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The Economic Role of the State Pilgrim Welfare Boards in Nigeria Since 1968

Cite this article: Yahaya, Y., Bello, I. & Usman, M. 2026. “The Economic Role of the State Pilgrim Welfare Boards in Nigeria Since 1968”. Sokoto Journal of History Vol. 14, Iss. 01. Pp. 73-84. www.doi.org/10.36349/sokotojh.2026.v14i01.007

THE ECONOMIC ROLE OF THE STATE PILGRIM WELFARE BOARDS IN NIGERIA SINCE 1968

By

Aliyu Yakubu Yahaya

Department of General Studies, School of Advanced and General Studies,

Nuhu Bamalli Polytechnic, Zaria

And

Idris Bello

Department of General Studies, School of Advanced and General Studies,

Nuhu Bamalli Polytechnic, Zaria

And

Mustapha Usman

Department of IJMB, School of Advanced and General Studies,

Nuhu Bamalli Polytechnic, Zaria

Abstract: This paper examines the economic role played by the State Pilgrims Welfare Board (SPWB), the body responsible with the management of Hajj affairs at the state level. The paper first highlights the establishment of Hajj tradition among the Empire of Kanem-Borno, Hausa states and Sokoto caliphate prior to colonial domination of what became Nigeria. Despite the centrality of pilgrimage administration to state-religion relations and public finance in northern Nigeria, the economic dimensions of Hajj management, particularly the role of the State Pilgrims’ Welfare Boards remain largely underexplored in existing scholarship. Most studies on the Hajj in Nigeria have focused on its religious, administrative, or diplomatic aspects, with limited attention paid to its historical economic implications. This paper addresses this gap by examining the economic role of the State Pilgrims’ Welfare Boards, the statutory institutions responsible for managing Hajj affairs at the state level. The paper argues that the establishment of SPWBs marked a significant turning point in the political economy of pilgrimage, generating measurable economic outcomes such as increased state revenue, the construction of Hajj transit camps, markets, and airport facilities, as well as the emergence and expansion of indigenous airline services. It concludes that the institutionalization of Hajj administration across Nigerian states has produced substantial economic benefits for state governments, pilgrimage-related entrepreneurs, and the wider public. Methodologically, the study draws on both primary and secondary sources to offer a historical analysis that contributes to the understudied economic history of pilgrimage administration in Nigeria.

Keywords: Hajj, Economy, Pilgrim, Welfare, Board

Introduction

Islam as a religion was proclaimed by the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) in AD62. It has five pillars with Hajj as one of it, a journey to Makka, the Muslim Holy land. By AD700 the followers of Muhammad, Muslims, had won control of most of North Africa.[1] They founded new states there. Some of these states became active in the trade across the Sahara with the states of the Sudan. The first point of contact between Islam and the area which became Nigeria was the state of Kanem, in the region of Lake Chad, whose rulers were converted towards the end of the eleventh century A.D.[2] By the second half of the fourteenth century Islam was introduced into Hausa states by traders and/or refugees from Mali.[3] Since then, the new religion spread to other Hausa states. By the beginning of the nineteenth century A.D. the frontiers of Islam were further extended in Hausaland following the revolution led by Usman dan Fodio.[4] With the establishment of Islam in this area came the tradition of pilgrimage to Makka.

The Kanem Bornu empire and its rulers were the earliest recorded patronisers of Hajj to Makka in the present day Nigeria, dated 1108 AD undertook by Mai Hume. His son and successor Mai Dunama Humeni is recorded also to have performed the pilgrimage. By 1242 AD the number of pilgrims from Kanem had reached a point where a hostel was established in Cairo to cater for the educational and welfare needs of the pilgrims.[5] Even though Islam had been firmly established in Hausaland since fifteenth century, there is no specific record of any Hausa rulers who had performed the Hajj at that time. There was neither organised nor patronised pilgrimage caravan as in the case with Kanem-Borno.[6] Nevertheless, evidence also indicated that Hajj performance was undertaken by Ulama from Hausaland for centuries. As far back as sixteenth century pilgrims from Mali and Songhai passed through Kano and Katsina in Hausaland to Borno on their way to Makka. During the time of the Sokoto Caliphate, despite its initial attempts to organise the performance of pilgrimage on annual basis, it failed to do so. Hence, rulers were even demoralized to make the pilgrimage. It appear that the leadership class was too preoccupied with internal problems than to go on or organised pilgrimage, although ordinary people, scholars and merchants continue to organise pilgrims caravan and went on Hajj overland across Chad to Sudan and then by boat to Jidda. This was the status of Hajj tradition when British conquered and set up their administrative apparatus. It is to be noted here that, the strong foundation of Hajj tradition practice among the Muslims of Nigeria can only be traced to this period of pre-colonial.

The British colonial occupation lasted effectively for a century, from 1861 until 1960. The year 1906 marks the real beginning of British administration throughout Nigeria as the Northern region (a region occupied by the Kanem-Bornu empire, Hausa city states and Sokoto Caliphate) was finally occupied in that year.[7] The British had already become aware of the potentials of Hajj in forging global solidarity among Muslims. Thus, they wanted to curb the flow of pilgrims in order to protect their own interests in Nigeria.[8]

However, in order to curtail the effect of pilgrimage on colonial Northern Nigeria, the British introduced rigid rules to restrict the number of pilgrims, while also maintaining surveillance at strategic posts along the pilgrimage land routes up to the Sudan. Colonial policy was to discourage contact among the various national segments of the Islamic world. Some of the measures introduced by the British colonial government were modern travel requirements such as passports, immigration control, health regulations and some payment of deposits for services in the Holy land.[9] In the 1950's, however, with Sudan's approaching independence in 1956, coupled with its close educational links with Northern Nigeria, the British, who by this time, had established a cordial relationship with the latter's traditional leaders, came to regard the Hajj as less threatening. Hajj, pilgrimage was now seen as a major reward for the 'good behavior' of Northern Emirs.[10]A positive aspect of these measures was the introduction of motorized trucks and buses, and finally, the aircraft. As the pilgrims’ transportation facilities were improving to the point where a quick trip was possible, private travel agents were given licenses to organise pilgrimage.

Emergence of Private Travel Agency 1940s-1968

Although, out of State patronised and control, as in the case of Hausa states and Sokoto Caliphate, pilgrims had been gathered under the leadership of Madugu, in city of Kano for instance, from where the Madugu (Amirul-Hajj) chaperoned them to Makka, the Holy land. Subsequently, the first attempt at organizing pilgrims agency was by Alhaji Mahmud Dantata who started the West African Pilgrims Agency (WAPA) in the late 1940s. He was assisted by sub-agents who supplied him with pilgrims from different parts of the country. Some of his sub-agents included Alhaji Haruna Kassim Danroka, Alhaji Abubakar Baba Dan-Bappa, as well as Alhaji Inuwa Tangaza and a number of others. Some of his initial sub-agents also became independent licensed agents with their own sub-agents.[11] At the beginning, Alhaji Dantata used motor lorries and boats to transport pilgrims from Kano through Borno, Chad, Sudan, Egypt and across the Red Sea to Saudi Arabia.[12] That was an improvement over the hitherto caravan route. Later, by 1951, pilgrims were also conveyed by air, when civil aviation became readily available. Two airlines were used in those days: Graff de Hunter and Sabena Airlines.[13]

As a result of this modern innovation and arrangement of pilgrimage, however, at the beginning of each Hajj season, intending pilgrims undertook medical tests of fitness before registering with pilgrim agents. In the course of registration, intending pilgrims paid their fares. Other aspects of the pilgrimage arrangements involved the issuance of passports and visas to intending pilgrims. Passports were issued upon presentation of vaccination certificates, while the requirement for obtaining a visa was payment of the return air ticket. The next stage in the Hajj operations was the movement of intending pilgrims from their homes to transit Hajj camps, and from there to Kano International Airport. In this case, intending pilgrims were accommodated in rented quarters for a day or two before take-off. Transportation and accommodation of intending pilgrims in transit Hajj camps were the responsibilities of pilgrim agents.[14]

As these preparations took place, at the beginning of each pilgrimage season, agents sent not less than ten members of staff each to stay in Jidda to welcome the pilgrims on arrival and help them sort out their documents. Against this background of preparation at home and in Saudi Arabia, intending pilgrims took off, and on arrival in Makkah, mutawwufs (local guides) welcomed pilgrims, assisted them in renting suitable accommodation and in moving from place to place, and looked after their comfort during the period of their stay in Makka.[15]

However, the private pilgrims travel agencies continued to grow in number until they fell into many problems, including absurd competition, exorbitant commissions to sub-agents that lowered profits, delays in airlifts, baggage losses and a poor attitude towards pilgrims’ welfare. The private agencies were also blamed for being unreliable and exploitative since their owners were primarily motivated by profit maximization.[16] On this background, the government first intervened by introducing policies in order to monitor and facilitate their activities, and then later abolished all the agencies and replaced with State Pilgrims Welfare Boards/Agencies across the nation.

Government Role in the Hajj Arrangement since 1960s

Initially, it was the need for the Federal Government to ensure the welfare and security of Nigerian pilgrims at home and Saudi Arabia that made it fully involved in Hajj affairs. The involvement started in 1955 when the Northern and the Western Regional Governments collectively sent a delegation to perform the Hajj of that year and reported their findings on the status of the welfare of Nigerian pilgrims in the Holy land. Their report led to other delegations sent to study the situation further.[17] Eventually, the two Regional Governments set up a board each in Premiers’ offices to cater for pilgrimage affairs. With the Northern Regional Gazette No.21 of 17th April, 1958, the Northern Nigeria Pilgrims Licensing Board was established by law.[18] It was empowered to authorise and regularise the number of travel agencies and pilgrims sub-agents for the purpose of organising and guiding pilgrims for Hajj operation.

The Western Regional Government Gazette No.A00, 1958, later amended by the supplement to the Western Regional Gazette No.58 Vol.8 of 17th December, 1959, similarly established the Western Region Pilgrims Welfare Board by law. It made suitable arrangements for the transportation and accommodation of the pilgrims it also assisted them in matters relating to immigration and currency exchange during the pilgrimage season.[19] In addition, it catered to the welfare of pilgrims stranded in the course of the journey to or from the place of pilgrimage.[20]

Despite all the government involvement and efforts, the Hajj operations were still considered unsatisfactory as most agents were unconcerned with the welfare and comfort of the pilgrims. As a result of these unhealthy developments, the Federal Ministry of Civil Aviation in 1965 authorised the Nigerian Airways, which was the National Airline, to take over the evacuation of Nigerian pilgrims from the agents.[21] This step was taken with the sole intention of providing a hitch-free Hajj operation.

It was from 1965 that the Federal Government was officially involved into the Hajj operation. It was also from that year that powers of the private travel agencies were curtailed significantly before their eventual abolishment in 1968 when States created their Pilgrims Welfare Boards/Agencies. Thus, the poor organization of Hajj affairs by pilgrims travel agencies overtime gave impetus to government’s involvement in the exercise.

However, in 1967 when twelve states were created to replace the hitherto four regions, all but two of the states set up their own State Pilgrims Welfare Boards/Agencies. The two exceptions were the East Central and South Eastern states. The Boards/Agencies were set up with the sole aim to carry out the same functions which were to collect Hajj fares, to arrange passports, to collect and issue tickets, to obtain visas, and to arrange for vaccination. The States’ Boards/Agencies were effectively autonomous with regard to their pilgrims. There was no uniformity among them, as their responsibilities to their pilgrims varied from one Board/Agency to another. For example, while some Boards/Agencies catered only for the travelling and immigration requirements of their pilgrims, others catered for their pilgrims’ accommodation, transportation, medical care and catering services in the Holy land.[22]

With State Boards creations they controlled all the Hajj affairs within their respective States and the intending pilgrim had no choice but to make payment to pilgrim welfare officer found within his/her State, this was a shift from a practice of payment to Agents. Despite these changes, some of the State Boards continued to allow Agencies to source pilgrims for them hence collected Hajj fare on behalf of them. Even the States that abolished the Agents System sometimes had to rely on private agents to supply them with pilgrims. This shows the strong foundation of the private agents and sub-agents who served from the inception as a close link with the intend-pilgrims. Hence they continued to enjoy their influence and relevance in the pilgrimage affairs up to 1975.

With the 1975 Decree, the Private Agents were forcefully eliminated and the States’ Pilgrims Welfare Boards/Agencies came to serve as agents of National Pilgrim Board (NPB) in supply of pilgrims. Therefore, intending pilgrims paid directly to States’ Boards/Agencies thenceforth. While the NPB had the full responsibility for Nigerian Pilgrims, the execution of the details of the responsibility was shared with the States’ Pilgrims Welfare Boards/Agencies.[23]

Following the establishment of the NPB in 1975, the functions of the State Pilgrim Welfare Boards henceforth was to operate at the local level, exclude any role outside Nigeria, by providing welfare services to intending pilgrims. In theory, the States Pilgrim Welfare Boards were independent bodies. But in practice, they work under the guidance and direction of the National Pilgrims Board, now National Hajj Commission of Nigeria (NAHCON).

Hajj and Its Economic Impact on States in Nigeria since 1967

The involvement of States government in the management of Hajj affairs has tremendous socio-economic impact especially to the pilgrims and the states. The institution of Hajj has a major economic impact as it occurred annually. It has become a major focus of attention for a large majority of the government and the business classes.[24] It impact torched the lives of both Muslims and non-Muslims. It represented a source of revenue generation to the government[25] and a window for pilgrim entrepreneurs who contribute directly and indirectly to the creation of numerous jobs and investments by injecting a lot of foreign Arabian merchandise into the markets across the states and exporting local ones.[26] All these reduced unemployment rate and brought a lot of economic benefits to the various states government.

For instance, many people were usually temporarily engaged in business opportunities particularly in the sectors of food for the pilgrims while in the transit camp; fashion designers industries for intending-pilgrims uniforms, and the textile industries within Kaduna that produced the uniform materials given to pilgrims. Commercial airlines were also engaged beside the national airlines. By 1989 the Nigerian Airways had no longer a monopoly of airlifting pilgrims; other indigenous airlines started to compete for economic again. The economic benefit to the government in relation to its management of pilgrimage in the state was enamous.

However, among the State intending pilgrims were business-pilgrims[27] who usually exploited the pilgrimage season by generally having a detailed knowledge of the customs and tax regulations of both Nigeria and Saudi Arabia governments. With a government free weight of air freight allotted to each pilgrim initially, and later introduction of 38kg, it is easy to see how this could be a profitable exercise for the business-pilgrims. On the way to Saudi Arabia, the business-pilgrims distributed their excess baggage of handicraft items among their various pilgrims (agents) who they also sponsored. Once in Holy land, these objects were sold at the large fairs that took place at the time of the pilgrimage. On the return journey, they would take advantage of each pilgrim’s baggage allowance to redistribute their purchases among them in order to avoid paying a fee for excess baggage. Some among them took advantage of administrative weaknesses of the two governments, which they circumvented to great personal profit through the black market to export and import their goods and services.[28]This practice was far more profitable than if the business-pilgrims had to resort to shipping their merchandise and clearing it through customs. As the pilgrims’ baggage was marked “personal effects” it was exempted from customs duties under the customs regulations in effect at the time of Hajj.[29]

Although small in nature when compare to formal volume of the international trade between the two countries, it contributed significantly to increase in trade between Nigeria and Saudi Arabia. The introduction of customs regulations that were out of all proportion to the financial capacity of the pilgrims probably explains (although it did not justify) the emergence of this tendency to bypass formal channels.[30] Upon their return home, their goods begin immediately to circulate, from the Hajj Transit camp market and then spread into the town markets.

These goods usually include dates, Zamzam water, silks, carpets, textiles, and a large amount of gold and gold-plated jewelry. They were eagerly awaited by traders across the state markets. These products flooded the markets and injected new life into the economy. The relative prosperity evidenced in the markets of the Muslims offered further evidence of the impact of the pilgrimage on economic activity.[31]

On the other hand, it has already become a tradition among the wealthy families to purchase for their daughters and sons all sorts of wedding materials such as boxes when they traveled for pilgrimage. While those who did not go rely on the business-pilgrims’ return to make the purchases needed for their young girls’ trousseau, when she was to be accompanied to her new home following her wedding.[32]

Another economic benefits, was that, the State Pilgrims Welfare Boards served as a revenue generation Agency for the state, although it represented a very little percentage when compared with the other government revenue generation agencies. The revenue accrued to government through the Pilgrims Board was known as ‘state’ and board charges’. A breakdown of the amount of money charged on every pilgrims in Nigeria shows that, in Kaduna state for instance, in 1982, each pilgrim had to pay 5 Naira to the state pilgrims board as a special charge and 12 Naira as state due, where the total number of pilgrims that year alone was 6,949.[33] When multiplied with the pilgrims numbers of that year, this amounted to 34,746 Naira accrued from board dues and 83,388 Naira as state due, totaling 118,133 Naira received as government revenue. Such amounts collected contributed significantly to defray the operational cost of the Board. In fact, it shows that, with prudent management, the pilgrims board could have generated sufficient revenues to discharge it functions without or with little state financial support.[34] But regrettably poor management and organisational conflict had contributed to grossly limit the ability of the state board to generate revenues from the Hajj while corruption and malpractices have militated against the realisation of any substantial revenue.[35]

Table: Below is the breakdown of the amount of money charged on every pilgrims’ in Nigeria, in 1981 and 1982.

S/N

Charges

1981

1982

1

Flight fees

371.00k

-----

2

Cargo expenses

50.00

-----

3

Airport equipment

5.00

-----

4

Saudi Royalties

43.00

--------

5

Handling Charges

30.00

---------

6

Unified Agents Dues

80.00

--------

7

Landing Parking

7.00

--------

8

State Agencies Due

25.00

12.00

9

Transport

43.00

--------

10

Airport Taxes

5.00

--------

11

Suitcases

33.00

-------

12

Pilgrim Board Due

10.00

5.00

13

Passport fees

10.00

--------

14

Catering

15.00

-------

15

Navigation fees

3.00

--------

16

Insurance

7.00

--------

 

TOTAL

N739.00

--------

Source: Buba, Hajj Operation in Nigeria…, 79.

Note: This excludes the Yellow card fees and inoculation e.t.c.

 

Development of Hajj Transit Camp

The history of States Hajj Camps is an interesting one in the sense that, it came to life as a gradual process, culminating from activities of an age long practice. This practice is the embarkation of Muslims upon a pilgrimage to Makka via Aminu Kano International Airport in Kano State and later dissolved to other zones such as Sokoto, Kaduna, Ilorin, Maiduguri, Ibadan Airports, a yearly practice. Hence, most of the States have their Hajj Camp and Airport. In Kaduna States for instance, the Hajj Camp was commissioned in 1983 by Abba Musa Rimi[36]. It was established due to the necessity to provide pilgrims with a place to stay before being transported to the airport for airlifted to Jeddah Airport, Saudi Arabia. Its establishment was necessary because of the sufferings encountered by pilgrims, especially since independence in the Kano Hajj Camp. This establishment therefore was triggered as a result of the increase in the number of pilgrims convergence in Kano Camp before airlifting, Pilgrims suffered and experienced hardship due to inadequate accommodations; the pilgrims used to sleep openly on bare mats they were exposed to witness harsh weather conditions like cold, rainfall, dust and heat.[37] Food was not readily available; the facilities were inadequate to contain the overcrowded pilgrims who came from all over the Northern region states. They were also subjected to loss of luggage.

Initially pilgrims were transported to Kano by their Pilgrims Agents and subsequently the States Pilgrim Welfare Boards took over that responsibility. At first pilgrims’ were made to stay in rented houses along the Kano airport, and eventually Government built a Hajj Camp to accommodate the intending pilgrims. Instead of solving the problems, the Camp soon became overcrowded as the number of intending pilgrims increased annually. New problems emerged which eventually led to the construction of a new Hajj Camps across the States.[38]

The establishment of the pilgrim’s camp solved most of problems associated with Hajj transit in Kano, as the condition of the intending pilgrims improved and to some extent considered bearable. A Hajj camp had accommodation and administrative block, lodge hall, departure hall and market or commercial area together with a parking space. In Kaduna state, the Hajj camp was also utilised by Plateau, Benue, Niger and Nasarawa states and Federal Capital Territory, who brought their intending-pilgrims when they received the date for airlifting to Jeddah. These states used to pay camp maintenance fees to Kaduna State. The amount paid was use for fumigation, clinic, toilet, and security.[39] When airports were constructed in each of these state or nearest to them, they diverted their pilgrims’ traffic away from Kaduna state.

It was at the camp that the pilgrims received their basic travelling allowances, and went through rigorous security check points; including the police, immigration, custom, Drugs Enforcement Agency after which they were moved to the Airport.

Hajj Camp Market

With the establishment of Hajj transit camps, soon Hajj camps markets were evolved for the campers’ needs. During the Hajj season, traders do bring their commodities to sell to the pilgrims while converging before their take off. The items sold during pilgrimage includes, locks for bags, praying mats and paints for identification of individual luggage among other things. Food sellers brought their variety of food to sell to the pilgrims. Hajj Camp market served as a preparatory center for those on the pilgrimage as most of the needed collections were available in the market making it easier for pilgrims to assemble their luggage, even while camping, before takeoff. Whether before takeoff or upon pilgrims return from Makka, the market provides a ground for the exchange of Riyal to Naira and vice versa by the pilgrims either to settle their bills in Saudi Arabia or here in Nigeria.[40]

The pilgrims, on their return from Makka brought along with them trade items for sale in the Camp Market such as gold, Zamzam water, Dates, rosary, blankets, carpets, travelling bags and boxes, incense, incense burner, bed sheets, perfumes, tea cups and jugs, variety of Arab food, fairly used cloths for both sexes and children’s wear including Jallabia for men, and ladies dresses and other petty items. These sales are made by the returned pilgrims in order to earn some extra cash to take them back to their destinations to reduce the bulkiness of their luggage. Deportees from Saudi Arabia usually played a major role in the seasonal transaction of the period. They usually sold some of their belonging as fairly used in the market in order to raise fund to travel back to Saudi Arabia.[41] The market also provided an alternative option for those who forgot to buy gifts for their relatives and to those who prepared to purchase their gifts items at the camp before they returned home.[42]

Trading activities spontaneously extending out of the camp where shops were opened along and opposite to the camp that also provided same services during and after pilgrimage exercise. Soon after the camp close, that is, after the Hajj exercise ended, the traders resorted to selling their goods in places like Mosques, particularly Friday (Jummat) Mosques, town markets and at Islamic gatherings/events.

Hajj camp market contribute to the general welfare of pilgrims while in the camp and to the socio-economic development of States and its people where they are located. Their immense contributions ranged from the creation of employment to the generation of revenue for the local government area where they are located. By virtue of the trading activities carried out during Hajj exercise in the Hajj camp market and within the camp, many youth were engaged in one activity or the other. All these entail the contribution of Hajj Camp Market to the socio-economic development.

Establishment of International Airports across the States

The increasing number of pilgrims and the rapid increase in the quest for air travels in the early 1970s sparked a boost in the country’s aviation industry. Hajj has been one of the main reasons for many States in Nigeria to pursue the establishment of airport purposely to serve as departure and arrival point to and from Holy land. By 1970s, the available existing airport structure and facilities became overstretched by an unprecedented upsurge in pilgrims and their luggage traffics. The Federal Military Government conceived the idea of setting up an autonomous body, known as the Nigeria Airport Authority (NAA) to implement the envisaged solution.[43] The body came into existence as a result of Decree 45 of 1976 and became effective on July 11, 1977. It was charged with the responsibility of developing new and subsequently managing airports and the necessary supporting facilities throughout the country. The NAA had achieved their purpose of establishment by ensuring the sustenance of, and a steady improvement of airport facilities. Maiduguri, Sokoto, Ilorin and Kaduna were constructed. For instance, Kaduna International Airport initially designed to provide domestic services, was upgraded to international services and forced into operation by a Presidential order in July, 1983 to airlift Hajj pilgrims to Jidda at a time when the basic facilities were barely ready for that purpose.[44]

However, the airport became to be one of the airports designated to originate flights of Hajj pilgrims, others were Sokoto, Maiduguri and Ilorin airports. Besides that, the Kaduna International Airport, served as alternative[45]international airport for Aminu Kano International Airport, Kano. Others were Ilorin for Lagos and Enugu for Port-Harcourt. Therefore, from their inceptions these Airports were also to serve as a reliever airport to, as in the case of Kaduna International Airport a reliever airport for Kano and later the Nnamdi Azikwe International Airports. As in the case of Hajj Camp, the Kaduna International Airport also became a departure and arrival for pilgrims from Plateau, Benue, Niger, Nasarawa and Abuja as in the case of Mando Hajj camp. The peak busiest period at these Airports was during the annual Hajj season.[46]

Emergence and Growth of Indigenous Airlines

One area where Hajj has had an unprecedented significant impact is its contribution to the development of indigenous air lines. Between 1970s and 1980s, up to present, the number of indigenous airlines engaged in the airlift of pilgrims increased from one to over five and beyond. Although most of the aircrafts used by the indigenous air carriers companies were wet-leased from major foreign airlines, Hajj operations nevertheless provided tremendous opportunities to many indigenous entrepreneurs in the organisation and management of international flights.[47]

It should be noted here that, since the 1950s when air transportation became part of pilgrimage in Nigeria commercial flight operations constantly keep increasing. Qualified individuals and companies supplied services on a contract or charter basis. Pilgrimage provide a huge market for the growing aviation industry in Nigeria, the commercial companies struggled to get involved, in this lucrative markets and hence sought to establish their airlines companies. Apart from government scheduled airline (National Airlines that is, Nigeria Airways) there were privately established ones such as the Okada, Kabo, Chanchangi, Cas Airlines. Others included Skypower Express, Flash Airways, Imani Aviation among others. As at 1988 the serviceable aircrafts belonging to the National Airline were seventeen in all with many others owned by the private airlines.[48]

Therefore, one of the consequences of the spreading of Airports across the states was the rise of Commercial Airlines Companies such as Chanchangi Airline, Kabo-Air, Mangal Airline, in Kaduna, Kano and Katsina respectively, and so many others elsewhere that participated in airlifting pilgrims to the Holy land beside the Nigerian Airways. The Kano, Katsina, Sokoto and Kaduna Airports had become a regional or state home base for some of these growing airlines from where they rendered their services domestically and internationally.

Conclusion

The Islamisation of Nigerian area led to establishment of pilgrimage tradition for centuries, and with the British conquest, Hajj formalities were introduced. Hence, for intending pilgrim to undertake Hajj, one must pass through and acquired Hajj formalities which the British outlined and enforced. Subsequently, private travelling agents emerged who facilitates and arranged for the Hajj to Makka. Initially, the private pilgrim travelling agency business was very lucrative, hence attracted competition among the agents and sub-agents and thus, they disregard their primary responsibility of providing welfare services to the intending pilgrim. Their successes and failures attracted Government to intervene and subsequently take charged of the management of Hajj affairs through State Pilgrims Welfare Boards by 1968. Their creations bring so much economic potentialities as the statutory institutions responsible for managing Hajj affairs at the state level. As observed above, the establishment of SPWBs marked a significant turning point in the political economy of pilgrimage, generating measurable economic outcomes such as increased state revenue, the construction of Hajj transit camps, markets, and airport facilities, as well as the emergence and expansion of indigenous airline services. This institutionalization of Hajj administration across Nigerian states has produced substantial economic benefits for state governments, pilgrimage-related entrepreneurs, and the wider public.

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Slight, John. “The British Empire and the Hajj: 1865-1956”, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2015.

Smith, Abdullahi. “The Early State of the Central Sudan” in Ade Ajayi, J.F and Michael Crowder, History of West Africa, vol. I, Longman, 1971.

TangbanO.E. “The Hajj and the Nigerian Economy 1960-1981”, in Journal of Religion in Africa, vol. 21, Brill Press, 1991.

 

 



[1]Basil, Davidson et al, A History of West Africa (London: Longman, 1977), 136

[2]Basil, Davidson et al, A History of West Africa(London: Longman, 1977), 136

[3]Abdullahi, Smith., “The Early State of the Central Sudan” in Ade Ajayi, J.F and Michael Crowder, History of West Africa, vol. I, (Longman, 1971), 196-198.

[4].Umar, Al-Naqar. The Pilgrimage Tradition in West Africa: An Historical Study with Special Reference to the Nineteenth Century(Khartoum: Khartoum University Press, 1972) 27-29

[5]Al-Naqar, Pilgrimage Tradition, 27-29

[6]Al-Naqar, Pilgrimage Tradition, 34-38 also see Kola K, Oloso, Hajj and Its Operations in Nigeria (1954-1980 A.D.), (Ph.D. diss, University of Ibadan Press, 1989), 124-127.

[7]Imam, Mukhtar et al. “Nigeria Saudi Arabia Economic Diplomacy A Focus on the Hajj Operations 2005 – 2015,”in International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention, Vol. 6 (2017), 16.

[8]John, Slight. “The British Empire and the Hajj: 1865-1956” (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2015), 9

[9]Mukhtar, “Nigeria Saudi Arabia Economic”, 15.

[10]John, Paden. “Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto: Values and Leadership in Nigeria” (Zaria: Hudahuda Publishing Company, 1986), 280-284.

[11]Oloso,  Hajj and Its Operations, 136

[12]Lecocq, “The Hajj from West Africa”, 204.

[13]Abdulkareem, Buba, Hajj Operation in Nigeria: A Case Study of Its Impact, Problems and Solutions, (M.A. Thesis, Bayero University Kano Press, 1984), 54

[14] O.E, Tangban, “The Hajj and the Nigerian Economy 1960-1981”, in Journal of Religion in Africa, vol. 21 (Brill Press, 1991), 245.

[15]Tangban, “The Hajj and the Nigerian Economy”, 245.

[16]Ismail, Balogun. “A Review of Hajj Operation in Nigeria in Respect of Government Agencies.” A paper presented at 4thNational Conference on Hajj, (Kaduna, 199), 4

[17]Buba,Hajj Operation in Nigeria, 56.

[18] NAK As. 1/218: Pilgrims Arrangements 1962-1968

[19]On the law establishing the Pilgrims Welfare Board see “Supplement to the Western Regional Gazette, No. 39, Vol. 7, 5th June, 1958

[20]Balogun,” A Review of Hajj Operation”, 5.

[21]Sabena World Airlines “Report on Pilgrimage Operation in Nigeria”, file Premiers Office, As/217, 1966 at (National Archive, Kaduna), 1.

[22]Balogun, “A Review of Hajj Operation”, 7.

[23] Tangban. “The Hajj and the Nigerian Economy”,.245

[24]Buba .Hajj Pilgrimage in Nigeria, 78.

[25]Tangban. “The Hajj and the Nigerian Economy”, 246.

[26]Adama. “The Hajj: Between a Moral”, 8.

[27]These groups of pilgrims are originally merchants, traders or businessmen that utilise any given chance to export or import goods and services in order to maximise their own profits during pilgrimage, and maintain it by constant going to Umrah.

[28]Adama. “The Hajj: Between a Moral”, 9.

[29]Adama. “The Hajj: Between a Moral”, 9.

[30]Adama. “The Hajj: Between a Moral”, 8-9.

[31] See also the section on Hajj Camp Market.

[32]Adama. “The Hajj: Between a Moral”, 9.

[33]Hajj Report Project Nigerian, 26.

[34]Hajj Report Project Nigerian, 26

[35]Hajj Report Project Nigerian, 26.

[36]Abba Musa Rimi was elected Deputy Governor of Kaduna State, in October 1979 during Nigerian Second Republic, becoming acting governor when the Governor Abdulkadir Balarabe Musa was impeached on 23 June 1981 and remain in office acting until 1 October 1983 military coup.

[37]M.J, Faworaja. Sacred Stop-Over [Architecture For Pilgrimages] Towards A Better Hajj Operation In Nigeria, (M.Sc Thesis Architecture, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 1976), 34.

[38] Alhaji Sani Dalhatu. Musa, interview by Aliyu Yakubu Yahaya, Kaduna, April 14, 2019.

[39]Musa, Interview.

[40]Alhaji Habibu Umar, Interview by Aliyu Yakubu Yahaya, Kaduna, December 24, 2019.

[41] N. Innocent. The History of Hajj Camp Market 1978-2011, (B.A History, BUK, 2012), 14-19

[42]Musa, Interview also sees Innocent, The History of Hajj Camp, 23.

[43]O. E, Adeley. “Airport '88 - The Development of Kaduna International Airport,” (M.Sc. Architecture, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 1988), 11-12.

[44]Adeley. Airport ’88, 13-18.

[45] An alternate airport is a reliever airport that should be established near an international airport to provide an alternative landing facility in case any difficulty should arise, and must be of similar standard in terms of facilities. Kaduna International Airport recently played that role when Abuja International Airport was closed for a period of six weeks, that is, between 8th March and 18th April, 2017.

[46]Adeley. The Development…., p.67.

[47]Hajj Report Project Nigerian, p.22.

[48]Adeley.The Development…, p.15.

Sokoto Journal of History

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