The Role Indigeneous Institutions in Conflict Management: A Study of Pre-Colonial Ibibio Society, 1850-1900

Article Citation: Usman M. Mohammed & Markson Idongesit (2019). The Role of Indigenous Institutions in Conflict Management: A Study of Pre-Colonial Ibibio Society, 1850-1900. DEGEL: The Journal of the Faculty of Arts and Islamic Studies, Vol. 17, No. 1. ISSN 0794-9316

THE ROLE INDIGENEOUS INSTITUTIONS IN CONFLICT MANAGEMENT: A STUDY OF PRE-COLONIAL IBIBIO SOCIETY, 1850-1900

By

Usman M. Mohammed & Markson Idongesit

Department of History and War Studies

Nigerian Defence Academy, Kaduna

usmanmadaki02@yahoo.co.uk

Abstract

This paper interrogates the role of indigenous institutions in managing issues relating to conflict and its enforcement mechanism in pre-colonial Ibibio society regarding the period 1850 which was when the name Ibibio was first used by the Aros to 1900 which was when colonial rule began gaining influence in most areas of Nigeria including Ibibio land. It gives an overview of issues that lead to conflict that if not well managed could easily escalate to war. The paper discusses the various institutions in the Ibibio society placed with the role of handling issues relating to the conflict which have hitherto not been given specific attention in extant works. In its assessment of these dispute-resolving institutions and peace maintenance mechanisms in pre-colonial Ibibio society, the paper utilizes both primary and secondary data and adopts a qualitative methodology using the narrative and descriptive methods of history. The paper concludes that these institutions that existed during the pre-colonial period in Ibibio society to settle conflicts functioned effectively to engender peace and enhance stability in the society.

Introduction

Achievement of sustainable peace is one of the greatest concerns of all societies. In pre-colonial Africa, this was achieved through the use of indigenous institutions. Conflict resolution in Africa had a spectacular feature. The notable feature of this conflict resolution stood Africans in the vintage position of demonstrating their culture. This was why in pre-colonial African societies, peace and harmony somehow reigned supreme and often produced a unique atmosphere for peace to thrive and development became dynamic. Indigenous mechanisms of conflict resolution are time tested and effective to handle conflicts that arise. When compared with the non-indigenous ones, indigenous mechanisms for the prevention and resolution of conflict are less complex, save time and give a chance to parties in conflict.

About conflict management, it has indicated that conflict can be managed through strategies and institutions.1 The conflict management process through strategies and institutions encompasses reconciliation, adjudication and mediation: these strategies demand the conflicting parties’ commitment to accept the decision of a third party. The ultimate objectives of these strategies are to handle and minimize conflict among parties who have different demands. Almost all societies regardless of their location in time and space have laws for handling a dispute and achieving resolution of differences. However, every society has its unique mechanisms of handling disputes/conflicts.

The Ibibio people of South-South Nigeria are located in the Akwa Ibom state of Nigeria. They appear to have been one of the earliest inhabitants of the former South Eastern Nigeria. The largest socio-political unit in the pre-colonial Ibibio society is said to have been the Idung (village). The Ibibio political structure was based on social organization and consisted of six administrative divisions augmented by clubs, they include: Idip Ete (siblings from the same father), Ufok (literally means a house but a collection of families), Ekpuk (Extended family), Idung (village), Oduk (village group), Ikpaisong (clan).2 From the political organization are drawn social institutions and they are numerous with their own laid down rules and regulations guiding their members and the society. These social institutions existed for the men, women and youths. Though not all members of the community joined these social institutions, their activities strongly affected the people as a whole.3

Certain actions and behaviours considered as crimes often led to wars that were prevalent in the pre-colonial period in Ibibio society; they included kidnapping, molestation, adultery, land and boundary disputes which the indigenous institutions handled amicably to prevent reoccurrence. For instance, molestation led to war between Itam and Uran clans in 1892 which was settled by joining the two clans in a peace pact(Imaan) which is still observed till today.4 Just like the Igbo society, who had the igbandu which means blood pact and alliance system through which the Igbo people maintained their economic and military relationships with themselves and the non-Igbo groups.5 The institution of Imaan in Akwa Ibom is similar with all others in the area and other various indigenous institutions of the Ibibio society were able to maintain some level of orderliness, thereby reducing the number of crimes committed in the area. These institutions worked according to the laws and customs guiding the Ibibio society. 

Therefore the paper discusses the role of the indigenous institutions in managing issues that relate to conflict in the Ibibio society during the pre-colonial time. The paper concludes that these institutions had rules guiding them and members of these institutions were not exempted or given preferential treatment if laws were broken, which brought about some level of fair judgement in handling issues that could escalate to war or certain crimes against the society.

Conceptualization of Conflict Resolution Mechanisms in the Pre-Colonial Ibibio Society

In giving an appraisal of the traditional method of conflict resolution mechanisms, it should be noted that they are characterized by certain features. They are rooted in the African cultural milieu or context that values social harmony and unity, interdependence and communal life.6 Secondly, traditional processes are relatively informal, familiar and less threatening. Third, they focus on the principles of empathy sharing and cooperation in dealing with common problems which underline the essence of humanity, simplicity, participatory, adaptable flexibility, complete relevance and comprehensiveness.7 Fourth, conflict resolution is not a two dimensional “negotiation” between the combatants, but a three dimensional “reconciliation” between the combatants and all others suffering the negative indirect effects of the conflict. That is, traditional methods of conflict resolution management are holistic and consensus-based and often tend to focus on whole communities as parties to a dispute, as opposed to individuals.8

In terms of purpose, the immediate objective of such conflict resolution is to mend broken or damaged relationships, rectify wrongs, restore justice and ensure the full integration of parties into their societies and to adopt the mood of co-operation.9 The purpose is not merely about the adjudication of who is right or wrong and the punishment of culprits, but the reconciliation of the parties in which both parties are satisfied and willing to let go their pain and forgive each other. Hence, it is called a mechanism of “restitutive reconciliation” aiming at the restoration of justice, restoration of order, harmony and maintenance of relationships within the community by integrating feuding parties for true reconciliation through apology and compensation.10

The importance and utility of the process lie in the fact that they strive to restore balance and peace, settle conflicts or eliminate disputes and maintain social harmony. They facilitate ownership, strengthen group unity and have greater resonance in societies than Western conflict management approaches.11 Compared to the modern methods of litigation and settlements in law courts, conflict resolution in traditional Ibibio society promotes consensus-building, social bridge reconstruction and enactment of order in the society, peaceful co-existence and harmonious relationship, durable or positive peace rather than the mere absence of violence and effective conflict settlement.12 

Within the family, extended family, the trial is a matter of conciliation and a purification ceremony. Even in intra village and inter-village conflict, the main focus of attention is reconciling the conflicting parties.13 In other words, the elders or third party seek to eliminate the disharmony. Having discussed in the previous chapter the conflict resolution methods and the institution responsible for handling issues in the society it is worthy of note to therefore look at the methods that the present society should adopt in other to encourage a peaceful coexistence within the society.

Everyone believed that departure of socially approved norms are likely to incur the displeasure and vengeance of ancestors.14 When emergency laws are promulgated by the elders’ council, such laws are invariably given divine sanctions by a sacrifice to the supreme deity Abasi Ibom. Laws and customs were believed to have been handed down to them from the spirit world from time immemorial, from ancestors to ancestors. This belief facilitates social control among the people.15 The point to note here is that every individual of the community was ready to abide by the stipulated norms and culture that guided the activities of the people which helped foster peace in the pre-colonial society.

 As regards the political organisation of the society, the status of elders and the pattern of selection which changed as a result of colonialism, made it easier and less problematic during the resolution of conflict because the elders then were less corrupt.16 In the sense that being an elder was merited unlike during the post-colonial period were traditional rulers buy their way into being called rulers without having the mindset of knowing what type of duty the position they are struggling for entails. Rather, they go for fame neglecting the traditional cultural believe of oneness and never strive to achieve that and prefer that members of their community go to modern courts which they feel are there to handle their cases.17

The institutions which acted as the enforcement agencies pre-colonial times were out to achieve peaceful coexistence because they were less corrupt. Whether fines were levied to the culprit of the crime it was not on a win-lose basis. They ensured that the other party never felt cheated and judgements were given based on proverbs to ensure that there was a peaceful coexistence after the declaration of judgement.18 Interestingly, justice in Nigerian society was a western-inspired notion, for justice is not traditional but peace is. Before the arrival of the British colonialist, the people of Africa did not have the notion of justice in their culture, because for them to resolve the conflict was to restore the relationship and reestablish peace between parties. However, when the colonialists arrived, with them came the notion of right and wrong as a way of addressing conflict and attached it with the idea of justice.

In the traditional method, there was a much fuller airing of issues and the range of relevant matters was very broad. In order for the solution to a dispute reached in a traditional setting to be lasting, nothing must be held in or left unsaid that will embitter either party and undermine the decision.19 Whereas in the modern courtroom, grievances can be only partially aired, thus, it could be inferred that traditional conflict resolution among the Ibibio is more satisfying and holistic than formal court decisions.

Furthermore, the resolution in the traditional method is not imposed by a judge but is a result of consensus. Even sympathizers of the loser are part of the decision. The way the guilty verdict is handed down mitigates the pain and anger that normally follow a formal court decision.20 Backed by the threat of the supernatural power of ancestors and other threats, culprits almost always accept the verdict with equanimity. Because the main aim of the traditional society was to make peace and reestablish harmony between the conflicting parties, the fines or penalties are always minimal.21

Indigenous Institutions in Pre-colonial Ibibio Society and its role in conflict resolution in Ibibio land

The Ibibio society had various institutions that helped in the management of conflict and law enforcement. These institutions had their various functions and sometimes two institutions worked together to achieve peace were one institution cannot handle the case brought to them alone. These institutions include some political divisions, secret societies, women organization, age grades, grandchildren, in-laws and many others. There were various methods attached to solidify the peace settlement. For example, the Imaan pact, use of mbiam and various methods to ensure that both parties never came up with a similar case of such dispute for settlement.

The Family Unit (Idip Ite)

Various conflicts in the Ibibio society are not just taken directly to the village council to settle and this is where the political division plays its role. The Ibibio political divisions are augmented according to clubs and work based on hierarchy. In handling conflict, the family (Idip Ete) which is the smallest unit in the political division also partook in conflict resolution.22 At this level, the father played an active role in settling disputes and in all cases tried, that apportioned blame were to be fined or given punishment as to what suits the crime they committed. In extreme case, any member of the family who is always known for trouble would be sold into slavery, which acted as a deterrent to other members of the family.

The village (Idung) which is a collection of lineages (Ekpuk) had a ruler who is known as the Obong Idung. He presided over the Esop Idung (village) assisted by several other important functionaries. Among these were;

1. Obong Ukot: he deals with disputes over ownership of raffia palms, fixed the price of palm wine, prevented adulteration of palm wine and tried and punished in-council those who failed to tap and send their palm wine to the Ekpuk head’s compound on the traditional days for such gifts of palm wine to the community.
2. Obong Udia: supervised the agricultural activities of the group. It was the responsibility of the Obong Udia to see that the sacrifices were offered to the gods of the farm (Ndem) before farming operation started in the village. He settled disputes over farm plots, farm fights and cases of yam theft, and informed the village council of the approach of the New Yam Festival. Obong Idung: exercised judicial functions to a considerable extent should any dispute arise concerning debt, bride price, defamation of character. The principle cases heard by the Obong Idung were murder, adultery, habitual theft, serious breaches of other villages laws, customs and traditions. In cases of murder, the family of the murdered person generally took the law into their hands and would seize and kill the murderer. It was the duty of the Obong Idung to pacify the two families. The settlement would normally be effected by giving over a healthy young woman from the offender’s family to replace the deceased.23 The intention here was to have the woman produce men and women whom the murdered person could have produced if he/she was not killed. But if this effort was unsuccessful, serious inter-lineage fights could result in which sometimes many more people would be killed. Therefore in the Imaan clan, when a murderer was found guilty, he was sent to the village of the nearest clan head who would hear the case again and order that he should either be killed or sold into slavery.24

Secret Societies

Ibibio secret societies such as the Ekpo Nyoho, Ekpo Ndok or Ekpri Akata, Ekpe, Ekoong, Obon and Atat performed multifarious functions ranging from the religious, moral, social and humanitarian to the economic, political and judicial. Like other secret societies, members were forced to take an oath of secrecy. Accordingly, each new initiate was forced to swear on the Itok Ekpo (ancient juju mbiam) in the case of Ekpo and on Itiat Ekpe in the case of Ekpe.25 Itok Ekpe was ancient long-necked earthen pot into which ancient concoctions (mbiam), as well as contemporary ones, were poured.26 The initiates were asked to swear in such a way that if he swore falsely the penalty inflicted by the juju, Itok Ekpo could extend to all members of his lineage (Ekpuk). Before the advent of Christianity, everybody in Ibibio land believed in the potency of mbaim in the case, the Itok Ekpo. Because of its superstitious belief, no member dared divulge secrets to women and children. Secondly, fear was the controlling force in keeping these societies secret.

Ekpo Nyoho

The Ekpo society originated as a result of the common belief of the people about life after death and personalized the ancestors who were deemed to come back to earth during the Ekpo season, to regulate the affairs of men by the code of conduct earlier laid down by the ancestors.27 Its membership was open to all adult (free or slave) who could keep secrets. The institution was also adopted as a social mechanism for the administration of justice. Ekpo Nyoho society checked crimes of stealing, adultery, prostitution and murder.28 In times of war, it was the duty of the members of the Ekpo to fight for the village or clan under the command of the village head who was mandatorily an initiate of Ekpo.29 The annual activities of the Ekpo usually began in the first week of August of each year with the activities lasting between two and three weeks.30 The Ekpo laws were no respecter of persons and bribes could not be offered to divert the course of justice as in modern times. This was because it was believed that the Ekpo could vanish from people’s sight at any time after giving its judgement. It was also believed that the Ekpo like God, knew the truth and so their actions were always justified if judgements were given.

Ekpo Ndok or Ekpri Akata

The Ekpo Ndok was in the modern sense of the village secret agent. It was what the Efik and a few villages along with the coast example Adadia, Issiet Ekim, Uran called Ekpiri Akata.31 It was regarded as a ghost that came to Ibibio land in the night during a big year (every other year).32 Whatever crimes people had committed in secret during the year, the Ekpo Ndok would reveal to everyone in the village. For example, on such nights Ekpo Ndok told the names of all thieves in the village, what things they had stolen and from whom and the names of women who committed adultery.33 Since the Ekpo Ndok was regarded as being perfectly true, no one could take action against it and soon after giving out its information, it vanished and no one could touch or handle the ghosts. However, the accused person, if he was to prove himself innocent of the charges made against him, would take an oath before all the people in the village square otherwise he was considered guilty. This served as a deterrent to those who thought they could get away with the crimes they had committed in secret.

Ekpo Ndem Isong

This was a ghost messenger of the deity of the land. Ibibio law forbade murder, secret poisoning of other people and habitual theft among others. Like the Ekpo Nyoho, the Ekpo Ndem Isong was said to disappear after completing its assignment. It operated on special occasions. Its membership included only the landed hierarchy and men who could keep top secrets because this society was the highest tribunal of the Ikpaisong (clan).34

Whenever the Ekpo Ndem Isong drum was sounded, it was obvious that something grave was happening in the village, or that a proved witch, secret poisoner, or habitual thief was missing from the land.35 Another responsibility of the Ekpo Ndem Isong was the treatment of accidental death.36 Sudden death was considered abominable, caused by the victim’s great sins or that of his family (at which the gods were angry), or because someone else wanted to humiliate the person, his lineage or his village.37 This was because in pre-colonial Ibibio land sudden death was a rare phenomenon because there were not many causative agents such as modern vehicles, aeroplanes. When there was an accidental death, not only was the corpse treated specially by the Ekpo Ndem Isong, but the whole family and sometimes the whole village showed great concern and consulted the Abia Idong (diviner) to find the cause. Since the Ibibio feared such death, no mortal would touch the corpse and this became the responsibility of the Ekpo Ndem Isong to send messengers who performed rituals and sacrifices to avoid a reoccurrence of such in the village.38

Ekoong

This was a war society or cult. It was the highest cult into which Ibibio people could be initiated and one’s prestige did not reach its highest until one was a member of ekoong cult.39 For the initiation of new members, a slave has to be bought by the whole village if there were many intending members. Early in the morning of the ceremony which was customarily fixed on the Ibibio market day, the slave would be brought to the occasion and his head cut off and sacrificed to the ekoong diety. The society was a society of daring warriors and men who could withstand hardship and suffering of others.40 Membership of ekoong society conferred certain privileges and deference to the members.41 A very rich man can take membership for himself and his male child or children. As warriors, members of ekoong like the present-day high-ranking military officers occupied a unique position among the Ibibio both in their lifetime and after their death. They were accorded special burial, featuring sorts of displays by secret societies and the ekoong society. 

Obon

The Obon society normally featured towards the end of the year, particularly during the new yam festivals. It featured sometimes between March-April, to mark the end of the season for other secret societies. The Obon society was a branch of the Ekpe but had no masquerade. Unlike the Ekpe society, Obon dealt with cases of murder and witchcraft.42 Its role also includes elimination or execution of serious criminals such as condemned murderers, witches and wizards, and those who committed treasonable felonies in the society. Few Akwa Ibom societies had obon society and it was more relevant in the riverine parts of Akwa Ibom state. 

Atat 

Atat means hornet. Like the Ekpo Nyoho, Atat was a masquerade play. It had no mask on the face but was covered from head to foot in dry plantain leaves. It sang or spoke through a muffled pipe which was put in the mouth. Atat operated with bows and arrows with which it shot non-initiates or even maliciously fellow initiates. It was a society of expertise in archery, acts of prowess and provided a training ground for inter-village wars.43

Ukot (In-law)

The institution of ukot is a product of marriage. In other words, successful marriages create an institution. Among the Ibibio people, the Ukot are revered by the people. The Ukot were held sacred and as taboos not only by their immediate blood relatives but also by the entire communities with which they have a relationship. When an Ibibio marries into a lineage, there exist political, economic and social links between the two lineages. These links automatically become sacred bonds between them to the extent that by Ibibio tradition, custom and usages, they must not kill or harm each other. If fines were imposed on the Ukot, the people were by custom not to share such fines. A breach of the customary law involving ukot usually resulted in death or sickness of some kind. Hence, the popular adage, “adue ukot akpa itong” literally meaning “a person that commits an offence against his in-law must die”.44

The unique role that the ukot played and is still playing in the Ediene judicial system could be seen in the fact that when there were disputes between lineages or villages, the ukot handled such inter lineage or inter-village disputes and settled them amicable to the satisfaction of the parties.45 The decisions handed down by the Ukot on any dispute were not only final but immutable.

Eyeyin (Grandchildren)

This institution was very important because they form the links between the man’s family/village and the woman’s family/village. These links automatically become sacred bonds between them, to the extent that by Ibibio tradition just like the Ukot, the Eyeyin must not kill or harm each other and they are not only being revered by the people but are also held sacred by the people. Also like the Ukot, a breach of the customary law involving Eyeyin usually resulted in death or sickness of any kind.

The institution of Eyeyin has been used to settle disputes of any kind in Ibibio land since the pre-colonial period, as the grand-children are usually held as impartial arbitrators. Whatsoever decision they took in their arbitration over any matter was taken as final by disputing parties. The traditional method of using grand-children as arbitrators were employed to settle both intra-communal and inter-ethnic land disputes.46 For instance, any land dispute between Ibibio and their neighbouring villages usually led to inter-village fights. According to oral history, when communities were tired of the war, they would employ the institution of grandchildren because:

…Inter-marriages takes place, the Ibibio marrying their women in igbo… thus arise to what is known as Eyeyin (grand-children) whose mother(s) comes out of a village distinct from that of its father(s) these children possess the “freedom” of both villages. When both parties had got sufficiently tired of the war, men possessing Eyeyin (grand-children) would act as mediums and if both sides agreed to an armistice, Eyei (young palm frond) would be erected on the (disputed) boundaries. Arbitrating was the method employed to settle the disputes.47

In the case of land disputes were the disputants are not willing to reach a compromise, the Eyeyin has the right to claim ownership of such land thereby putting an end to the dispute. The Eyeyin also has the right to claim ownership of land in which mbiam (juju) was buried by an aggrieved party and the mbiam would not kill the Eyeyin for taking the disputed property. 

Imaan (pact or alliance)

Imaan can be classified into two. The first type of Imaan is the one formed between two or more groups of people for a common purpose. The people who entered into the pact might be of the same or different ethnic groups or cultural backgrounds. Another type of Imaan is kinship relationships recognized by two or more groups of people who had in the past lived together but later parted ways through migrations and are now living in separate locations. In this second group, the people are cultural of the same stock as they can trace their descent to common actual or putative ancestors. Membership into the institution is voluntary.

In the pre-colonial times, the people entered pacts or formed alliances for several reasons. The reasons might be to end wars, settle land or boundary disputes, establish a friendship, and provide mutual assistance or prevent aggression, thereby originating some laws to guide the people.48 To cement the union after entering into a pact, the people would choose a common animal such as atan (palm civet), lizard, python, monkey as their totem. For instance, the people of Itak and Ikpe have a lizard as their totem which they had forbidden to eat. 

The Imaan practices were a very useful means of ending many wars in pre-colonial Ibibio society and the major causes of inter-communal clashes or inter-ethnic wars were murder, kidnapping, molestation, adultery and slave trade.49 This institution adopted a method of settling disputes by the formation of pacts between the two warring parties. 

An example is seen in the case of Itam and Uran in 1892 was war was fought as a result of much kidnapping and killings of people on their way to the market or to visit friends in distant clans. It happened that the Itam and Uran women who were going to the Ikpa market were molested by the Efik at Ikpa. The Uran chiefs ordered that the market at Ikpa be closed unless the Efik settlers at Ikpa made restitution. The Efik who were settlers on Uran land sued for peace and gave a cow to be sacrificed to the Uran clan deity, Ata Okpo.50 A small portion was sent to the Itam people who took offence that such a meagre share should be sent to them and demanded half the cow. When this ultimatum was disregarded, the Itam people closed their market to Uran women. Disregarding the Itam order of closure of their market, the Uran people went to the market, killed and captured many. War broke out and the Uran called on the whole clan to unite. Every village in Uran sent soldiers to fight the Itam. The war which lasted for four months resulted in many casualties on both sides. Finally, the neighbouring Oku clan stepped in and made peace between them. This conflict between the two clans was settled using a peace pact which is being observed until today.51

Women Organisations

Just like a various institution in the Ibibio society, the women were not left out in handling issues that could result to the conflict in the society or help in curbing crimes to bring about a level of peace in Ibibio society. Some of the Ibibio women organisation included the Ebre and Iban Isong. 

Ebre

The Ebre was a social institution made up of married women, which was aimed at eradicating social ills that could bring shame and a misdemeanour to womanhood.52 The club had social and judicial functions. Its social functions including, among others, the staging of plays whenever a new member joined the club and when a member died. The judicial function of the club was very clear. Their law was that no member however poor must commit theft. If a member committed theft, she was caught and stripped and her body smeared with charcoal, after which she is paraded through the streets with the stolen items tied together and hung around her neck.53 She was initially expelled from the club and from that day till the end of her life and even beyond; she was ridiculed in songs and looked down upon by every member of the clan who knew her. 

Their role in the society includes the control of the moral standard of the unmarried girls, supervising the “fattening home” and other ceremonies concerning them. Also, society was significantly noted for its high moral attainment and weighed the ethical conducts of women in society.54 Thus discipline and high moral conduct were expected from members who were supposed to correct the community. They also served as arbitration panel between quarrelling women in the society. 

Iban Isong

 The name is a shortened form of the Iban Isong Esit, meaning “hard-hearted, strong-willed women”. This was because the Iban Isong Esit were stern in their judicial proceedings and they left no stone unturned until they had brought an offender to complete humiliation and sometimes to death. This institution acted on cases of abuse on the female gender. Example, any man who abused a woman by talking about her sexual autonomy was deemed to have committed a grave crime against the Iban Isong.55 The aggrieved woman usually took the case privately to the Iban Isong who fixed a day on which they would try the culprit. 

Nka (Age grades)

In the pre-colonial period, every member of a village community knew members of his age grade in various fields of activity. The Ibibio people were very conscious of their social status, arising from their ages, hence in some villages, there were in most cases up to 4-5 age grades. Also for identification, such age-grade had a name. Also, each age grade had a code of conduct and its symbol in the form of a modern flag. The names of the age-grades varied from place to place and reflected its functions, aspiration, age, behaviour patterns and moral code.

All age-grades had their codes of conduct. Offences such as theft, adultery, flippancy and divulging of official secrets constituted breaches of their codes.56 Age grades also settled disputes among their members, thereby reducing the number of cases that could have gone to the village council. Offenders were fined and in extreme cases, ostracized. Appeals could be made from a junior grade to a higher one. Age grades also performed executive and administrative functions.57 The youthful age grades were generally in charge of enforcing the decisions of the village authorities. If one failed or stayed away from community work or failed to pay fines imposed on him, age grades, similar to law enforcement agencies would forcefully break into the compound of the culprit, seized items or property and sold such property for the payment of the fine imposed on the culprit.

Significance of the Institutions in Conflict Management

Generally, pre-colonial indigenous laws were enforced by secret societies as well as the natural rulers and elders of the communities concerned. These secret societies were similar to modern police and the court system. They had officials who performed the functions similar to those of the modern police and court. These secret societies were regarded as a secret because their membership was exclusive to a certain class of people and because of their secret ways of communicating with members.58

Apart from the laws that were derived from the indigenous institutions, the people of the pre-colonial Akwa Ibom also believed that certain laws were natural laws given to them by the Supreme God. They believed that there were gods that oversaw the institutions of Imaan, Ukot, Eyeyin and their affairs.59 They called and recognized these gods as abasi imaan (god of allies and pact) abasi ukot (god of in-laws) abasi eyeyin (god of grand-children). It was believed that any person who broke these laws would be punished directly by God. 

Any pact person who breached the terms or refused to discharge the pact obligations was usually visited with supernatural punishments. The gods of these institutions though invisible were thus part of the law enforcement agencies. Punishments that might be imposed on the offenders included death, sickness of any kind, infertility or any other kind of punishment. Lawbreakers might also be isolated or banished by his people.60 

As observed by Nanda, the rewards of the traditional council of kpelle “are positive, in contrast to the negative sanctions of the courtroom”.61 This is true to the Ibibio society as well, as the deviant is pulled back into a relationship with the wider community. If the traditional council is successful, reconciliation is achieved with “no residue of bitterness or resentment”. In the case of married couples, the traditional resolution results in reconciliation, not divorce. In the case of other relationships that must continue outside the case, it is hoped that the traditional council will finish off people’s quarrel and destroy hard feelings thus restoring harmony.62

There was a post-conflict assurance of safety in the sense that whenever cases are decided, there was a form of swearing of an oath to protect the two parties from harming or bewitching each other. Belief in the efficacy of mbiam enhanced social control where official courts have failed, the traditional method has been quite successful.63 A case study was seen in the Asutan village were two women had a quarrel and in a premeditated manner, one of them attacked the other with a pestle and left her unconscious. Since only the two women were present, there was no witness to corroborate the evidence of either. The Akampa police were they lived tried in vain to get the truth from the two women. When the news of this matter reached Asutan, the village council sent representatives to ask the police to allow them to take the women home to try to establish the facts of the case. The police agreed, on condition that the elders, report back to them in two weeks.64 The mystery surrounding the case unravelled at the village council when the two women whom both claimed were telling the truth were asked to subject themselves to the oath of bias. During the usual interview before administering the mbaim oath, one of the women broke down in tears and admitted that she was lying. She admitted attacking the other woman with a pestle having left her unconscious, smearing her room with a mixture of that smelled like excrement and then rushed to the police station to report that the lady had provoked her to fight.65 The guilty lady was fined a goat and drinks and was made to bear the cost of the treatment of the injured woman. She was also made to swear on mbiam that she would not seek to injure the other woman through witchcraft, sorcery or other means. The injured woman also took the same oath.66

Finally, a decision in a magistrate court does not end a conflict because even though it may determine the winner, it does not restore harmony within the group. During the colonial period and post-colonial period whoever has the money to hire a good lawyer, bribe the police and fabricate the best lies wins in magistrate court unlike the pre-colonial period whereby the institution search for truth and make what they call “real peace” (ata amem).67 Thus after the council’s verdict, they make peace by making both parties swear an oath. Usually, a glass of water or palm wine is shared between them symbolically, the Ibibio believe that they have shared their blood or saliva and this is a covenant that they will never harm each other or any of their relatives.68

Conclusion

The Ibibio traditional society like other African societies functioned effectively because of the relevant system of government institutions that were involved in administering its day to day affairs. As discussed in the paper, the people had some well-established social institutions that were used to enhance governance. These institutions enforced laws and order which engendered peace and enhance the stability of the society. Since every society was prone to conflict and sort for ways to manage these conflict from escalating to war these institutions were seen to have played the role of helping to curtail some issues in the pre-colonial Ibibio society. Also, the paper has been able to debunk the European view that pre-colonial African communities were unorganized, having no government and no law to guide and regulate the people. This paper has been able to show that the Ibibio society had a well- organized system of government and laws that guided the activities of the people, established friendship, furthering inter-group economic relations and for conflict resolution among the people. 

Notes:

¹Roberehek Clayton, “Motivation and Material Cause an Explanation on Conflict and War” in Jonathan Has (ed.), The Anthropology of War, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990, p.20.

² E. A. Udo, Who are the Ibibios? Nigeria: Africana-fep Publishers limited, 1983, p. 117.

³Ibid., P.136.

⁴J. R. Bassey, “Indigenous Institutions in Ibibioland and their contributions to the development of legal system in Nigeria, 1930-2010”, Ibom Journal of History and International Studies, Vol. 13, No. 1, June 2011, pp. 81.

⁵Ibid.

⁶Uwem Jonah Akpan, 50⁺, interviewed at Uyo, Lecturer, August 8, 2018.

⁷Brock- Utne B, “Indigenous Conflict Resolution in Africa” A draft Presented to Week-end Seminar on Indigenous Solutions to Conflict held at the University of Oslo, Institute of Educational Research, 2001, pp. 23-24.

⁸Nwolise O. B., Traditional Models of Bargaining and Conflict Resolution in Africa: Perspective of Peace and Conflict in Africa, Ibadan: John Archers Ltd, 2005, p. 30.

⁹Boege V., “Traditional Approaches to Conflict transformation: Potentials and Limits”, Breghot Research Centre for Constructive Conflict Management, 2006, p. 40.

¹⁰Ibid.

¹¹Ibid.

¹²Bukari K. N., “Exploring Indigenous Approaches to Conflict Resolution: The Case of the Bawku Conflict in Ghana”, Journal of Sociological Research, Vol. 4, 2013. pp. 86-104.

¹³Ibid.

¹⁴Uduak Ekong, 80⁺, Interviewed at Uran, Village head, February 20, 2019.

¹⁵Edet S. Oton, 60⁺, interviewed at Uyo, Research officer Akwa Ibom Council, on August 15, 2018.

¹⁶Ibid.

¹⁷Ibid.

¹⁸Vasti Rosado, “Traditional Conflict Resolution Skills: Nigeria Case Study” B.A Research Department of Peace, Justice and Conflict Studies, Goshen College, 2014, p. 12.

¹⁹Ibid.

²⁰Ibid.

²¹Uwem Jonah Akpan, 50⁺, interviewed at Uyo, Lecturer, on August 8, 2018.

²² E. A. Udo, Who are the Ibibios..., p.117.

²³Charles Ekpo, 50 years, interviewed at Ikot Nte, on May 20, 2018.

²⁴Ibid.

²⁵James Udo Eka, 70 years, interviewed at Abuja, on April 17, 2018.

²⁶Ibid.

²⁷E. A. Udo, Who are the Ibibios..., p.139.

²⁸Uwem Jonah Akpan, “Law and Public Governance in the Ibibio Traditional Society”, Research Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies, Vol. 3, No. 2, 2017, p. 8.

²⁹E. A. Udo, Who are Ibibios..., p. 140.

³⁰Uwem Jonah Akpan, “Law and Public Governance in the Ibibio Traditional Society”…, p. 5.

³¹Ibid.

³²Ina K, “Ibibio Pre-colonial Political and Social System”, Journal of Research in Information and Education, vol. 3. No. 2, 2004, p. 40.

³³Ibid.

³⁴James Udo Eka, 70 years, interviewed at Abuja, on April 17, 2018.

³⁵Ibid.

³⁶ E. A. Udo, Who are Ibibios..., p. 141.

³⁷Ibid.

³⁸Ibid., p.142.

³⁹Ibid.

⁴⁰Ekong E. Ekong, Sociology of the Ibibio: A Study of Social Organisation and Change. Uyo: Modern Business press, 2001, p.155.

⁴¹Ibid.

⁴²Edet Ukpong, An Inquiry into Culture: Ibibio Names. Uyo: Dorand Publishers, 2007, p. 130.

⁴³Uwem Jonah Akpan, “Law and Public Governance in the Ibibio Traditional Society”…, p. 8.

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