Cite this article: Yahaya, Y., Bello, I. & Usman, M. 2026. “The Economic Role of the State Pilgrim Welfare Boards in Nigeria Since 1968”. Sokoto Journal of History Vol. 14, Iss. 01. Pp. 73-84. www.doi.org/10.36349/sokotojh.2026.v14i01.007
THE ECONOMIC
ROLE OF THE STATE PILGRIM WELFARE BOARDS IN NIGERIA SINCE 1968
By
Aliyu
Yakubu Yahaya
Department
of General Studies, School of Advanced and General Studies,
Nuhu
Bamalli Polytechnic, Zaria
And
Idris
Bello
Department
of General Studies, School of Advanced and General Studies,
Nuhu
Bamalli Polytechnic, Zaria
And
Mustapha
Usman
Department of IJMB, School of Advanced and General Studies,
Nuhu Bamalli Polytechnic, Zaria
Abstract: This paper
examines the economic role played by the State Pilgrims Welfare Board (SPWB),
the body responsible with the management of Hajj affairs at the state level.
The paper first highlights the establishment of Hajj tradition among the Empire
of Kanem-Borno, Hausa states and Sokoto caliphate prior to colonial domination
of what became Nigeria. Despite the centrality of pilgrimage administration to
state-religion relations and public finance in northern Nigeria, the economic
dimensions of Hajj management, particularly the role of the State Pilgrims’
Welfare Boards remain largely underexplored in existing scholarship. Most
studies on the Hajj in Nigeria have focused on its religious, administrative,
or diplomatic aspects, with limited attention paid to its historical economic
implications. This paper addresses this gap by examining the economic role of
the State Pilgrims’ Welfare Boards, the statutory institutions responsible for
managing Hajj affairs at the state level. The paper argues that the
establishment of SPWBs marked a significant turning point in the political
economy of pilgrimage, generating measurable economic outcomes such as
increased state revenue, the construction of Hajj transit camps, markets, and
airport facilities, as well as the emergence and expansion of indigenous
airline services. It concludes that the institutionalization of Hajj
administration across Nigerian states has produced substantial economic
benefits for state governments, pilgrimage-related entrepreneurs, and the wider
public. Methodologically, the study draws on both primary and secondary sources
to offer a historical analysis that contributes to the understudied economic
history of pilgrimage administration in Nigeria.
Keywords: Hajj, Economy, Pilgrim, Welfare,
Board
Introduction
Islam as a religion was proclaimed by the Prophet
Muhammad (PBUH) in AD62. It has five pillars with Hajj as one of it, a journey
to Makka, the Muslim Holy land. By AD700 the followers of Muhammad, Muslims,
had won control of most of North Africa.[1] They founded new states
there. Some of these states became active in the trade across the Sahara with
the states of the Sudan. The first point of contact between Islam and the area
which became Nigeria was the state of Kanem, in the region of Lake Chad, whose
rulers were converted towards the end of the eleventh century A.D.[2] By
the second half of the fourteenth century Islam was introduced into Hausa
states by traders and/or refugees from Mali.[3] Since then, the new religion
spread to other Hausa states. By the beginning of the nineteenth century A.D.
the frontiers of Islam were further extended in Hausaland following the
revolution led by Usman dan Fodio.[4] With
the establishment of Islam in this area came the tradition of pilgrimage to
Makka.
The Kanem Bornu empire and its rulers were the
earliest recorded patronisers of Hajj to Makka in the present day Nigeria,
dated 1108 AD undertook by Mai Hume. His son and successor Mai Dunama Humeni is
recorded also to have performed the pilgrimage. By 1242 AD the number of
pilgrims from Kanem had reached a point where a hostel was established in Cairo
to cater for the educational and welfare needs of the pilgrims.[5] Even
though Islam had been firmly established in Hausaland since fifteenth century,
there is no specific record of any Hausa rulers who had performed the Hajj at
that time. There was neither organised nor patronised pilgrimage caravan as in
the case with Kanem-Borno.[6]
Nevertheless, evidence also indicated that Hajj performance was undertaken by
Ulama from Hausaland for centuries. As far back as sixteenth century pilgrims
from Mali and Songhai passed through Kano and Katsina in Hausaland to Borno on
their way to Makka. During the time of the Sokoto Caliphate, despite its
initial attempts to organise the performance of pilgrimage on annual basis, it
failed to do so. Hence, rulers were even demoralized to make the pilgrimage. It
appear that the leadership class was too preoccupied with internal problems
than to go on or organised pilgrimage, although ordinary people, scholars and
merchants continue to organise pilgrims caravan and went on Hajj overland
across Chad to Sudan and then by boat to Jidda. This was the status of Hajj
tradition when British conquered and set up their administrative apparatus. It
is to be noted here that, the strong foundation of Hajj tradition practice
among the Muslims of Nigeria can only be traced to this period of pre-colonial.
The British colonial occupation lasted effectively for
a century, from 1861 until 1960. The year 1906 marks the real beginning of
British administration throughout Nigeria as the Northern region (a region
occupied by the Kanem-Bornu empire, Hausa city states and Sokoto Caliphate) was
finally occupied in that year.[7] The
British had already become aware of the potentials of Hajj in forging global
solidarity among Muslims. Thus, they wanted to curb the flow of pilgrims in
order to protect their own interests in Nigeria.[8]
However, in order to curtail the effect of pilgrimage
on colonial Northern Nigeria, the British introduced rigid rules to restrict
the number of pilgrims, while also maintaining surveillance at strategic posts
along the pilgrimage land routes up to the Sudan. Colonial policy was to
discourage contact among the various national segments of the Islamic world.
Some of the measures introduced by the British colonial government were modern
travel requirements such as passports, immigration control, health regulations
and some payment of deposits for services in the Holy land.[9] In the 1950's, however, with
Sudan's approaching independence in 1956, coupled with its close educational
links with Northern Nigeria, the British, who by this time, had established a
cordial relationship with the latter's traditional leaders, came to regard the
Hajj as less threatening. Hajj, pilgrimage was now seen as a major reward for
the 'good behavior' of Northern Emirs.[10]A positive aspect of these
measures was the introduction of motorized trucks and buses, and finally, the
aircraft. As the pilgrims’ transportation facilities were improving to the
point where a quick trip was possible, private travel agents were given licenses
to organise pilgrimage.
Emergence of
Private Travel Agency 1940s-1968
Although, out of State patronised and control, as in
the case of Hausa states and Sokoto Caliphate, pilgrims had been gathered under
the leadership of Madugu, in city of Kano for instance, from where the Madugu
(Amirul-Hajj) chaperoned them to Makka, the Holy land. Subsequently, the first
attempt at organizing pilgrims agency was by Alhaji Mahmud Dantata who started
the West African Pilgrims Agency (WAPA) in the late 1940s. He was assisted by
sub-agents who supplied him with pilgrims from different parts of the country.
Some of his sub-agents included Alhaji Haruna Kassim Danroka, Alhaji Abubakar
Baba Dan-Bappa, as well as Alhaji Inuwa Tangaza and a number of others. Some of
his initial sub-agents also became independent licensed agents with their own
sub-agents.[11] At
the beginning, Alhaji Dantata used motor lorries and boats to transport
pilgrims from Kano through Borno, Chad, Sudan, Egypt and across the Red Sea to
Saudi Arabia.[12]
That was an improvement over the hitherto caravan route. Later, by 1951,
pilgrims were also conveyed by air, when civil aviation became readily
available. Two airlines were used in those days: Graff de Hunter and Sabena
Airlines.[13]
As a result of this modern innovation and arrangement
of pilgrimage, however, at the beginning of each Hajj season, intending
pilgrims undertook medical tests of fitness before registering with pilgrim
agents. In the course of registration, intending pilgrims paid their fares.
Other aspects of the pilgrimage arrangements involved the issuance of passports
and visas to intending pilgrims. Passports were issued upon presentation of
vaccination certificates, while the requirement for obtaining a visa was payment
of the return air ticket. The next stage in the Hajj operations was the
movement of intending pilgrims from their homes to transit Hajj camps, and from
there to Kano International Airport. In this case, intending pilgrims were
accommodated in rented quarters for a day or two before take-off.
Transportation and accommodation of intending pilgrims in transit Hajj camps
were the responsibilities of pilgrim agents.[14]
As these preparations took place, at the beginning of
each pilgrimage season, agents sent not less than ten members of staff each to
stay in Jidda to welcome the pilgrims on arrival and help them sort out their
documents. Against this background of preparation at home and in Saudi Arabia,
intending pilgrims took off, and on arrival in Makkah, mutawwufs (local guides) welcomed pilgrims, assisted them in renting
suitable accommodation and in moving from place to place, and looked after
their comfort during the period of their stay in Makka.[15]
However, the private pilgrims travel agencies
continued to grow in number until they fell into many problems, including
absurd competition, exorbitant commissions to sub-agents that lowered profits,
delays in airlifts, baggage losses and a poor attitude towards pilgrims’
welfare. The private agencies were also blamed for being unreliable and
exploitative since their owners were primarily motivated by profit
maximization.[16] On
this background, the government first intervened by introducing policies in
order to monitor and facilitate their activities, and then later abolished all
the agencies and replaced with State Pilgrims Welfare Boards/Agencies across
the nation.
Government Role
in the Hajj Arrangement since 1960s
Initially, it was the need for the Federal Government
to ensure the welfare and security of Nigerian pilgrims at home and Saudi
Arabia that made it fully involved in Hajj affairs. The involvement started in
1955 when the Northern and the Western Regional Governments collectively sent a
delegation to perform the Hajj of that year and reported their findings on the
status of the welfare of Nigerian pilgrims in the Holy land. Their report led
to other delegations sent to study the situation further.[17] Eventually, the two
Regional Governments set up a board each in Premiers’ offices to cater for
pilgrimage affairs. With the Northern Regional Gazette No.21 of 17th
April, 1958, the Northern Nigeria Pilgrims Licensing Board was established by
law.[18] It
was empowered to authorise and regularise the number of travel agencies and
pilgrims sub-agents for the purpose of organising and guiding pilgrims for Hajj
operation.
The Western Regional Government Gazette No.A00, 1958,
later amended by the supplement to the Western Regional Gazette No.58 Vol.8 of
17th December, 1959, similarly established the Western Region
Pilgrims Welfare Board by law. It made suitable arrangements for the
transportation and accommodation of the pilgrims it also assisted them in
matters relating to immigration and currency exchange during the pilgrimage
season.[19] In
addition, it catered to the welfare of pilgrims stranded in the course of the
journey to or from the place of pilgrimage.[20]
Despite all the government involvement and efforts,
the Hajj operations were still considered unsatisfactory as most agents were
unconcerned with the welfare and comfort of the pilgrims. As a result of these
unhealthy developments, the Federal Ministry of Civil Aviation in 1965
authorised the Nigerian Airways, which was the National Airline, to take over
the evacuation of Nigerian pilgrims from the agents.[21] This step was taken with
the sole intention of providing a hitch-free Hajj operation.
It was from 1965 that the Federal Government was
officially involved into the Hajj operation. It was also from that year that
powers of the private travel agencies were curtailed significantly before their
eventual abolishment in 1968 when States created their Pilgrims Welfare
Boards/Agencies. Thus, the poor organization of Hajj affairs by pilgrims travel
agencies overtime gave impetus to government’s involvement in the exercise.
However, in 1967 when twelve states were created to
replace the hitherto four regions, all but two of the states set up their own
State Pilgrims Welfare Boards/Agencies. The two exceptions were the East
Central and South Eastern states. The Boards/Agencies were set up with the sole
aim to carry out the same functions which were to collect Hajj fares, to
arrange passports, to collect and issue tickets, to obtain visas, and to
arrange for vaccination. The States’ Boards/Agencies were effectively autonomous
with regard to their pilgrims. There was no uniformity among them, as their
responsibilities to their pilgrims varied from one Board/Agency to another. For
example, while some Boards/Agencies catered only for the travelling and
immigration requirements of their pilgrims, others catered for their pilgrims’
accommodation, transportation, medical care and catering services in the Holy
land.[22]
With State Boards creations they controlled all the
Hajj affairs within their respective States and the intending pilgrim had no
choice but to make payment to pilgrim welfare officer found within his/her
State, this was a shift from a practice of payment to Agents. Despite these
changes, some of the State Boards continued to allow Agencies to source
pilgrims for them hence collected Hajj fare on behalf of them. Even the States
that abolished the Agents System sometimes had to rely on private agents to supply
them with pilgrims. This shows the strong foundation of the private agents and
sub-agents who served from the inception as a close link with the
intend-pilgrims. Hence they continued to enjoy their influence and relevance in
the pilgrimage affairs up to 1975.
With the 1975 Decree, the Private Agents were
forcefully eliminated and the States’ Pilgrims Welfare Boards/Agencies came to
serve as agents of National Pilgrim Board (NPB) in supply of pilgrims.
Therefore, intending pilgrims paid directly to States’ Boards/Agencies
thenceforth. While the NPB had the full responsibility for Nigerian Pilgrims,
the execution of the details of the responsibility was shared with the States’
Pilgrims Welfare Boards/Agencies.[23]
Following the establishment of the NPB in 1975, the
functions of the State Pilgrim Welfare Boards henceforth was to operate at the
local level, exclude any role outside Nigeria, by providing welfare services to
intending pilgrims. In theory, the States Pilgrim Welfare Boards were
independent bodies. But in practice, they work under the guidance and direction
of the National Pilgrims Board, now National Hajj Commission of Nigeria
(NAHCON).
Hajj and Its
Economic Impact on States in Nigeria since 1967
The involvement of States government in the management
of Hajj affairs has tremendous socio-economic impact especially to the pilgrims
and the states. The institution of Hajj has a major economic impact as it
occurred annually. It has become a major focus of attention for a large
majority of the government and the business classes.[24] It impact torched the lives
of both Muslims and non-Muslims. It represented a source of revenue generation
to the government[25] and
a window for pilgrim entrepreneurs who contribute directly and indirectly to
the creation of numerous jobs and investments by injecting a lot of foreign
Arabian merchandise into the markets across the states and exporting local
ones.[26] All
these reduced unemployment rate and brought a lot of economic benefits to the
various states government.
For instance, many people were usually temporarily
engaged in business opportunities particularly in the sectors of food for the
pilgrims while in the transit camp; fashion designers industries for
intending-pilgrims uniforms, and the textile industries within Kaduna that
produced the uniform materials given to pilgrims. Commercial airlines were also
engaged beside the national airlines. By 1989 the Nigerian Airways had no
longer a monopoly of airlifting pilgrims; other indigenous airlines started to
compete for economic again. The economic benefit to the government in relation
to its management of pilgrimage in the state was enamous.
However, among the State intending pilgrims were
business-pilgrims[27] who
usually exploited the pilgrimage season by generally having a detailed
knowledge of the customs and tax regulations of both Nigeria and Saudi Arabia
governments. With a government free weight of air freight allotted to each
pilgrim initially, and later introduction of 38kg, it is easy to see how this
could be a profitable exercise for the business-pilgrims. On the way to Saudi
Arabia, the business-pilgrims distributed their excess baggage of handicraft
items among their various pilgrims (agents) who they also sponsored. Once in
Holy land, these objects were sold at the large fairs that took place at the
time of the pilgrimage. On the return journey, they would take advantage of
each pilgrim’s baggage allowance to redistribute their purchases among them in
order to avoid paying a fee for excess baggage. Some among them took advantage
of administrative weaknesses of the two governments, which they circumvented to
great personal profit through the black market to export and import their goods
and services.[28]This
practice was far more profitable than if the business-pilgrims had to resort to
shipping their merchandise and clearing it through customs. As the pilgrims’
baggage was marked “personal effects” it was exempted from customs duties under
the customs regulations in effect at the time of Hajj.[29]
Although small in nature when compare to formal volume
of the international trade between the two countries, it contributed
significantly to increase in trade between Nigeria and Saudi Arabia. The
introduction of customs regulations that were out of all proportion to the
financial capacity of the pilgrims probably explains (although it did not
justify) the emergence of this tendency to bypass formal channels.[30]
Upon their return home, their goods begin immediately to circulate, from the
Hajj Transit camp market and then spread into the town markets.
These goods usually include dates, Zamzam water,
silks, carpets, textiles, and a large amount of gold and gold-plated jewelry.
They were eagerly awaited by traders across the state markets. These products
flooded the markets and injected new life into the economy. The relative
prosperity evidenced in the markets of the Muslims offered further evidence of
the impact of the pilgrimage on economic activity.[31]
On the other hand, it has already become a tradition
among the wealthy families to purchase for their daughters and sons all sorts
of wedding materials such as boxes when they traveled for pilgrimage. While
those who did not go rely on the business-pilgrims’ return to make the
purchases needed for their young girls’ trousseau, when she was to be
accompanied to her new home following her wedding.[32]
Another economic benefits, was that, the State
Pilgrims Welfare Boards served as a revenue generation Agency for the state,
although it represented a very little percentage when compared with the other
government revenue generation agencies. The revenue accrued to government
through the Pilgrims Board was known as ‘state’ and board charges’. A breakdown
of the amount of money charged on every pilgrims in Nigeria shows that, in
Kaduna state for instance, in 1982, each pilgrim had to pay 5 Naira to the state
pilgrims board as a special charge and 12 Naira as state due, where the total
number of pilgrims that year alone was 6,949.[33] When multiplied with the
pilgrims numbers of that year, this amounted to 34,746 Naira accrued from board
dues and 83,388 Naira as state due, totaling 118,133 Naira received as
government revenue. Such amounts collected contributed significantly to defray
the operational cost of the Board. In fact, it shows that, with prudent
management, the pilgrims board could have generated sufficient revenues to
discharge it functions without or with little state financial support.[34] But
regrettably poor management and organisational conflict had contributed to
grossly limit the ability of the state board to generate revenues from the Hajj
while corruption and malpractices have militated against the realisation of any
substantial revenue.[35]
Table: Below is
the breakdown of the amount of money charged on every pilgrims’ in Nigeria, in
1981 and 1982.
|
S/N |
Charges |
1981 |
1982 |
|
1 |
Flight fees |
371.00k |
----- |
|
2 |
Cargo expenses |
50.00 |
----- |
|
3 |
Airport equipment |
5.00 |
----- |
|
4 |
Saudi Royalties |
43.00 |
-------- |
|
5 |
Handling Charges |
30.00 |
--------- |
|
6 |
Unified Agents Dues |
80.00 |
-------- |
|
7 |
Landing Parking |
7.00 |
-------- |
|
8 |
State Agencies Due |
25.00 |
12.00 |
|
9 |
Transport |
43.00 |
-------- |
|
10 |
Airport Taxes |
5.00 |
-------- |
|
11 |
Suitcases |
33.00 |
------- |
|
12 |
Pilgrim Board Due |
10.00 |
5.00 |
|
13 |
Passport fees |
10.00 |
-------- |
|
14 |
Catering |
15.00 |
------- |
|
15 |
Navigation fees |
3.00 |
-------- |
|
16 |
Insurance |
7.00 |
-------- |
|
|
TOTAL |
N739.00 |
-------- |
Source: Buba, Hajj
Operation in Nigeria…, 79.
Note: This excludes the Yellow card fees and
inoculation e.t.c.
Development of
Hajj Transit Camp
The
history of States Hajj Camps is an interesting one in the sense that, it came
to life as a gradual process, culminating from activities of an age long
practice. This practice is the embarkation of Muslims upon a pilgrimage to
Makka via Aminu Kano International Airport in Kano State and later dissolved to
other zones such as Sokoto, Kaduna, Ilorin, Maiduguri, Ibadan Airports, a
yearly practice. Hence, most of the States have their Hajj Camp and Airport. In
Kaduna States for instance, the Hajj Camp was commissioned in 1983 by Abba Musa
Rimi[36]. It
was established due to the necessity to provide pilgrims with a place to stay
before being transported to the airport for airlifted to Jeddah Airport, Saudi
Arabia. Its establishment was necessary because of the sufferings encountered
by pilgrims, especially since independence in the Kano Hajj Camp. This
establishment therefore was triggered as a result of the increase in the number
of pilgrims convergence in Kano Camp before airlifting, Pilgrims suffered and
experienced hardship due to inadequate accommodations; the pilgrims used to
sleep openly on bare mats they were exposed to witness harsh weather conditions
like cold, rainfall, dust and heat.[37] Food was not readily
available; the facilities were inadequate to contain the overcrowded pilgrims
who came from all over the Northern region states. They were also subjected to
loss of luggage.
Initially
pilgrims were transported to Kano by their Pilgrims Agents and subsequently the
States Pilgrim Welfare Boards took over that responsibility. At first pilgrims’
were made to stay in rented houses along the Kano airport, and eventually
Government built a Hajj Camp to accommodate the intending pilgrims. Instead of
solving the problems, the Camp soon became overcrowded as the number of
intending pilgrims increased annually. New problems emerged which eventually
led to the construction of a new Hajj Camps across the States.[38]
The
establishment of the pilgrim’s camp solved most of problems associated with
Hajj transit in Kano, as the condition of the intending pilgrims improved and
to some extent considered bearable. A Hajj camp had accommodation and
administrative block, lodge hall, departure hall and market or commercial area
together with a parking space. In Kaduna state, the Hajj camp was also utilised
by Plateau, Benue, Niger and Nasarawa states and Federal Capital Territory, who
brought their intending-pilgrims when they received the date for airlifting to
Jeddah. These states used to pay camp maintenance fees to Kaduna State. The
amount paid was use for fumigation, clinic, toilet, and security.[39]
When airports were constructed in each of these state or nearest to them, they
diverted their pilgrims’ traffic away from Kaduna state.
It
was at the camp that the pilgrims received their basic travelling allowances,
and went through rigorous security check points; including the police,
immigration, custom, Drugs Enforcement Agency after which they were moved to
the Airport.
Hajj Camp
Market
With the establishment of Hajj transit camps, soon
Hajj camps markets were evolved for the campers’ needs. During the Hajj season,
traders do bring their commodities to sell to the pilgrims while converging
before their take off. The items sold during pilgrimage includes, locks for
bags, praying mats and paints for identification of individual luggage among
other things. Food sellers brought their variety of food to sell to the
pilgrims. Hajj Camp market served as a preparatory center for those on the
pilgrimage as most of the needed collections were available in the market
making it easier for pilgrims to assemble their luggage, even while camping,
before takeoff. Whether before takeoff or upon pilgrims return from Makka, the
market provides a ground for the exchange of Riyal to Naira and vice versa by
the pilgrims either to settle their bills in Saudi Arabia or here in Nigeria.[40]
The pilgrims, on their return from Makka brought along
with them trade items for sale in the Camp Market such as gold, Zamzam water, Dates, rosary, blankets,
carpets, travelling bags and boxes, incense, incense burner, bed sheets,
perfumes, tea cups and jugs, variety of Arab food, fairly used cloths for both
sexes and children’s wear including Jallabia
for men, and ladies dresses and other petty items. These sales are made by the
returned pilgrims in order to earn some extra cash to take them back to their
destinations to reduce the bulkiness of their luggage. Deportees from Saudi
Arabia usually played a major role in the seasonal transaction of the period.
They usually sold some of their belonging as fairly used in the market in order
to raise fund to travel back to Saudi Arabia.[41] The market also provided an
alternative option for those who forgot to buy gifts for their relatives and to
those who prepared to purchase their gifts items at the camp before they
returned home.[42]
Trading activities spontaneously extending out of the
camp where shops were opened along and opposite to the camp that also provided
same services during and after pilgrimage exercise. Soon after the camp close,
that is, after the Hajj exercise ended, the traders resorted to selling their
goods in places like Mosques, particularly Friday (Jummat) Mosques, town markets and at Islamic gatherings/events.
Hajj camp market contribute to the general welfare of
pilgrims while in the camp and to the socio-economic development of States and
its people where they are located. Their immense contributions ranged from the
creation of employment to the generation of revenue for the local government
area where they are located. By virtue of the trading activities carried out
during Hajj exercise in the Hajj camp market and within the camp, many youth
were engaged in one activity or the other. All these entail the contribution of
Hajj Camp Market to the socio-economic development.
Establishment
of International Airports across the States
The increasing number of pilgrims and the rapid
increase in the quest for air travels in the early 1970s sparked a boost in the
country’s aviation industry. Hajj has been one of the main reasons for many
States in Nigeria to pursue the establishment of airport purposely to serve as
departure and arrival point to and from Holy land. By 1970s, the available
existing airport structure and facilities became overstretched by an
unprecedented upsurge in pilgrims and their luggage traffics. The Federal
Military Government conceived the idea of setting up an autonomous body, known
as the Nigeria Airport Authority (NAA) to implement the envisaged solution.[43] The
body came into existence as a result of Decree 45 of 1976 and became effective
on July 11, 1977. It was charged with the responsibility of developing new and
subsequently managing airports and the necessary supporting facilities
throughout the country. The NAA had achieved their purpose of establishment by
ensuring the sustenance of, and a steady improvement of airport facilities.
Maiduguri, Sokoto, Ilorin and Kaduna were constructed. For instance, Kaduna
International Airport initially designed to provide domestic services, was
upgraded to international services and forced into operation by a Presidential
order in July, 1983 to airlift Hajj pilgrims to Jidda at a time when the basic
facilities were barely ready for that purpose.[44]
However, the airport became to be one of the airports
designated to originate flights of Hajj pilgrims, others were Sokoto, Maiduguri
and Ilorin airports. Besides that, the Kaduna International Airport, served as
alternative[45]international
airport for Aminu Kano International Airport, Kano. Others were Ilorin for
Lagos and Enugu for Port-Harcourt. Therefore, from their inceptions these
Airports were also to serve as a reliever airport to, as in the case of Kaduna
International Airport a reliever airport for Kano and later the Nnamdi Azikwe
International Airports. As in the case of Hajj Camp, the Kaduna International
Airport also became a departure and arrival for pilgrims from Plateau, Benue,
Niger, Nasarawa and Abuja as in the case of Mando Hajj camp. The peak busiest
period at these Airports was during the annual Hajj season.[46]
Emergence and
Growth of Indigenous Airlines
One area where Hajj has had an unprecedented
significant impact is its contribution to the development of indigenous air
lines. Between 1970s and 1980s, up to present, the number of indigenous
airlines engaged in the airlift of pilgrims increased from one to over five and
beyond. Although most of the aircrafts used by the indigenous air carriers
companies were wet-leased from major foreign airlines, Hajj operations
nevertheless provided tremendous opportunities to many indigenous entrepreneurs
in the organisation and management of international flights.[47]
It should be noted here that, since the 1950s when air
transportation became part of pilgrimage in Nigeria commercial flight
operations constantly keep increasing. Qualified individuals and companies
supplied services on a contract or charter basis. Pilgrimage provide a huge
market for the growing aviation industry in Nigeria, the commercial companies
struggled to get involved, in this lucrative markets and hence sought to
establish their airlines companies. Apart from government scheduled airline
(National Airlines that is, Nigeria Airways) there were privately established
ones such as the Okada, Kabo, Chanchangi, Cas Airlines. Others included
Skypower Express, Flash Airways, Imani Aviation among others. As at 1988 the
serviceable aircrafts belonging to the National Airline were seventeen in all
with many others owned by the private airlines.[48]
Therefore, one of the consequences of the spreading of
Airports across the states was the rise of Commercial Airlines Companies such
as Chanchangi Airline, Kabo-Air, Mangal Airline, in Kaduna, Kano and Katsina
respectively, and so many others elsewhere that participated in airlifting
pilgrims to the Holy land beside the Nigerian Airways. The Kano, Katsina,
Sokoto and Kaduna Airports had become a regional or state home base for some of
these growing airlines from where they rendered their services domestically and
internationally.
Conclusion
The Islamisation of
Nigerian area led to establishment of pilgrimage tradition for centuries, and
with the British conquest, Hajj formalities were introduced. Hence, for
intending pilgrim to undertake Hajj, one must pass through and acquired Hajj
formalities which the British outlined and enforced. Subsequently, private
travelling agents emerged who facilitates and arranged for the Hajj to Makka.
Initially, the private pilgrim travelling agency business was very lucrative,
hence attracted competition among the agents and sub-agents and thus, they
disregard their primary responsibility of providing welfare services to the
intending pilgrim. Their successes and failures attracted Government to
intervene and subsequently take charged of the management of Hajj affairs
through State Pilgrims Welfare Boards by 1968. Their creations bring so much economic
potentialities as the statutory institutions responsible for managing Hajj
affairs at the state level. As observed above, the establishment of SPWBs
marked a significant turning point in the political economy of pilgrimage,
generating measurable economic outcomes such as increased state revenue, the
construction of Hajj transit camps, markets, and airport facilities, as well as
the emergence and expansion of indigenous airline services. This
institutionalization of Hajj administration across Nigerian states has produced
substantial economic benefits for state governments, pilgrimage-related
entrepreneurs, and the wider public.
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[1]Basil, Davidson et al, A History of West Africa (London:
Longman, 1977), 136
[2]Basil, Davidson et al, A History of West Africa(London:
Longman, 1977), 136
[3]Abdullahi, Smith., “The
Early State of the Central Sudan” in Ade Ajayi, J.F and Michael Crowder, History of West Africa, vol. I, (Longman,
1971), 196-198.
[4].Umar, Al-Naqar. The Pilgrimage Tradition in West Africa: An
Historical Study with Special Reference to the Nineteenth Century(Khartoum:
Khartoum University Press, 1972) 27-29
[5]Al-Naqar, Pilgrimage
Tradition, 27-29
[6]Al-Naqar, Pilgrimage
Tradition, 34-38 also see Kola K, Oloso, Hajj and Its Operations in Nigeria
(1954-1980 A.D.), (Ph.D. diss, University of Ibadan Press, 1989), 124-127.
[7]Imam, Mukhtar et al. “Nigeria Saudi Arabia Economic Diplomacy A Focus on
the Hajj Operations 2005 – 2015,”in International
Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention, Vol. 6 (2017), 16.
[8]John, Slight. “The British Empire and the Hajj: 1865-1956”
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2015), 9
[9]Mukhtar, “Nigeria Saudi
Arabia Economic”, 15.
[10]John, Paden. “Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto: Values and
Leadership in Nigeria” (Zaria: Hudahuda Publishing Company, 1986), 280-284.
[11]Oloso, Hajj and Its Operations, 136
[12]Lecocq, “The Hajj from
West Africa”, 204.
[13]Abdulkareem, Buba, Hajj
Operation in Nigeria: A Case Study of Its Impact, Problems and Solutions, (M.A.
Thesis, Bayero University Kano Press, 1984), 54
[14] O.E, Tangban, “The Hajj
and the Nigerian Economy 1960-1981”, in
Journal of Religion in Africa, vol. 21 (Brill Press, 1991), 245.
[15]Tangban, “The Hajj and
the Nigerian Economy”, 245.
[16]Ismail, Balogun. “A
Review of Hajj Operation in Nigeria in Respect of Government Agencies.” A paper
presented at 4thNational Conference on Hajj, (Kaduna, 199), 4
[17]Buba,Hajj Operation in
Nigeria, 56.
[18] NAK As. 1/218: Pilgrims
Arrangements 1962-1968
[19]On the law establishing
the Pilgrims Welfare Board see “Supplement to the Western Regional Gazette, No.
39, Vol. 7, 5th June, 1958
[20]Balogun,” A Review of
Hajj Operation”, 5.
[21]Sabena World Airlines “Report
on Pilgrimage Operation in Nigeria”, file Premiers
Office, As/217, 1966 at (National Archive, Kaduna), 1.
[22]Balogun, “A Review of
Hajj Operation”, 7.
[23] Tangban.
“The Hajj and the Nigerian Economy”,.245
[24]Buba .Hajj Pilgrimage in
Nigeria, 78.
[25]Tangban. “The Hajj and
the Nigerian Economy”, 246.
[26]Adama. “The Hajj: Between
a Moral”, 8.
[27]These groups of pilgrims
are originally merchants, traders or businessmen that utilise any given chance
to export or import goods and services in order to maximise their own profits
during pilgrimage, and maintain it by constant going to Umrah.
[28]Adama. “The Hajj: Between
a Moral”, 9.
[29]Adama. “The Hajj: Between
a Moral”, 9.
[30]Adama. “The Hajj: Between
a Moral”, 8-9.
[31] See also the section on
Hajj Camp Market.
[32]Adama. “The Hajj: Between
a Moral”, 9.
[33]Hajj Report Project
Nigerian, 26.
[34]Hajj Report Project
Nigerian, 26
[35]Hajj Report Project
Nigerian, 26.
[36]Abba Musa Rimi was elected Deputy
Governor of Kaduna State, in October 1979 during Nigerian Second Republic,
becoming acting governor when the Governor Abdulkadir Balarabe Musa was
impeached on 23 June 1981 and remain in office acting until 1 October 1983
military coup.
[37]M.J, Faworaja.
Sacred Stop-Over [Architecture For Pilgrimages] Towards A Better Hajj Operation
In Nigeria, (M.Sc Thesis Architecture, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 1976),
34.
[38] Alhaji Sani Dalhatu. Musa,
interview by Aliyu Yakubu Yahaya, Kaduna, April 14, 2019.
[39]Musa, Interview.
[40]Alhaji Habibu Umar, Interview by
Aliyu Yakubu Yahaya, Kaduna, December 24, 2019.
[41] N. Innocent. The History of Hajj
Camp Market 1978-2011, (B.A History, BUK, 2012), 14-19
[42]Musa, Interview also sees Innocent,
The History of Hajj Camp, 23.
[43]O. E,
Adeley. “Airport '88 - The Development of
Kaduna International Airport,” (M.Sc. Architecture, Ahmadu Bello
University, Zaria, 1988), 11-12.
[44]Adeley. Airport ’88…, 13-18.
[45] An alternate airport is a reliever
airport that should be established near an international airport to provide an
alternative landing facility in case any difficulty should arise, and must be
of similar standard in terms of facilities. Kaduna International Airport
recently played that role when Abuja International Airport was closed for a
period of six weeks, that is, between 8th March and 18th April,
2017.
[46]Adeley. The Development…., p.67.
[47]Hajj Report Project Nigerian, p.22.
[48]Adeley.The Development…, p.15.
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