Article Citation: Attahiru Ahmad Sifawa (2019). Manipulation of Religion in Party Politics in the Sokoto Province, Nigeria, 1950–1966. DEGEL: The Journal of the Faculty of Arts and Islamic Studies, Vol. 17, No. 1. ISSN 0794-9316
MANIPULATION OF RELIGION IN PARTY POLITICS IN THE SOKOTO
PROVINCE, 1950 – 1966
By
Attahiru
Ahmad Sifawa
Department
of History, Sokoto State University, Sokoto
Abstract
One of the common features of party politics in modern Nigeria had been
a careful manipulation of religious sentiment in the promotion of political
interests by party politicians. Whereas at national level, and in some states
with sizeable number of particularly Muslims and Christians, Islam and
Christianity are used or played, one against the other, or manipulated by party
politicians to promote their political interests, in predominantly Muslim or
Christian dominated areas. Sectarian divides is one of the tools employed by
politicians to strive for popular support among the masses. The object of this
paper is to trace and examine how party politicians in Modern Nigeria started
to manipulate religion, as a strategy for popular support among the mases,
using the example of Sokoto Province. The paper posits that in addition to its
class based ideology, the Northern Elements Progressives Union, NEPU, cogently
manipulated the anti-British and anti N.A sentiment of the Tijjaniyya followers
and brought them into active support of their party. The matter which started
as an expression of antagonism to the emirs on the part of the Tijjaniyya
followers was eventually manipulated by N.E.P.U leaders and brought the
Tijjaniyya followers into active support of their party.
Introduction
Since his assumption of office in 1944, as the Governor
General of Nigria, Sir Arthur Richards embarked on the preparation of a new
constitution, which he inherited from his predecessor. By 1946 the constitution
was made ready and it was formally promulgated in 1947.[1]
One of the aims of the Richard constitution was to slow down
the radicalization of nationalist movement by ensuring greater participation of
the nationalists in the management of the country’s affairs. Representative
Assemblies both at the Central and Regional governments were established. The
Jurisdictions of the Central legislative Council was to cover the whole of
Nigeria, while Regional councils were formed in all the three regions.[2] In
Northern Nigeria, two houses were formed, House of Assembly and the House of
Chiefs, in 1947. The House of Chiefs was presided over by the Chief
Commissioner. All the First Class Chiefs in northern Nigeria were members. In
Sokoto, the Sultan of Sokoto and the Emir of Gwandu were both members. The
House of Assembly, on the other hand, consisted of 19 official and 20
unofficial members.[3]
It was inaugurated on 20th January, 1947.[4]
The Wazirin Sokoto and Magajin Rafin Gwandu were elected by the N. A. councils
to represent the Sokoto province.[5] In
1948, following the death of Waziri Abbas, Ahmadu Bello Sardauna was elected to
take over the position of Waziri Abbas, as a Member of Regional House of
Assembly, Kaduna, together with two additional members; Madawaki Abubakar of
Sokoto, and Sarkin Gobir Haruna of Kalgo from Gwandu emirate.[6]
However, as a result of the persistent pressure and criticisms of the Richards
Constitution by the nationalists, electoral principles were introduced in 1950
for election in to the Regional House of Assembly, Kaduna, instead of
nomination by the N.A councils and other bodies. Eventually, political parties
were formed. In northern Nigeria, Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU),
was formed in 1950, followed by Northern People’s Congress (NPC), in 1951 to
participate in the election of members into the regional house of assembly,
Kaduna.[7]
The experiment of Western Democracy in Northern Nigeria
featured the representation and struggles between the political interest of the
two dominant social classes in the political landscape of Northern Nigeria,
i.e., the Sarakuna (Aristocracy) and the Talakawa (Masses). The
interest of the latter was represented in the Northern Elements Progressive
Union, NEPU, and its subsidiaries, while that of the former, was represented in
the Northern People’s Congress NPC and its allies. An interesting feature of
the beginning of party politics in Sokoto province and other parts of Northern
Nigeria was that the cut-throat competition for popular support between the two
dominant political parties, notably the NEPU and the NPC witnessed both
conscious and unconscious manipulation of many socio-economic forces, including
religion, for mass mobilization and popular appeal to the citizens. The
objective of this article is to trace and examine how party politicians in
Northern Nigeria started to manipulate religion, as a strategy for achieving
popular support among the masses (Talakawa)
and the eventual election victories.
The introduction and Development of Tijjaniyya
Movement in Sokoto Province
The earliest recorded appearance of Tijjaniyya
Brotherhood in the territory of the defunct Sokoto province was in the 19th
century, around 1830s, when Alhaji Umar Al-futi visited and settled at
Sokoto during the reign of Sultan Muhammad Bello. There are many acriphal
stories regarding the conversion of the latter by the former into the new
brotherhood. At the present stage of the writer’s research, there are no
convincing evidence, either in Bello’s writings, or his popular disciples,
indicating his membership of the Tijjaniyya brotherhood. Interestingly,
Bello’s thirst for scholarship and political mind accounted for the hospitality
and es’ perit de co, with which he treated Al-Hajj Umar, leading to he (Bello)
giving the hands of his daughter in marriage to the latter (Umar Al-futi). [8]
But however, circumstances leading to the departure of Al-Hajj Umar from
Sokoto, after the death of Sultan Muhammad Bello, suggested that Al-Hajj Umar
might have succeeded in initiating some men into his brotherhood.[9]
The influence of Tijjaniyya, however, remained considerably small in the
province, up to the beginning of the colonial period.
Abdu Ujdud, a son of Muhammad Alaoui from Morocco, played a
significant role in the spread of Tijjaniyya in Hausaland. He was said
to have visited Katsina from 1919 to 1924 where he help established the
movement. From there, the movement spread to neighboring Hausa states of Kano,
Zaria, Kaduna and Zamfara.[10]
Another significant landmark in the spread of Tijjaniyya movement in
Hausaland had been the conversion of the Emir of Kano into the Movement. The
Emir met Ibrahim Niasse at Makka while on pilgrimage, in 1937. The Emir
facilitated sending Kano pupils to Kaolackh and increased the ties with Niasse.
Niasse appointed many Mukaddams (elders of the brotherhood), with
authority to initiate others in the movement. The famous Kano business man,
Alhassan Dantata was made the representative of the Sheikh in Kano.[11]
It was from Kano, Katsina and Zaria that the strong
influence of Tijjaniyya spread to Gusau, Kaura Namoda and eastern
Zamfara Districts, mostly towards the end of the first half of the 20th
century. Similarly, the western Sokoto, particularly Argungu and Gwandu
Emirates equally benefitted from Tijjaniyya influence by way of Katsina,
Zaria, Kano and Zamfara through advanced scholarship. But the major source of Tijjaniyya
influence in Kabi and western Sokoto, had been from Niger Republic.[12]
The expansion and spread of Tijjaniyya movement in
Sokoto province and other parts of Northern Nigeria coincided with the period
of colonial administration. Coincidentally, the early part of the colonial
administration witnessed stiff resistance and militant struggles to overthrow
the British rule, led by some radical Islamic scholars, in different parts of
the region. The revolts were mostly Mahdist uprisings which seriously
threatened the survival of the colonial rule. In Sokoto province, the most
serious Mahdist revolt was the Satiru revolt of 1906. Although the
revolt was suppressed, there were pockets of resistance in the province upto
the commencement of the First World War.[13]
Eager to maintain its good record in the colonial scheme of
things, the Sokoto Sultanate council went to the extent of mobilizing 3000
soldiers in defence of the British when the revolt occurred.[14]
Moreover, the imperialist method of barbarity demonstrated in the annihilation
of the Satirawa seriously frightened the native chiefs (Sarakuna) in
Sokoto province and other parts of Northern Nigeria. Similarly, disciplinary
actions taken against the perceived sympathizers of the Satirawa, among the Sarakuna,
such as the emir of Gwandu made the remaining Sarakuna submit totally to
the British colonial administration.[15]
On the part of the British colonial government, the Satiru
and other similar Mahdist revolts made them adopt a very serious measure
to suppress or contained any aspect of Islam that was considered subversive to
the hegemony and autonomy of the colonial regime. Eventually, a part from Mahdism,
Tijjaniyya movement, the new and vibrant movement of day, was considered
as another potential movement capable of mobilizing people against the British
colonial government.[16]
And again, one of the widely known propaganda embarked by the Tijaniyya Sheikhs,
in particularly Sokoto Sultanate, in order to attract many people into the
movement, was that in the unspecified future, the leader of the movement, Sheikh
Ibrahim Kaolakh, having collected many supporters, would come to over throw the
colonial regime and take over the position of Sarkin Musulmi. People like
Ibrahim Kaya and Balarabe Gusau would become Chiefs, while lesser followers,
would serve as district or village heads. They even used to warn that those who
refused to join early might not be accepted when the movement established its
hegemony in the region.[17]
Personal prejudice on the part of the Sarakuna on the
perceived motives of the Tijjaniyya movement apart, the primary role
assigned to them by the indirect rule system was the maintenance of law and
order. In executing such role, particularly as regards Mahdism and Tijjaniyya
movement, the Sarakuna were reduced as spies, reporting every bit of
action performed by most particularly individual or group of scholars, in their
domains, in fear of any possible opposition that might be inspired by Islam.
Moreso, the processions, inform of group Zikr, and other activities
performed by the Tijjaniyya followers, became a very serious source of
political concerns to colonial authorities.[18]
In Kano for instance, the activities of the leading Tijjaniyya Sheikhs,
Mallam Muhammad Salga and Mallam Mahmud Alhassan became source of serious
concerns to colonial authorities. When in 1920s, Mallam Mahmud Al-Hassan
(1863-1943) versified the teachings of Mallam Muhammadu Salga (1871-1939) on
funeral rites into a tract called ‘Sabil al-Muhtadi’ (The way of the
seeker for guidance), it was misconceived by the colonial authorities and
mistranslated as ‘commencement of the preparation’. This mistaken title,
according to Umar, seriously alarmed the British authorities to misconstrue a
work on funeral rites as a clarion call for jihad, expecting that the
work was outlying guidelines for the burial of anticipated martyrs.[19]
Whatever the cause of this misconception and action therefrom, it had revealed
the level of apprehension with which colonial authorities looked upon Tijjanism
as a potential tool of anti-British rising in Northern Nigeria.[20]
In Sokoto province, although active Tijjanism
developed around 1940s and after, the Sarakuna were very sensitive with
the activities of both local and migrant Islamic scholars in the province. The
case of Malam Mai Layu in Rabah – Gumdumi axis, and other similar Mahdist
scholars in the province, demonstrated the level of surveillance performed by
the Sarakuna, in league with the British, against both Tijjanism
and other Islamic activities in the province.[21]
Throughout the colonial period, colonial authorities ensured
strict surveillance and provision of intelligence report on the activities and
movements of leading Tijjaniyya Mallams (Sheikhs) in the
province.[22]
The Beginning of Religious Manipulation
in Party Politics in Sokoto Province: Tijjaniyya and NEPU Exploits
It should be observed, that the Sarakuna, in
performing their roles of safeguarding the British rule in Sokoto Province,
particularly strict surveillance against the Tijjaniyya Sheikhs
and the movement, they had eventually fell in serious conflict and enmity with
the Tijjaniyya followers in the province and other parts of Northern
Nigeria. The Tijjaniyya followers seriously resented the native chiefs, whom
they considered as mere spies of the infidels, and those hypocrites and enemies
of the development of Islam. Eventually, when the era of party politics began,
and the Sarakuna identified with the N.P.C, the majority of Tijjaniyya
leaders and followers were sympathetic and thus attracted by the N.E.P.U, as a
result of its anti-British and anti-Sarakuna stance. Although the
membership of Tijjaniyya of some of the N.E.P.U leaders suah as Aminu
Kano, facilitated the link, it was the common anti-British and anti-Sarakuna
stance of both the N.E.P.U as a political party, and the Tijjaniyya
followers as a group, that eventually attracted the Tijjaniyya followers
into N.E.P.U, far and above any other consideration.
Having identified the feelings and position of the Tijjaniyya
Sheikhs concerning the N.As and their political affiliate, the N.P.C,
N.E.P.U leaders in Sokoto province intensified efforts in winning over the Tijjaniyya
followers to their party in the province. Some of the strategies they adopted
included showing courtesy and expressing deep sympathy over the unfair
treatment the sect had been receiving from the colonial authories. In several
instances, in line with their policy of tracing cases of breach of justice in
the province which they always used in raising some dust, through petitions to
higher authorities, the N.E.P.U leaders embarked on writing petitions on behalf
of the Tijjaniyya leaders, challenging various cases of maltreatment and
abuse of justice against the Tijjaniyya followers in the province.[23]
Moreover, N.E.P.U leaders in the province used to offer some financial
assistance to some Tijjaniyya Sheikhs in the guise of assisting
Religions Teachers.[24]
More so, many N.E.P.U supporters started to identify themselves with the Tijjaniyya,
further strengthening the emotional integration of the two disgruntled groups,
vis sa vis the colonial authority. Within a short period of time, the dividing
line between the N.E.P.U and Tijjaniyya was blurred in Sokoto province,
particularly in Gusau and Eastern Zamfara Districts.[25]
Nothing further revealed the N.E.P.U membership of the Tijjaniyya
followers in Sokoto Province than the success of N.E.P.U candidate, in the Tijjaniyya
dominated areas of Gusau and Kaura Namoda, during the 1956 elections into the
Northern Regional House of Assembly, as well as in some parts of Kebbi.[26]
Although some of the electoral reforms introduced in the 1956 elections, like
the separation of the rural electoral districts from the designated urban areas
contributed to the success of the N.E.P.U during the election, but the role
played by Tijjianiyya, both as ideological and social tool of mass
mobilization, was of superior importance than any other contributing factor.[27]
The eventual alliance and, or, unification between N.E.P.U
and Tijjanism in Sokoto province in the 1950s, was not without
repercussions particularly on the Tijjaniyya movement in the province.
The hitherto reluctant, and or, dodged surveillance and intimidation by some
Emirs against the Tijjaniyya followers changed to an open enmity and
serial assaults on the personality of Tijjaniyya followers in the
province.[28]
The Sarakuna were particularly alarmed by some of the successes recorded
by N.E.P.U in the Tijjaniyya dominated areas. The Sarakuna as a
political interest group realized the likely political consequences of any
further expansion and development of the movement in the province. So long as
the expansion and development of the Tijjaniyya movement meant the
growth of N.E.P.U from strength to strength, the Sarakuna as interest
political group became determined to crush the movement in the province. After
all, many Sarakuna in the province were still not members of the
movement. Interestingly however, even the Emir Sanusi of Kano, who was the
patron of the movement in Hausaland, was forced by the desire to safeguarding
the political interest of the Sarauta System to withdraw or reduced his
unqualified support to the movement. The emir started to regulate some of their
activities, including seeking the intervention of Sheikh Ibrahim Kaolakh
to help control the partisan activities of the Tijjaniyya followers in
Northern Nigeria.[29]
Having openly identified themselves with the N.E.P.U, the Tijjaniyya
followers were held responsible for the N.E.P.U successes in the province. The
Native authority ordered severe handling of the Tijjaniyya followers
side by side with the political allies of the Sect, the N.E.P.U followers. The
situation ended in an instigated conflict by the Sarakuna, between
orxodus Muslims and Tijjaniyya followers in Eastern Sokoto, i.e. eastern
Zamfara Districts, leading to bloodshed and losses of lives. About 300 – 500 Tijjanniyya
Mallams and their followers were sentenced to various terms of
imprisonment, and three more were sentenced to death by the Sultan’s court.[30]
Moreover, in addition to serious persecution and
imprisonment of the Tijjaniyya followers, the sect was denied freedom of
Religion in some parts of the province. Many mosques and schools belonging to
the Tijjaniyya followers in the province were closed. For instance, on
the instructions of the District Heads of Isa and Zurmi, mosques belonging to Tijjaniyya
followers were fulled down, while their Imams were imprisoned. The harsh and
brutal treatment suffered by the Tijjaniyya followers in some parts of
the province was part of the general thuggery and violence unleashed by the
N.P.C in the province against the growing popularity of the NEPU, thus making
their Tijjaniyya allies, victims of circumstances.[31]
The native and colonial authorities, together with the NPC
leaders at the regional level, after several meetings, finally decided to
re-strategize, in their handling of the partisan politics of the Tijjaniyya
followers in Northern Nigeria. The leaders finally agreed to employ carrot and
stick approach. Unless the Tijjaniyya followers refused carrots, by
declining material and political inducements, then the stick could be employed,
to continue with open assaults on their persons. In Sokoto province, the
Premier, Ahmadu Bello and the leading Emirs, including the Sultan, led the
secession of hostility pact with different Tijjaniyya Sheikhs.
The Sultan’s visit to Gusau,[32]
in order to persuade the leading Tijjaniyya followers in the area to
shun partisan politics and reconciled them with the N.A officials recorded
little successes. Such effort were further followed by an emergency meeting at
the Sokoto Residency in which the premier, Ahmadu Bello Sardauna, the
Resident Mr. H.A.S. Johnston, Mr. C.N.F Odgers as well as; the Sultan of
Sokoto, the Wazir of Sokoto, Alkalin Alkalai, the Makama Sani Dingyadi,
and the one time leader of the Nigerian Citizens Welfare Association NCWA, a
radical Association formed in 1946, as a wing of the Zikist movement in Sokoto,
but suddenly disappeared, when the leader was collaborated in the N.A. as a
member of the Sultanate Council; and Madawaki Shehu Salame, the first President
of NEPU in Sokoto, who also shunned radical political activism as a result of a
circumstance similar to that of Sani Dingyadi, was also in attendance.
Many issues were raised and discussed at the meeting on the
best way to tackle the problem posed by the N.E.P.U vis-sa-vis the partisanship
of Tijjaniyya followers in the province. The leaders decided to use the
leading Tijjaniyya Sheikhs, notably Malam Balarabe Gusau and
Malam Sani and other leadings scholars in order to dissociate some extremist Tijjani
practices from the core-Tijjani worship, and to persuade their members
to withdraw from partisan politics. In return, apart from friendship and
political patronage, the N.As and the political leaders promised to allow them
freedom of worship, including public Dhikr which was seen to be playing
political role against the NPC. Moreover, in addition to freedom to open and
build their mosques, the Sarakuna agreed to consider the Tijjaniyya
Sheikhs for appointment as Imams where vacancies occurred and the
situation permit. The Emirs as well as British and N.A officials on tour were
also enjoyed to be friendly with N.E.P.U and Tijjaniyya followers.[33]
The premier personally took it upon himself to convey this
offer to the Tijjaniyya leaders in the province. The Premier visited
Gusau, Kaura Namoda and some Eastern Zamfara Districts, where he met with many Tijjaniyya
leaders in his efforts at ending hostilities between the Sect and the N.A/NPC
leaders. Mallam Balarabe Gusau, Mallam Ibrahim Salihu, Mallam Ango, Mallam
Garba Yabo, were among the leading Tijjani Sheikhs, that the
Premier met during his visits. In addition to conveying the N.A/NPC offer to
the Sheikhs, the Premier gave a gown and atleast £1 each, to every Tijjaniyya
Mallam who was invited and participated in the meetings. The Premier finally
read a riot act, in case the Tijjaniyya members went ahead, to confuse
their activities with partisan politics.[34]
Having realised the danger of partisan politics to the
survival of their movement, the Tijjaniyya leaders started to withdraw
from open partisan politics in the province. Similarly, the Premier was able to
meet with some N.E.P.U leaders during his visits to Gusau, Kaura Namoda, and
the eastern Zamfara Districts. Reasons suggest that similar offers presented to
the Tijjaniyya leaders were also extended to the NEPU leaders in the
area in order to win them over by the N.P.C. Through a careful manipulation of
sentiment and benevolence, the Premier succeeded in dividing the Gusau Branch
of NEPU into two. Consequently, a faction of the Gusau Branch of the NEPU
dissociated themselves from the vote of no confidence passed on the Sultan, by
the Branch party secretary, Mr. Ade. The NEPU members in the Branch equally
relieved Mr. Ade, off his appointment and replaced him with Muhammad Na Gusau.[35]
Although the support of the Tijjaniyya leaders to
NEPU and the membership of the party continued to move underground, the party
was able to win the 1959 elections, when in place of Haruna Tela, Ali Na Kura
was elected from Kaura Namoda, representing the Eastern Zamfara. Together with
many party leaders, Hon Ali Nakura was collaborated and the finally crossed the
carpet to NPC after his election under the flat form of the NEPU.[36]
That event marked the end of the glorious days of NEPU in the eastern Zamfara
Districts, the development that turned the Sokoto province into an NPC
controlled region in northern Nigeria.
Conclusion
The experiment of the Western Democracy in Sokoto Province
was one of the very interesting aspects of modern Nigerian history. Both the
colonial officers and the traditional Aristocracy were initially tormented by
the emergence of radical nationalism which finally graduated into full blown
party politics, particularly the radical declaration of intent by the Northern
Elements Progressive Union (NEPU), which promised a radical democratization of
the local government administration with no secured political future for the Sarakuna.
The Aristocracy found Solace in the liberal and conservative wing of the
nationalists, who were consciously or unconsciously monitored and groomed by
them, in league with the British officers, when they formed the NPC, as a
counter political party. NPC and its affiliate groups of liberal elements were
ready to play the game according to the rules dictated by the political
circumstances of the day. The Sarkuna and their white political collaborators,
thus, adopted the Northern People’s Congress, as the alternative vehicle for
the transfer of power, to native political elites. The very circumstances and
forces that led to the formation of NPC dictated that by hook or crook,
colonial authorities were determined to transfer political power to them at
independence.
Whereas the NPC devised coercive and autocratic measures in
their mass mobilisation derive, the NEPU manipulated the existing
socio-economic and religions forces and strived for popular support among the
masses. Tijjaniyya movement in particular was carefully manipulated by
the NEPU in order to ensure electoral victories. The mater which started as an
expression of antagonism, to the emirs and their British allies, on the part of
the Tijjaniyya followers, was eventually manipulated by the N.E.P.U
leaders, thus attracting sympathy and eventual support by Tijjaniyya leaders
and their followers, as a strategy for achieving popular support and election
victories in Sokoto province. However, the militant and other autocratic
approaches employed by the N.A/NPC conspiracy, as well as promise and offer of
political patronage and material inducements, forced the Tijjaniyya
leaders to back out from active partisan politics, and the reluctant masses
into forced submission. Thus, giving the NPC an opportunity to dominate
political activities in Sokoto province.
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[1] A. Abba, The Northern Elements Progressive Union and the Politics of Radical
Nationalism in Nigeria 1938 – 1960, (Zaria, Abdullahi Smith Centre for
Historical Research, 2007), Pp. 87 – 91.
[2] G. O. Olusanya, ‘Constitutional
Developments in Nigeria 1861 – 1960’, in Ikime O. (eds), Groundwork of Nigerian History, (Ibadan, Heinemann Educational
Books Nigeria Plc, 1980), Pp. 524 – 525.
[3] Ibid. p, 525. See also; J. N. Paden, Ahmadu Bello Sardauna of Sokoto: Values and Leadership in Nigeria, (Zaria,
Huda Huda publishing company ltd, 1986), P. 131.
[4] S. B. Sharwood Smith, ‘But Always as
friends’, edited and translated by A. A. Imam as Auren Zobe: Abotar Nijeriya Da Ingila, (Zaria, Northern Nigeria
Publishing Company, 1974), P. 35.
[5] A. Bello – Sardauna, My Life, (Cambridge University press,
1962), Pp. 61 – 63.
[6] NAK, Sokprof, 7225, Sokoto Province Annual
Report 1948, part I, prg. 3
[7] A. Abba, The Northern Elements Progressive Union, pp. 169-171
[8] Peter B. Clarke, West Africa and Islam: A Study of Religious Development from the 18th
to the 20th Century, London, Edward Arnold Publishers ltd, 1982, Pp. 132.
[9] Ibid.
[10] SSHB, S. 20, Muslim Affairs, Argungu, 1938
– 1952 EX S. 0500, CONFIDENTIAL REPORT: ‘HAUT Commissariat De La Republicque en
Afrique occidentale Francaise’, by M. Mangin, Head of the Department of Moslem
Affairs, on his visit to Nigerian in March, 1952. Pp. 29.
[11] Ibid. Pp. 29 – 30.
[12] Alhaji Ibrahim Mai geme Kamba, aged
[13] R. A. Adeleye, “Mahdist Triumph and
British Revenge in Northern Nigeria: Satiru 1906”, Journal of Historical
Society of Nigeria, Vol. VI, No. 2, June 1972, P. 196. See also; M. Usman,
“Intellectual Tradition in Sokoto Emirate 1906 – 1960”, PhD thesis, UDUS, 1998,
Pp. 109 – 11; and NAK, SNP – Sokprof, 2001/1907, Sokoto provincial Annual
Report, 1906, P. 5.
[14] M. T. Usman, ‘Intellectual Tradition…’ Pp.
109 – 11.
[15] NAK, Sokprof, 2001/1907, Sokoto provincial
Annual Report, 1906, pp. 6 – 7. By Resident Goldsmith.
[16] M. S. Umar, Islam and Colonialism: Intellectual Response of Muslims of Northern
Nigerian to British Colonial Rule, P. 35.
[17] SSHB, S. 0505, Moslem Sects and
Brotherhoods Development in Islam, 1953 – 1956. C. 3/S. 1, Influence of Sheikh
Ibrahim Kaolack on the Yan Wazifa, from J. Waren, ADO Gusau to S.D.O Sokoto
Division, dated 5th March , 1957. Pp. 49.
[18] WJHCB, S. 0505, Moslem Sects and
Brotherhood Development in Islam, 1953-1960. See also; WJHCB, S. 0506, Vol. I,
NEPU/AG, 1948-1952
[19] M. S. Umar, Islam and Colonialism, Pp. 36 – 37.
[20] Ibid. Pp. 38 – 40.
[21] WJHCB, C. 380 Tijjani Personalities, I.
1957 – 57. See also; WJHCB, C. 380, Tijjani Personalities, II. 1957 - 1957
[22] WJHCB,
S 20, ARG/1/6/25, Muslim Affairs, 1938 – 1952. See also; WJHCB, Yan Wazifa –
Darika Tijjani La’ila, 1955 – 1965; and WJHCB, SO 500/5.2, Tijjani incidents
Sokoto Emirate, Eastern Districts, 1956 - 1957
[23] SSHB, S.0506, Vol. II, N.E.P.U/A.G, 1948 -
1952, p.98. See also; Ref. No.1C/NEPUG. From NEPU Secretariat, Gusau Branch, to
the Premier of the Northern Region, dated 24th September, 1957.
[24] SSHB, S. 0506, Manufofin Jamiyyar NEPU
Sawaba, from Madaki Shehu Salame, President NEPU Sokoto Branch, to the
Resident, Sokoto Province, Dated 5/8/1953.
[25] SSHB, S. 0505, Intelligence Report. From
the Officer-in-Charge, the Nigeria Police, Sokoto, to the Commissioner of
Police, "E" Branch, Kaduna. Dated, 1st September, 1957.
[26] SSHB, S. 0506 Vol. I, NEPU/A.G, 1948 -
1952, pp. 91 – 92. See also: SSHB,NAC/11/505, Jam’iyyar Mutanen Arewa NPC
Argungu Branch, 1952-63. P.33; and SSHB, S.0506/S.1, SECRET Circular No.
S.44/32, Disturbance at Kamba, from D.O. Argungu to Senior Resident, Sokoto
Province, dated 26th November, 1957.
[27] Ibid.
See also; A. Abba, The Northern Elements Progressive Union..., pp. 191 - 192.
[28] SSHB, S.22, Argungu Mosque Incident, 1955
- 1955. See also; SSHB, S.21, Yan Wazifa - Darika, Tarika, Tijjani La'ilan,
1955 - 1965.
[29] SSHB, S.21, Yan Wazifa - Darika Tijjani
La'ilan, 1955 - 1965, pp. 54 - 58.
[30] SSHB, S. 0505, Moslem Sects and
Brotherhoods Development in Islam, 1953 - 1956. pp. 58 - 59. See also; B. J.
Dadley, Parties and Politics in Northern Nigeria, pp. 190 and 198.
[31] Ibid.
See also: SSHB, S.0505, Ref. C. 379/57, Yan Wazifa, Secret, front the Ag.
Resident Sokoto, to the Secretary to the Governor, Northern Region, Kaduna,
dated 11th March, 1957; SSHB, S.0505-S.0500/S.2/51B. Ya Wazirfa events since
September, 1956.
[32] SSHB, S.0505, Moslem Sects and
Brotherhoods Development in Islam, 1953 - 1956. P.58.
[33] SSHB, S.0506, Vol. I, S.0312/S.1 - S.0500,
Tijjani Practices and NEPU - Secret. Dated 2nd October, 1957.
[34] SSHB,
5.0506, Vol. I, NEPU/A.G 1948 - 1952. Notes on Premier's Visit. pp. 105 - 107.
[35] SSHB, S. 0506, Vol. I, NEPU/AG, 1948 -
1952, pp, 105 117. See also; Nigeria Citizen, dated 19th October, 1957; and
Nigerian Citizen, dated 30th October, 1957.
[36] Ibid.
Also; Hon Alhaji Ali Na Kura, aged 86, Oral Interview on 8th February, 2014.
And Alhaji Abdulkadir (Kadiri mai Tukin mota). Oral interview at Kaurar Namoda,
on 9th February, 2014.
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