theory views society as an organized system made up of different institutions
and social roles that work together to maintain order, stability, and
continuity. Scholars such as Ferdinand de Saussure, Emile Durkheim, and A. R.
Radcliffe-Brown argue that social life is structured through organized
relationships and institutions that guide how individuals interact within a
community.
From this
perspective, traditional institutions are important components of the social
structure because they help regulate behaviour and organize community life. In
the case of the Kano Emirate, traditional occupational titles form part of this
broader social structure. These titles represent organized systems of
leadership within different professional groups, and they contribute to the
effective functioning of the emirate’s traditional political system.
The findings of this
study reveal that traditional occupational titles operate as extensions of the
authority of the Emir. This reflects the structural nature of leadership in the
emirate, where authority is distributed through a hierarchical system. While
the Emir remains the central authority, occupational leaders assist in
administering different segments of society by supervising professional groups
and maintaining order among their members. This arrangement clearly
demonstrates how traditional leadership structures help to organize social
relations and ensure stability within the emirate.
Another important
finding is the role played by occupational leaders in maintaining harmony
within their communities. Leaders such as Sarkin Fawa, Sarkin Ɗori, Sarkin
Gini, and Sarkin Ƙira serve as mediators and coordinators within their
respective professions. They resolve disputes, guide their followers, and
ensure that professional activities are carried out in an orderly manner. In
this way, they contribute to the maintenance of peaceful relationships and
social stability, which is consistent with the structural theory’s view that
institutions function to sustain the overall balance of society.
The study further
highlights the specialized roles performed by each occupational title. For
instance, Sarkin Ɗori supervises traditional bone-setters who provide treatment
for fractures, dislocations, and other bone-related injuries. This service
plays an important role in community healthcare. Similarly, Sarkin Fawa
oversees the activities of butchers and ensures that animals are slaughtered in
accordance with Islamic principles, thereby safeguarding both religious
standards and public health.
In the same way,
Sarkin Gini leads traditional builders who are responsible for constructing
houses, palaces, and defensive city walls. Their work has historically
contributed to the physical development and protection of the Kano Emirate. On
the other hand, Sarkin Ƙira supervises craftsmen who produce essential tools
used in farming, hunting, and other traditional occupations. These tools
support economic activities and make it possible for many other professions to
function effectively.
Viewed from the
perspective of the Structural Theory of Culture, these occupational groups
represent different but interconnected components of the wider social system.
Each group performs specific functions that contribute to the survival,
organization, and continuity of society. Through their leadership roles,
occupational title holders help coordinate professional activities, preserve
traditional knowledge, and strengthen the authority of the emirate’s political
structure.
Overall, the
findings of this study show that traditional occupational titles are not merely
ceremonial positions but important institutions embedded within the social
structure of the Kano Emirate. By providing leadership, regulating professional
practices, and maintaining social harmony, these titles continue to play a
significant role in sustaining the cultural and institutional life of Hausa
society.
1.6 Conclusion
This study examined
the objectives of research, the methodological approaches, and the theoretical
framework employed, particularly the Structural Theory of Culture. It engaged
with knowledgeable scholars, and analyzing the four occupational titles as a
research sample. Key terms such as status, kingship (sarauta), occupation
(sana’a), and the historical development of the Kano Emirate were also
clarified. The study concluded that traditional occupational titles are
integral to governance, social harmony, and cultural continuity in the Kano
Emirate. It further confirmed the significance and influence of Sarkin Ɗori,
Sarkin Fawa, Sarkin Gini, and Sarkin Ƙira, showing how each title contributes
uniquely to the social, economic, and religious life of the traditional Hausa
society.
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[1] Alhassan da Wasu (1988:67). Zaman Hausawa. Bugu na Biyu. Lagos: Islamic Publications Bureau.
[2] A
discussion was held with the Ɗanrimin Kano, Alhaji Sarki Waziri, at his office
in the headquarters of the Kano Emirate Council, on Tuesday, 5/4/2022, at
approximately 3:20 PM.
[3] However, currently, the Hadiza, Gumel, and Kazaure Emirates were removed from Kano State and have come under the administration of Jigawa State.
[4] This followed a misunderstanding between the Kano Emirate and the Governor of Kano, which led to the creation of additional Emirates in order to reduce the power of this Emir, Muhammadu Sanusi II.
[5] In the Kano Emirate system, these rulers are not district or town chiefs; they are traditional title holders known as ‘Hakimai Masu Alkyabba.’ They do not govern a town, but rather a specific group of people, usually those engaged in a particular traditional craft or occupation.
[6] For example, in events like traditional craft exhibitions and World Hausa Day celebrations held at some universities and colleges, especially in Northern Nigeria.
[7] Harris (1948:315) reported that the term ‘Bangaro’ is used to distinguish the king’s servants from the rest of the community members who have no connection to the royalty. Those without royal ties are referred to as ‘Runji’ or ‘Rundawa.
[8] In some places, it is not necessary for a person to be of royal lineage; what is desired is for them to be a scholar of religious knowledge.
[9] A discussion was held with the Emir of Fawan Kano, Alhaji Isiyaku Alin Muli, at his office in Abattoir, Kano city, on Wednesday, 6/9/2023, at approximately 11:30 AM.
[10] He
is the head of the artisans who craft women’s jewelry and similar items.
This article is published in ALQALAM: A Journal of Language and Literary Studies, FUGUS, Volume 1, Issue 2 - June 2026
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