Article Citation: Ibrahim A Modu, Kasim Alkali & Shettima B. Kullima (2018). The Integration of the Shuwa Arabs into the Politics and Administration of Borno: A Historical Perspective. DEGEL: The Journal of the Faculty of Arts and Islamic Studies, Vol. 16. ISSN 0794-9316
THE INTEGRATION OF THE SHUWA ARABS
INTO THE POLITICS AND ADMINISTRATION OF BORNO: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE
By
Ibrahim A Modu, Ph.D.
Department of History, University of Maiduguri
&
Kasim Alkali, Ph.D
Nigeria Arabic Language Village Ngala Borno
State
&
Shettima B. Kullima, Ph.D
Department of History, University of Maiduguri
Abstract
This paper examines the integration of the
Shuwa Arabs, one of the nomadic groups found in Borno, into the politics and
administration of the Kingdom in historical perspective. It observes that the
Shuwa Arabs had been tangentially related to power under the Sayfawa dynasty on
the one hand. El-kanemi's period, on the other hand, had been a milestone for
them having been fully integrated into the political system. During the reigns
of the later Shehus however, the power and influence of the Shuwa Arab courtiers
waned following the economic and political crisis, which engulfed the Kingdom.
And when Rabeh Fadl Allah emerged in the midst of this crisis in the
last decade of the 191b century, a considerable number of Shuwa
Arabs supported his cause. For this reason, Rabeh appointed the leading Shuwa
military commanders into his regime. In addition, he accorded them a privileged
status, which survived his regime from 1893-1900. Finally, the paper concludes
that although the Shuwa did not found a state of their own, they were
instrumental in the birth and indeed the consolidation of the EI-kanemi dynasty
which rules Borno to present day.
Introduction
The Shuwa Arab out-movement from the states
of Wadai, Kanem and Baghirmi to Borno was in response to the environmental push
and Pull factors theory of migration. The adverse conditions in these states
pushed the Shuwa Arabs to relocate their lot to the relatively peaceful and
fertile land of Borno west of Lake Chad. But, there were intervening obstacles
such as the crisis of integration and adjustment into the government and
society of Borno. The Salamat and Baniset Shuwa Arabs who suffered most from cattle
epidemics before the 191h century, abandoned cattle husbandry for
agro pastoralism. The Qawalme Shuwa Arabs were those who arrived late into
Borno (in the 191h century), on the other hand, supported EI-kanemi
in his rise to power and were fully integrated into the government signifying
their vertical mobility in society. Generally speaking, therefore, the Shuwa
Arabs by the 19'h century had been fully integrated into the politics and
administration of Borno. We must add that their long stay in Borno had fully
indigenised them in every aspect of human endeavor.
A Brief Historical Background of the Shuwa
Arabs
Sources at our disposal suggest that the
Shuwa Arabs, first appeared in the territory of Kanem-Borno as early as the
late 141h century when they first entered the kingdom from Egypt
possibly as a spillover of the wars of Islamic expansion in the 7th
century AD'[1]. It is, however pertinent to
note that the Shuwa Arabs followed several routes and at different points in
time to reach Kanem-Borno. Urich Braukamper, writing on the immigration
of the Baggara (cattle) Arabs into Kanem Borno, for example, suggested that the
ancestors of the Shuwa Arabs followed three routes to reach Kanem these routes
listed below as follows:
a.
The
first route followed by the Arabs started from the Arabian Peninsula directly
across the Red Sea to Northeast African Coast.
b.
The second route followed by
the Arabs was through the Sahara from the Gulf of Sirte.
c.
And,
the third route was through the Nile Valley.[2]
There is evidence to suggest that an infiltration of Arabs across' the Red Sea
into Bilad Al-sudan started in the pre-Islamic times and perhaps the
momentum increased following the wars of Islamic expansion leading to the
opening up of Egypt and North Africa by the Muslim Arabs[3].
It appears that each Arab group preserves its tradition of
immigration into Kanem-Borno at different points in time. The Tunjur
Arabs for example, claim to have immigrated into Kanem-Borno from Tunis
al-Khadra, from the region of Southern Tunisia.[4]
The Tunjur claim to be a section of Banu Hilal Arabs who, like
many other Arabs are associated with the general wars of Islamic expansion of
the 7th Century AD.[5] Again, the Judham,
the supposed ancestors of the Shuwa Arabs, claim ancestry from Djuhayna
Arabs who originated from Yemen and later invaded Egypt in 7th C.5
The Judham Arabs were the first Arab group to invade Kanem and cause
intense destruction.[6]
Broadly speaking three waves of Arab immigration into Kanem-Borno
can be discerned as follows:
(a). The first Arab group
was the Judham who came in the late 14th century.
(b) This
group was followed by five other groups who followed the Sayfawa into Borno.
These groups included the Ma'in, Jawama, Sarajiyye Bakariyye
and Bani-Malik.[7] J. E. Lavers, maintains that these groups are
today indistinguishable from their Kanuri neighbours having taken to
sedentarised life and spoke little or no Arabic.[8]
(c). The
third momentous immigration of the Shuwa Arabs into Borno was in the 19th
century at the invitation of Sheikh Muhammad AI-amin AI-Kanemi.[9]
In so far as the demography of the Shuwa Arabs is concerned, it
seems difficult to obtain the exact population of the people. This is because
of the conflicting data presented in various sources on the people. Barth for
instance, gave an estimate of 200,000 - 250,000 in the 1830's. Gustav
Nachtigal's estimate stood at 100,000 in 1850 and by 1920's, Temple gave an
estimate of 40,000 for Shuwa Arabs of Borno.[10]
Mukhtar gave an estimate of 150,000, which is a mid-way figure between the
estimates of Barth and Nachtigal. A recent estimation refers to one million
Arabs in Nigeria.[11]
The Social Organization and Political Structure
of the Shuwa Arabs
The basic social organization among the
Shuwu, like many other African peoples, is centered on the household usually
made up of a man and members of his family. According to Tijani, the Shuwa
household attains a fully recognised status
when the head of the household reaches the age of forty when he could
participate in all deliberations affecting the community as a whole.[12] One may suggest
here that the Shuwa, like all other Muslim communities, consider a man at the
age of forty to have been fully matured and hence could participate in
decision-making as he could be relied upon.
The
political system of the Shuwa is essentially gerontocracy in nature i.e
government led by elders in the community. The highest political office is that
of the Sheikh and in some Shuwa communities the jauro leader of Fulani
group. The Sheikh served as a father and a law giver. This is only in theory.
In practice, he was only an adviser and acted in this capacity with the
approval of or in consonance with the Shurra i.e (council) of
elders in the Shuwa community.[13] Some of the qualifications of
a Sheikh include wealth, bravery, generosity and if he had a sound knowledge of
history or the genealogy of his people, this made him a dependable and elegant
leader.[14]
The
Shuwa Arabs, being a nomadic group usually took decisions concerning their
preoccupations. In this regard therefore, they took decisions on pastoral
matters such as the timing of migratory movements, the direction of migration
and of course, settling of disputes arising out of pastoral issues or social
matters among members of the community.[15]
Apart
from the political office of the Sheikh, the Shuwa, in addition evolved a
special military office called Kaftara (Koptara). The Kaftara was
a military commander who defended his people from external aggression.[16]
The Integration of the
Shuwa into Politics and Administration under the Sayfawa Dynasty
The Oxford Dictionary of current English defined
integration as "to bring or come into equal membership of a society, a
school, etc.[17] To integrate, is to bring a
part into other parts to make for a whole. How were the Shuwa Arabs brought
into the politics and administration of Borno under the Sayfawa dynasty?
It is recorded that the first reference to
the history of the Shuwa as indicated at the beginning of this paper was in the
late 14'" century when they invaded Kanem from Egypt. What brought about
this invasion? In order to understand this phenomenon, we have to understand
the interests of the Arabs and the nature of the political structure of the
Sayfawa itself. The interest of the Judham Arabs and indeed all the Baggara
cattle Arabs for that matter was primarily centered on the acquisition of land
on which these nomads could graze their livestock. This, they found in Kanem by
the late 141h century when they newly immigrated into the region.
But the land, grazing right, cattle passages (turbo), the need for free
mobility etc, were not to be solely determined by the .Judham nomads
themselves. This is because of the fact that this new comers found themselves
in a land controlled by the Sayfawa Mais who in turn needed these nomads
for their economic importance.
The nomads as a matter of policy had to pay
tax to the central government of the Sayfawa just as they satisfied the dairy
requirement of the settled population by exchanging their bovine products with
grains and other luxury items produced by the sedentarised populace. This
symbiotic relationship worked well and for the interest of both groups. But the
Shuwa nomads had a habit of evading tax, wanted freedom or some sort of
autonomy and tried to defy assimilation by the host community. Perhaps their
nomadic adherents made it difficult for the Sayfawa mais to meaningfully
absorb them into the civil society of Kanem. And because the Sayfawa government
was a closed one, the nomads naturally had no place in it.
Sayfawa Encounter with the Bulala
Consequently, the Judham became indifferent to the
Sayfawa and, therefore, looked for political allies. This, it seems, they found
in the Bulala. The Shuwa as records indicate openly sided with the Bulala
against the Sayfawa when a civil war broke out in Kanem and caused
intense destruction in the land.[18] We can therefore tentatively
suggest that the first contact between the Sayfawa and the Judham Arabs
started and ended in conflict implying that there had been no meaningful
political integration at this early period of their contact. But, we can at
this juncture make some general assumptions on the Judham-Bulala alliance
as follows:
(a)
The Bulala
were the traditional enemies of the Sayfawa having laid claims to the Sayfawa
throne and perhaps to achieve this objective enlisted the support of the Judham
Arabs in the late 14th century.
(b)
Lake
Fitiri, which was located in the Bulala territory under the Bulala
Sultan with its good grazing sites, might have attracted the Judham who
consequently entered into alliance with the Bulala.
(c)
The
camels and horses of the Judham might have provided transport and raids
conducted by the Bulala on the Sayfawa.
All
these are, however, assumptions since we do not have direct evidence to
document them. It is perhaps safe to suggest that the early contact of the Judham
with the Sayfawa proved to be antagonistic. But, the Bulala who had
allied with the Judham against the Sayfawa naturally accepted the later
into their fold. This could perhaps be referred to as a sub-regional petty
integration as it had been outside the Sayfawa Scheme and structure at least by
the 14th century.
New Level of Integration
By about the 16th century, however, the Shuwa
Arabs seems to have witnessed a higher level of political integration. Unlike
the initial contact of the Judham which proved antagonistic to the
Sayfawa authorities, this time, five Shuwa Arab groups namely Ma'in,
Sarayiyye, Jawama, Bakariyye and Bani Malik not only cooperated with
the Sayfawa Mais and became loyal to government but also followed them from
Kanem to Borno when the Sayfawa abandoned Kanem in the late 141h
century and moved westwards and settled in Borno. One is therefore not
surprised to learn that these Shuwa groups completely got transformed or
integrated.
We can
therefore tentatively argue that by the 16th century, the Shuwa
Arabs had been fairly integrated with the Sayfawa. They had by this period become
Sedentarized perhaps as a result of lost of their cattle due to ecological
condition, environmental or human factors and had to integrate with the host
community to the extent of almost losing their cultural identity. But even by
about this period, one cannot speak of a complete integration of all the Shuwa
groups to the Sayfawa as some of the groups still remain nomads and try to
maintain their separate identity. For instance, the Baggara cattle
Shuwa, who according to reports, had, by the 16th century, still
found it difficult to integrate with the host community and managed to maintain
the separate identity as distinct nomads.[19]
Generally speaking therefore, whether in Kanem or Borno, the Shuwa Arabs came
and settled under an established political order. What then was the nature and
extent of their integration into the political system? The Shuwa Arabs, like
other nomadic groups, had been at the periphery of power. This is partly
because of the nature of the Sayfawa government which according to Sa'ad
Abubakar was solidified and ultra conservative, not only was it large and
inefficient but by the 18thcentury upward mobility i.e. entry of
common men into the ruling elites was very difficult except through enslavement
and subsequent assimilation.[20]
Because
of the characteristics traits of the Shuwa nomads to maintain their identity
autonomy and defying assimilation, it probably became difficult for the Sayfawa
Mais to integrate them into the mainstream of the political system of
territorial administration.[21] This was largely true for the
Sayfawa period. Under this system, the Shuwa were assigned to their nobles
known as Sheikh who lived in the capital. These Sheikhs were referred to
as Chima jilibe kura meaning a senior
representative of a tribe.
The
duties of these officers include collection of tax, gifts and tribute from the
central government. The Chima jilibe kura also raised military
contingent in the name of the Mai.[22]
The Chima jilibe kura delegated his authority to the Chima jilibe
kura who normally resided in the territories of the Shuwa. Some of his
duties included settling minor cases such as disputes between members but
serious cases such as land disputes am] murder were the exclusive prerogative
of the Chima jilibe kura who resided in the capital.[23]
The system of territorial administration worked well. It provided for the
channeling of the Shuwa pastoral interests from their respective communities to
the centre or capital in Birni Gazargamo on the one hand and it also
enabled the central government to control the people on the other hand. The
problem however was that Shuwa loyalty to the central government depended on
the ability of the government to protect their pastoral interests. On a general
note therefore, the Shuwa Arabs were integrated into the political system of
the state through their representatives; the Chima jilibe kura and
Chima jilibe Gana who served as gateway between the Shuwa and the central
authority. The Shuwa remained a distinct community under this arrangement but
that they participated in managing their own affairs at a level which satisfied
them and which proved politically expedient to the central government of the
Sayfawa. This probably is the sense in which one can appreciate the integration
of the Shuwa Arabs into the politics of Kanem Borno under the Sayfawa. They did
not hold high offices but were tangentially related to power under a political
arrangement which catered for their interests and gave them some sort of
participation in government affairs especially on matters concerning their
pastoral interest in their various communities.
Political and Administrative Integration of the
Shuwa Arabs under the EI-Kanemi Dynasty
In the history of Borno, it is generally
accepted that the 19th century was a revolutionary period. Borno
witnessed a political revolution in the 19th century following the overthrow of
the age-long Saifawa dynasty by the Kanemi Shehus. Shaykh Muhammad al-Amin
el-Kanemi, the founder of the el-Kanemi dynasty, is a Kanembu scholar who
recaptured the capital of Birni Gazargamo from the jihadists. This
episode occurred during the reign of Mai Ahmad Alimi 1793-1810 CE / 1206
– 1225 AH, who was said to have been an old and blind ruler. His weakness had
reduced the supremacy of the leadership of the Sayfawa dynasty and,
therefore, rendered Kanem-Borno vulnerable to attack. The renowned formidable
armies of Kanem-Borno were weak under the leadership of Kaigama, the eastward of Kanem-Borno was in turmoil as the state of
Baghirmi was trying to assert its
independence from Borno and above all there was a natural disaster caused by
drought and famine. These convey to weaken Kanem-Borno. In view of this, Shaykh
Muhammad El-Kanemi was invited to intervene and assist in recapturing the lost
territory of Kanem-Borno.[24]
E1-Kanemi, as a matter of fact, was an Islamic
Scholar of high standing who had traveled far and wide seeking for knowledge he
had studied widely in Marzuk, Egypt, Mecca and Medina. It was in Medina that he
lost his father. When he finally returned to Borno through Wadai and Baghirmi
and first settled at Ngala in the closing years of the 18th century,
the Sayfawa were on the brinks of collapse. The Sayfawa became vulnerable to
the Fulani jihadists who were bent on taking over the Kingdom. EI-Kanemi and
his followers were invited by the Sayfawa to ward off the Fulani menace, which
they successfully did. His involvement in wars with the Fulani brought in his
close associates who happened to be Shuwa Arab Scholars and leaders in their
own right. After defeating the Fulani, EI-Kanemi became the most powerful
individual in Borno setting in a new government with a new group of people, the
Shuwa Arabs, who had hitherto been offside the corridor of power and jointly
ruled Borno from 1808 up to the end of his rule in 1837.[25]
When El-Kanemi became the undisputed leader
in Borno, he founded a state capital i.e. Majlis which became the
highest decision making body of the state. El-Kanemi made his Shuwn Arabs
Scholars members of the council. They were three in number namely; Muhammad
Tirab from Wulad SaraI' branch of the Shuwa, Ahmed Goninu from Wulad Salim
branch of the Shuwa and Ibrahim Wadaima from the Wulad Himet
branch of the Shuwa. The administrative structure or hierarchy therefore had
EI-Kanemi at the apex with the Shuwa Arab leaders immediately followed by the
Shuwa Arab Sheikhs and their commoners looking up to them.[26]
Alkali,
also added that EI-Kanemi invited his friends who were
exceptional in various fields of Islamic scholarship such as Malam Ibrahim
Wadaima, Malam Terab, Malam Gonimi and Hajj Sudan to assist him in his
administration and also in re-shaping and empowering educational institutions.[27]
This was no doubt a change in the status of
the Shuwa for the first time in the long history of Borno's dependent people;
the Shuwa Arabs were given a stake in the central government. We can therefore,
with some measure of confidence suggest that the Shuwa involvement in political
affairs had reached the highest level at the time of EI-Kanemi. It is therefore
not surprising that about thirty groups of Shuwa Arabs immigrated into Borno
because of and at the invitation of EI-Kanemi. The Shuwa Arab groups in Borno
before EI-Kanemi according to Archival sources were few in number as only four
groups were found in the South of the Lake Chad.[28]
As
could be expected, the Shuwa councillors were
given specific territories as .fiefs and each councilor used his position and
influences to ensure the loyalty of his group or the various localities under
his control. Ahmed Gonimi for instance, controlled the area running from
Monguno Marte, Kauwu and Ele. Ibrahim Wadaima was given the Ngumati region and
Muhammad Tirab was in charge of the Firki areas of Borno, Ngala Kala and Rann.[29]
Muhammad
Tirab who emerged the leader of the advisers founded a dynasty of Shuwa Arab, Waziris,
i.e., Viziers in Borno who exercised a very strong influence in Borno politics
throughout the 19th century. This marked the climax of integration of the Shuwa
Arabs into politics and administration of Borno.
These
councilors were referred to as Shawariwu by the Kanuri nobility and it
became a tiny political elite but with a significant Shuwa followership at the
bottom. This group occupied the office of the Waziri from time to time
as it rotated among them. They also retained their titles, which had been
institutionalized in Borno as Tirab, Gonimi and Wadaima.[30]
The integration of the Shuwn Arabs into the Politics and
Administration of Borno under Rabeh Fadl Allah's Regime 1893-1900
When EI-Kanemi died in 1837, he was succeeded
by his son Umar as the new Shehu. It was the Shehu who appointed Haji Bashir
Ibn Muhammad Tirab as his Waziri i.e. prime minister. Shehu Umar ruled
for 44 years i.e. 1837-1881 and his reign seem to have been a golden age for
the Shuwa in the governance of Borno. The successors of Shehu Umar inherited a
weak kingdom. Borno in the later part of the 19th century was politically and
economically weak and this state of affairs had adverse effects on the people
including nomadic groups such as the Shuwa, Fulata and Koyam. These nomadic
groups as well as the peasants were made to pay heavy tax by Shehu Sukar when
he introduced the kumoreji in 1883/1844. This was a kind of tax or an
appropriation of half of the peasant's wealth to redeem the economic problems
of the state. Perhaps as a result of this economic hardship, a considerable
number of Shewa Arabs led by Shuwa Arab nobles shifted their allegiance from
the Shehus to Rabeh Fadi Allah. This situation is summed up by Alhaji Ibrahim
Imam, when he remarked:
The Shuwa Arabs who were thirty years previously
stalwarts bull marks of Muhammad EI-Kanemi power deserted the Borno troops to
the last man and swung over to Rabeh and that with their aid Rabeh conquered
Borno without much opposition.[31]
Why did the Shuwa shift their allegiance from
the Shehus to Rabeh Fadl Allah? We may suggest that the political and economic
crises of the 19'h century Borno undoubtedly affected the Shuwa
Arabs in a number of ways which determined their political behaviour in the
period covered by this study. The political trouble in the court affected the
Shuwa Arab nobility while the economic crunch affected the Shuwa peasantry. The
Shuwa peasantry bore the brunt of economic hardship towards the end of the 19th
century. The enforcement of a very harsh tax called the Kumoreji by Shehu Bukar
in 1883 brought about appropriation of half of the peasants property; cattle,
horses and slaves. The tax was paid to the government in order to redeem the
economic hardship. This had a direct impact on the Shuwa in the sense that the
Shuwa hitherto had been exempted from paying tax because they were the most
favoured group under EI-Kanemi.[32] They were accorded a privilege
positions in EI-Kanemi's government because they had provided early support for
him in his rise to power. It is on record that even the Jangal, a tax levied on
all nomadic groups which was collected yearly at the rate of one in every ten
head of cattle is remembered as having been paid by the Shuwa Arabs once during
the reign of EI-Kanemi dynasty in 1865.[33]
This privileged status of the Shuwa Arabs did not survive the 1880's. The
imposition of Kumoreji in 1883-1884 by Shehu Bukar could spare no one
including the Shuwa Arabs. Thus it took away the privileges extended to the
Shuwa communities in the days of Muhammad EI-Kanemi. The loss of status along
the Shuwa obliged them to think that their rulers were more of Kanuri than
Shuwas and this line of thinking adequately explains the rallying of the Shuwa
Arabs around Rabeh whom they aided and abetted in his wars and subsequent
consolidation of his power. However, while the Shuwa looked upon Rabeh as a
brother, Rabeh, on the other hand, considered them merely as useful agents for
his conquest of Borno.[34] Though most of the Shuwa had
either joined Rabeh or remained aloof to await the outcome, some Shuwa groups
did in fact remain on the side of the Shehu.[35]
It is important to note that most of the Shuwa Sheikhs who supported Rabeh
early in his career in Borno were appointed military commanders; they were thus
integrated into Rabeh's regime. Some of these commanders include, for instance,
Sheikh Nur, Sheikh Mandilga Manuilga, Sheikh Imar Abu-Gawiye, Dalii
Wal-Ngurdoli, Abba Shaib and a few others who featured prominently in the
military campaigns of Borno.[36] Another person of great
significance of Shuwa tradition of Rabeh's activities is one Dagal AI-Hagar of
the Wulad Sarar. He served as the Chief Informant of Rabeh as
regards the geography and military strength and tactics of Borno.[37]
How did the Shuwa Arabs feature in Rabeh’s
Administration?
Rabeh divided Borno into consolidated fiefs or districts thus
modifying in the EI-Kanemi system of fragmented fiefs and he ruled the Shuwa
through their Sheikhs. As usual, the Shuwa were placed under their Sheikhs who
were responsible to the Lawans who were resident at Dikwa. In the Balge
and Woloji regions, for instance, where most of the Shuwa lived, there were
four family groups each under their own Sheikhs. These were the Salamat,
Baniset, Bani Hassan and Jaite. Similarly, in Ngala region,
Sheriff Muhammad Ijele Shuwa, one of the military commanders of Rabeh was to
hold the area from Shehuri to Bulabutu.[38]
Although Rabeh created the title Nadir, the Shuwa preferred the
title Lawan. He therefore appointed Lawans to represent
the groups and clans found in Borno. Thus the Shuwa Arabs were grouped under
their Lawan as follows:
|
S/NO |
TRIBEL
GROUP |
LAWAN |
|
1 |
Qawalme |
AI-Dalil |
|
2 |
Wulad Himet |
Sheikh Nur |
|
3 |
Salamat |
Mandilga |
|
4 |
Daniset |
Kalama |
|
5 |
Yesiye |
Abu Kordo |
|
6 |
Ma'ayin |
Ngurdoli |
Apart from appointing the
Shuwa Arab Sheikhs as Lawan over their peoples, it is reported
that from 1893 to 1895, Rabeh levied Jangal of I cow and 2 dollars on
every twenty head of cattle. And that from 1895 to end of his occupation of
Borno 1900, he levied a collective tax Jangal in cash on I the Shuwa the
highest ever paid in a single year being 41,000 dollars a tax on the whole Shuwa
population in Bono.[39] This is, according to
Muhammad Adam, was an insignificant figure when
compared to the days of the Kumoreji under Shehu Bukar
(1881-1884) and successive Shehus after him.[40]
'
Rabeh
also adopted the policy of bringing nearer those Shuwa Arabs who had supported
the EJ-Kanemi dynasty against him in his early struggles.[41]
This policy of bringing the Shuwa Sheikhs closer to him enhanced safety and
security for Rabeh.[42] As each one of these Sheikhs
had a large following and large herds of cattle. No sensible leader could
dispose off a wealthy group and Rabeh acted wisely in this regard. We can
therefore suggest that the Shuwa Arabs identification with Rabeh's administration
paid off handsomely as evidenced by the elevation of their status to a
privilege group, which survived the Rabch period 1893-1900.
Conclusion
The Shuwa Arabs, a nomadic group found in
Kanem Barno had been fairly integrated into the political structure under the
Saifawa Mais. With the advent of E1-Kanemi in the opening years of 19 century,
the Shuwa openly participated in EI-Kanemi's wars in the defence of Borno and
eventually got fully integrated into the politics anti governance of the state.
Although
they did not found slates of their own, they were instrumental in the birth and
consolidation of the El-Kanemi dynasty which rules to this day. We can
therefore conclude that they were instrumental in forging the political destiny
of Borno especially in the 19th century.
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A Dynasty, Maiduguri, 2013
Muhammed
Adam, “ The Shuwa Arab in Kanem Borno history’ B. A Dissertation Submitted to
the Department of history, Abdullahi Bayero College, ABU, Zaria, 1977
Muhammad
Bukar Badiya , “ History of Ngala from the Earliest Times up to 1900’ BA
Dissertation Submitted to the Department of History, University of Maiduguri
1987. NAK SNP 15 ACC, No. 215
Oxford
Dictionary of Current English, London, 1998
Abubakar,
S. “Borno in the 19th Century”, in Obaro Ikime, ed, Groundwork of
Nigerian history, Ibadan, 1980
Ulrich
Braukamper “notes on the Orgin of the Baggara Arab culture with special
reference to the Shuwa”,in Jonathan Owens et al, Arabs and Arabic in the
Chad Region, Sugia, bond, 1913
[1] Kyari Tijjani
the Shuwa Arabs, in A/11/M/ Kirk Greene and Mahdi Adamu (eds) Pastoralist of
the Savanna, Manchester, 1986, p.62; Yakubu Mukhtar, Musa Daggash: the
story of a Shuwa Arab boy, Ibandan, 2002. Pp. 1-8, Al-Qalgashandi, Subh
Al-Asha, Cairo, 1913, p. 1919; Bake Usman Ans M.Nur Alkali, eds, Studies in
the History of the Pre-colonial Borno, Zaria, 1983, see appendix 1 of the
book.
[2] Ulrich
Braukamper “notes on the Orgin of the Baggara Arab culture with special
reference to the Shuwa”,in Jonathan Owens et al, Arabs and Arabic in the
Chad region, Sugia, bond, 1913, p. 18.
[3] P.W.
Critenden, The Making of World History: Islam in the Middle Ages,
London, 1971, p.2.
[4] Yakubu
Mukhtar, Musa Daggash;…p. 8; Ulrich Braukamper, ‘Notes on the Origin of the
Baggash Arab culture. P.18.
[5] Ibid, p. 18.
[6]
Al-Qalgashandi, Subh Al-Asha, Opcit 1913, p. 1919.
[7] Obaro Ikime,
ed, Groundwork of Nigerian History, Ibadan, 1980,-207.
[8] Yakubu
Mukhtar, Musa Daggash……pp.1-3
[9] Ibid, P.2
[10] Ibid, P.3
[11] Hassan Tom,
‘the Plight of one Million Nigerian Arabs, in Hotlinke Magazine,
August 1992, 12-18.
[12] Kyari Tijjani,
the Shuwa Arabs’, in A.H.M Kirk-Greene and Mahdi Adamu, eds, the Pastoralist
of the Savannah, op.cit. p. 13.
[13] Ibrahim A.
Modu, ‘The Origin and History of the Shuwa Arabs of Borno up to 1900 AD’ B. A
Project Submitted to the Department of History, University of Maiduguri June,
1983, p. 206
[14] Ibid, P. 306
[15] Kyari
Tijjani,” The Shuwa Arabs’”,..op, cit, p. 73.
[16] Ibrahim Modu,
The Pre-colonial Military Organization in Shuwa Society in Borno
Museum Newsletter of August 2004, p. 5-13.
[17] Oxford
Dictionary of Current English, London, 1998, P. 460
[18] M.N Alkali,
Borno under the Sayfawa, A Study of the Origin, Growth and Collapse of A
Dynasty, Maiduguri, 1978. P. 145
[19] Urich
Braukamper, “Notes on the Origin of the Baggara Arab Culture…. Op cit,. p.22.
[20] S, Abubakar
“Borno in the 19th Century”, in Obaro Ikime, ed, Groundwork of
Nigerian history, Ibadan, 1980, p. 328.
[21] Bala Usman and
M.N Alkali, eds, Studies in the Pre-Colonial History of Borno op cit. p. 18.
[22] Ibid, p.18
[23] Louis Brenner,
The Shehus of Kukawa, London, 1971, p. 84.
[24]M, Kyari, (1992), The History of Imam-ship in Borno under
El-Kanemi from 1902, M. A, Dissertation Submitted to the Department of History
Bayero University Kano, P: 81. See also J.R. Willis (1979), Studies in West
African Islamic History; Vol: 1 The Cultivators of Islam, Frank Cass, London,
P: 167
[25] Ibrahim A.
Modu “The Shuwa Arabs in the 19th Century Borno Politics 1808-1902”
M.A Dissertation Submitted to the Department of History, University of Ibadan,
August, 1989, p. 46.
[26] Baba,Ahmed
Abba Jidda, “A Political History of Shuwa Arab of Borno B. Sc Project Submitted
to the Department of Political Science, ABU, Zaria, 1976, p. 24.
[27]
Alkali, K (2017) The Contributions of the Selected Borno Scholars to the Development of
Islamic Scholarship in Borno State (1980-2016), Ph.D. Thesis submitted to
the Department of Islamic studies, Usmanu Dan Fodiyo University Sokoto
[28] NAK SNP 15
ACC, No, 215
[29] Mohammed Adam,
“ The Shuwa Arab in Kanem Borno history’ B. A Dissertation Submitted to the
Department history, Abdullahi Bayero college, ABU, Zaria, 1977, p. 18
[30] Ibid
[31] Ibrahim Imam,
‘A history of Rabeh Fadl Allah” Lagos, 1974, .p. 21
[32] Louis Brenner, “op cit, p. 74.
[33] Abba Ali Umar, “The South eastern Frontiers
of Borno and the Establishment of the Sheikdom of Dikwa up to 1937 BA
Dissertation submitted to the Department of History, Bayero university, Kano,
1983, p. 52.
[34] Muhammed Adam,
The Shuwa Arabs… op cit. p. 28.
[35] We are, for
instance informed that both at the battle of Amia and Gashegar, some prominent
Shuwa leaders especially from Qawale clans had featured prominently. At the
battle of Gashegar, for example Mallam Muhammad of Bani Wayil, a Qawalne clan,
died fighting on the side of Rabeh while his brother sheikh Allamin was on the
side of Rabeh until he was killed in the battle of Laktah near Kussum. For
Details, see J.E. levers, Rabeh Battles and Skirmishes staff seminar paper, BUK
staff seminar series, 1977, p. 14.
[36] Ibid, p. 14.
[37] Ibid, p. 4.
[38] Muhammad Bukar
Badiya , “ History of Ngala from the Earliest Time up to 1900’ BA Dissertation
Submitted to the Department of History, University of Maiduguri 1987, p. 28.
[39] J.E Lavers,
Rabeh: Battles and Skirmishes, Op cit .p.21.
[40] Muhammed Adam,
“The Shuwa Arabs… op cit., p. 45.
[41] Rebeh’s policy
of Bringing the Shuwa who supported El-Kenemi Dynasty against him in his early
struggles was a strategy of English the support of the Shuwa Arabs to ensure
his safety in Borno. For details, see Ibrahim Modu, The Shuwa Arabs in Rabeh’s
conquest of Borno and the Establishment of his Regime 1893-1900 in Saliba B.
James, ed, Maiduguri journal of Historical studies, vol. 1, No. 1, 2003,
pp. 8-10.
[42] Abba Ali Umar,
“ The South eastern frontiers of Borno and the Establishment of the Sheikhdom
of Dikwa up to 1937…op cit., p. 60.
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