Article Citation: Sidikat AbdulRahman Ashafa & Shehu Usman Bello (2019). On the Distinction between Pidgin and Creole Languages. DEGEL: The Journal of the Faculty of Arts and Islamic Studies, Vol. 17, No. 1. ISSN 0794-9316
ON THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN PIDGIN
AND CREOLE LANGUAGES
By
Sidikat AbdulRahman Ashafa & Shehu Usman
Bello
Department of General Studies, Umaru Shinkafi
Polytechnic, Sokoto
Abstract
Contact between people in any given society
accounts mostly for the varieties of languages that we presently have. The
pidgin and creole languages are clear examples of this fact. They are two
languages which emerged as a result of the contact between natives and their
European colonial masters and also as a result of the subsequent blend between
their languages. In Africa, the major colonial languages with which the native
languages blended to form pidgin which later becomes creolized include English,
French, Spanish and Portuguese. However, although the pidgin languages would
eventually crystallize into creole languages, the two languages are not the
same. This paper aims to show that there is a marked difference between the two
languages and that they are dissimilar in terms of their usage and
characteristics. Few examples have been drawn to support this view. However,
the objective is not only to shed some light on the difference between the two
but to provide information that would improve knowledge and further research.
Introduction
It is common knowledge that in Africa as in
elsewhere, the era of the arrival of the European colonial masters not only
sparked the migration of people from the rural areas to the urban centres but
also induced a huge concentration of people and their diverse languages.
However, what became a huge elemental problem
for the migrant was how to develop a common language for use in communicating
with the Europeans and other indigenous people with whom he came into contact.
So, pidgin and creole languages evolved out of the need to solve this social
obligation. Meaning that contact between the Africans and the Europeans was
what eventually led to the development of a pidginized form of the European
language which mainly includes English, French, Spanish and Portuguese. However,
nevertheless, although how these languages were formed still poses an unsolved
historical problem, it is nonetheless safe to assume that both languages would
appear to have been first fully disseminated in Africa before being introduced
to the Americas. (Carons & Onyioha, 2016.)
Primarily, pidgins and creoles as are used in
third world nations, are what therefore occurred in response to changes in the
political and social environment of the community where they are spoken. Today,
over one hundred pidgins and creoles are spoken around the world. (Ozuorcun,
2014).
For emphasis, the researchers will like to
restate that most of these pidgin and creole languages were based on European
languages, mainly in English, Spanish, French and Portuguese. Which raises the
question, ‘What are the terms pidgin and creole languages’?
Definitions of Pidgins and Creole Languages
For a start, Pidgin language is a means of
communication between two language groups. For example, it is mostly used
between immigrants and locals or missionaries and natives to be understood by
each other without having to learn the language of the other group. In this
sense, the language on which the majority of the lexicon is based is called the
base language, (usually a European language), while the language on which the
grammatical structure is based is called the substrate. (Yul-ifode, 2005)
Crystal (2003) defines pidgin language as “a
simplified version of any language that combines the vocabulary of different
languages.” He said that the reasons why pidgin occurs are generally for trade
matters especially where different people do not share a common language and
are forced to find a way to communicate.
On their parts, Abraham, Carons & Onyioha
(2016) “view pidgin language as a simplified language which developed as a
means of communication between two or more groups that do not have a common
language, that It is mostly employed in a situation such as trade or where both
groups speak languages different from the language of the country in which they
reside (but where there is no common language between the groups).
Fundamentally, it is a simplified means of linguistic communication as it is
constructed impromptu or by convention between individuals or groups of people.
Pidgin, in their opinion, is therefore not
the native language of any speech community but it is instead learned as a
second language. It may be built from words, sounds or body language or
multiple other languages and cultures. They further posited that pidgin
language does not have any rules as long as both parties can understand each
other and that the language can be changed without following any specific
order. They concluded by saying that it is not all simplified or broken forms
of a language that is pidgin since every language has its norms of usage, which
must be learned for proficiency in the pidgin.
Mesthrie (2009) views on pidgin are not
different from others. They define pidgin as a type of spoken communication
with two or more languages and maintained that pidgin has fundamental grammar
and vocabulary which is meant to facilitate communication between people who do
not speak or share a common language. One example of a pidgin language is
‘lingua franca’ which was first created among traders. The pidgin languages
that came to subsist were created only because traders came from different
places and had different mother tongues and needed a common language to be able
to communicate with one another.
Creole, on the other hand, refers to any
pidgin language that becomes the first language in a speech community. Be that
as it may, it will, therefore, be seen that although both languages are not the
same, they share common characteristics of being the result of a blend between
languages. (http://www.reference.com/bromse/creole)
Wardhaugh (2006) alludes to the above
definition when he pointed out that, creoles occur when a pidgin becomes the
first language of a new generation of people as a result of being born in a
place where pidgin is used as a language of communication. He maintained that
creoles were in the actual sense developed by children who were born into a
multilingual environment. so that while pidginization is a second language
learning exercise with a restricted input, creolization is as well a first
language learning behaviour with restricted input.
For Hudson (2003), creole is a type of pidgin
which has acquired a native speaker status. Thus, in a situation where a pidgin
transforms into a creole, the process becomes ‘creolization’. Creolization
occurs and is therefore made easy when a couple with children decide to speak
pidgin to their children as their mother tongue while the children, in turn,
pick the pidgin language up as their native language. (ie, they know no other
language than the pidgin only). Hudson maintains that most creole languages are
spoken by the descendants of African slaves and are of great interest, both to
their speakers and to others as one of the main sources of information on their
origin as well as a symbol of their identity.
Koyfman (2017) says this as much when
he maintained that pidgins and creoles are both the result of what happens when
one blends two or more languages that are not the same. He argued that, while
pidgin is simply the first-generation version of a language which was formed
between native speakers of different languages as a makeshift communication
bridge, creole is a pidgin language with native speakers, or one that’s been
passed down to a second generation of speakers who will eventually formalize
and fortify it into a communication bridge with a robust structure and a fully
developed grammar and syntax. https://www.basbel.com>magazine>
Generally speaking, and from the definitions
of pidgin and creole as posited by various scholars, one can conclude that
pidgins are languages usually formed in the context of a multicultural
population which historically often happened in areas where multiple groups
were trading with each other or where groups of slaves from various nations
were assimilated into a single population and had to develop a language for
communication, while creoles are languages formed when pidgins are maintained
and passed on to the next generation as their first language or mother tongue.
Further discussions on the distinctions between the two forms of languages in
terms of their characteristics and structures will be elaborated by this paper.
This is in addition to a few examples illustrating how they are spoken in some
communities around the globe.
The Distinction between Pidgin and Creole
Pidgin and creole languages are mostly spoken
in the third world countries as observed earlier on, with their roles mainly
connected to political and social issues. Currently, there are supposedly
hundreds of pidgin and creole languages used in everyday speech (Romaine, 2000).
Although the two languages arose to satisfy
the need for communication between people who spoke different languages, they
are not as stated earlier the same. A pidgin is a form of a ‘regular language’
that has been greatly simplified and reduced in phonology, morphology, grammar
and vocabulary. Examples are the English-based pidgins which may have as few as
five vowels and may have lost all English inflections as well as have
vocabularies as small as a thousand words. Mcwhorter (2017) in furtherance to this
also stated that pidgin grammar tends to be shallow without any syntactical
devices for subordination or embedding. Additionally, there is the fact that
the distinctive marking of structures such as relative clauses only comes later
in the stabilization or expansion phase of the pidgin life cycle or arises in
the process of creolization (Mcwhorter, 2017).
One example of this kind of occurrence is the
Pacific Area where the vast majority of the pidgins derive their vocabulary
from English and therefore are referred to as English-based. However, in the
southwest Pacific, the most widespread pidgin languages are said to be spoken
in Melanesia which includes, the lingua franca in Papua New Guinea Tok Pisin
and which Mcwhorter (2017) says is greatly used in everyday life on radio and
television and government.
Note therefore that the vocabulary of a
pidgin comes mainly from one particular language (called the ‘lexifier’). And
that although this is so, there is early “pre pidgin” which is quite restricted
in use and structure compared to the later “stable pidgin” which has a
developed grammatical rule quite different from those of the lexifier and which
is later generally learned as second language and subsequently used for
communication among people who speak different languages. An example is a
Nigerian situation and that of Bislama (spoken in Vanuatu). It is generally
believed that pidgin evolved out of the contact between speakers of different
languages. Pidgin as an outcome of this contact situation is usually regarded
or used as either a make-shift means of communication or more or less as a
permanent and relatively fixed language code. It is for this reason that pidgin
language has come to be referred to as a marginal language. It is so-called
because it more often than not makes use of words, sounds, constructions and
strategies of communication borrowed from both the languages of the native
speakers and the dominant colonial languages. Although what is borrowed is a
reduced form, this reduction does not usually only affect the systematic
syntactic aspect of a language but also the extent of usage of the language.
Meaning that, since pidgins are only often employed in fewer situations and
allow for less stylistic differentiation, they can for these reasons be termed
as reduced languages. (Mesthrie et al 2009).
Creoles, on the other hand, are distinguished
synchronically, though being full languages, they retain signs of their pidgin
ancestry such as the virtual absence of both inflection and tone and highly
transparent derivational processes. Creole is a latter-day descendant of
something that began as a pidgin. It is an intertwined language were full,
rather than reduced, subsystems of two or more languages come together in
various combinations. However, although some intertwined languages are quite
‘set’, others are more fluid and vary more from individual to individual. Less
focused varieties of this type include Isicamtho (African Zulu) and even the
Spanglish thriving in the United States. (John Mcwhorter, 2017)
Creoles are what are conventionally described
as nativized pidgins i.e languages which have been adopted by children growing
up in environments where pidgin is their primary input language and which
therefore becomes their native language. In the process of becoming a native or
a primary language, a pidgin changes in its nature. The pidgin does not remain
reduced rather it expands lexically, syntactically and morphologically. This
expansion includes the number and quality of the contexts in which it is used;
and that it gains in stylistic differentiation, often finding expression in
written texts, perhaps eventually becoming standardized. As a result, it can no
longer be regarded as marginal. The mixing that went into the pidgin and the
contact that characterized the genesis of pidgins are now only historical and
for this reason, cannot be counted as definitive synchronic features. (Mesthrie
et al, 2009.)
If a pidgin manages to be learned by the
children of a community as a native language, it may become fixed and acquire a
more complex grammar with fixed phonology, syntax, morphology and syntactic
embedding. Pidgins can become full languages in only a single generation.
Creolization is the second stage where the pidgin language develops into a
fully developed native language with the vocabulary containing more and more
words by a rational and stable system. Therefore, we can conclude that creoles
are inventions of the children growing up in newly founded plantations and that
they only heard the pidgin languages being spoken, without enough structure to
function as natural languages. The children then used their innate linguistic
capabilities to transform the pidgin input into a full-fledged language.
(Mesthrie et al,2009.)
Note that, although pidgin and creole have
many similarities with a standard language, they are as well simplified in
terms of morphology. At this juncture, we shall examine the characteristics of
the two said languages.
Characteristics of Pidgin and Creole Languages
Characteristics of pidgins and creoles vary
tremendously from speakers to speakers. The phonology of pidgin is extremely
unstable and change often. Anything that can be said in pidgin can as well be
said in any other language, but at a great disadvantage, because the pidgin
language lacks the building blocks provided in other native languages for
successful communication. For example, articles, prepositions, auxiliary verbs
and subordinate clauses are often absent or sporadic in pidgin language. Pidgin
sentences are often little more than strings of nouns, verbs and adjectives.
Although the substance of the idea gets across, many of the details and
contextual information get lost in the pidgin version. (https://www.csuchico.edu/~gthurgood/121/020)
Pidgin, as earlier on discussed is a new
language that developed as a response to situations where speakers of different
languages needed to communicate but lacked a common language to do so. Below
are some of the basic characteristics of the pidgin language:
· It has no native speakers, not anyone’s
native language but yet spoken by millions as a means of communication.
· It is a product of multilingual, three or
more languages whereby one is dominant. The dominant language is superior
either economically or socially.
· The combined effort of speakers (of
different languages) contributes to a new variety of phonology, morphology and
syntax.
· The dominant group has more vocabulary
(lexifier–superstrate) while the less dominant languages have grammar
(substrate).
· The reduced grammatical structure, limited
vocabulary and narrow range of functions do not have inflections to mark plural
tenses and does not contain any affixes.
· The main function of pidgin language is
trading and
· They are not used as a means of group
identification. (https://www.csuchico.edu/~gthurgood/121/020)
Note that the pidgin language that is spoken
by certain people in a certain place or area has its lifespan. i.e short
limited function. It may exist for several years but rarely more than a
century. It may as well remain if the need exists like the case of Vietnam,
where Pidgin French disappeared and the French language was left to thrive. The
initial position for the pidgin French language was to be used for trading but
it also disappeared when trading between the group members eventually came to
an end. Some examples also include Nigerian pidgin in Nigeria, Bislama in
Vanuatu, Tok Pisin in Papua New Guinea, Chinese Pidgin English in China,
Solomon Island pidgin English in Solomon Island etc. (https://deslideshare.net/oscar12261/pidgin-and-creole-lang)
Here are some characteristics of creole
language: Creole on its part is a term with roots in the Latin word “creare”
meaning ‘to beget’ or ‘create’. The term was coined in the sixteenth century
during the great expansion in European maritime power and trade as exemplified
by the establishment of European colonies in the Americas, Africa and along the
coast of southeast Asia up to the Philippines, China, India and in Oceania. (https://deslideshare.net/oscar12261/pidgin-and-creole-lang)
Therefore, the Creole language is originally
meant to refer to the speech of creole peoples. Put simply creole is a stable
language that originated seemingly as a nativized pidgin. It is processed when
children begin to learn a pidgin language as their first language and it
eventually becomes the mother tongue of a community. Like pidgin language, a
creole is a distract language which took most of its vocabulary from another
language- the lexifier but has its own unique grammatical rules. However, unlike
pidgin, creole is not restricted in use and is like any other languages in its
full range of functions.
It is also known to exhibit more
internal variability than other languages and simpler in comparison to other
languages. Creole has come to be used in opposition to “language” rather than a
qualifier for it e.g. Gullah, Jamaican creole and Hawaii Creole English.
(Mcwhorter, 2017.)
Overall, Pidgin and creole are technical
terms used by linguists, but not necessarily by speakers of the language, for
example, speakers of Jamaican creole call their language Patwa (from patois)
while speakers of Hawaii Creole English call theirs’ pidgins. Other creoles
around the world include Kru English in Liberia, Kamtok in Cameroon, Bajan in
Barbados, Creoles in Guyana, Sranan in Surinam, Trimbagonia in Trinidad etc.
(Mcwhorter, 2017.)
Structurally, the characteristics of the two
languages can be further summarized as follows:
· Pidgin is the first stage of development of
a language while creole is the secondary stage of development.
· Creoles become a mother tongue of the
larger generation of speakers whereas pidgin remains a mere tool of
communication.
· Grammar in creole is fully developed
whereas it is rudimentary in pidgin e.g Nigeria pidgin, ‘boku-boku’ (in large
number), ‘boi-boi’ (a male household servant), or ‘waka-waka’ (someone who walk
about aimlessly)
· Extended contact between speakers of two
different languages gives birth to creole as children of adults that develop
pidgin adopt creole as their primary language.
· The word pidgin comes from English “pigeon”
a bird used as a messenger in the early times. (Yul-ifode, 2005)
· Creole on its part is a term with roots in
the Latin word “creare” meaning ‘to beget’ or ‘create’.
· Pidgin is not a standard language while
creole is a developed language.
· Pidgins have no native speakers; creoles
have native speakers.
· Pidgins have a limited range of uses;
creoles have a considerably expanded range of uses.
· Pidgins typically evolve out of contact
situations; creoles typically evolve out of pidgins.
· Pidgin often borrows words from their
source languages and feature a simplified grammar. It is a bare-bones language
designed to enable minimum- viable communication. For instance, Nigeria pidgin:
Yoruba uses ‘sebi or abi’ as in ‘sebi u don givan abi’, (you have given him
finally), Igbo uses ‘Nna’ as in ‘Na nna sabi’ (it is them that know) and Hausa
uses ‘bah’ as in ‘u don siam bah’ (you have already seen him/her) e t c.
· Pidgin is a linguistic communication that
comprised components of two or more of languages and is used for communication
among people.
· Creole languages have the ‘subject -verb
-object’ word order whereas pidgin can have any possible order. Also,
reduplication is a common and general process in creole languages, but it is
not very often found in pidgins. For example, ‘mwen pale angle’-(I speak
English), ‘mwente vizite lafrans’-(I visited France) or ‘mwen konpiann ou’-(I
understand you).
· Although, creoles may originate through
abnormal transmissions as children acquire them, they must, therefore, comply
with the ‘blueprint’ of language that can also be referred to as how the
language is going to be constructed and formed.
Other Contextual Aspects of the Two Languages:
Phonology
· The sounds of a pidgin or creole are likely
to be fewer and less complicated than those of related languages. Tok Pisin,
for example, has only five basic vowels unlike dozen or so found in English.
While Papia Kristang has seven basic vowels, rapidly being reduced to the five
found in neighbouring Bahasa Malaysia. (https://deslideshare.net/oscar12261/pidgin-and-creole-lang)
Morphology
· Pidgins have a very little morphophonemic
variation that is the type of variation found in the final sound in cat(s)
dog(s) and box(es). The development of such morphological alternations is a
sign that the pidgin is undergoing creolization e.g unlike English, where
inflectional marker such as s- es – ies are affixed to nouns to indicate
plural, a separate marker like ‘dem’ is used to mark plural as in ‘dem no good’
(they are not good.) https://en.m.wikipedia.org>wiki>creole....
· In pidgins and creoles, there is almost a
complete lack of inflection in nouns, pronouns, verbs, and adjectives.
Syntax
· Nouns are not marked for number and gender.
For example, Swahili nouns have twenty-six (26) classes or if one wishes have
twenty-six (26) genders. Swahili is characteristically Bantu in its grammar
which was the contact of Arabian traders with the inhabitants of the Coast of
Africa. https://www.britannica.com
· Verbs lack tense markers,
· Transitive verbs may, however, be
distinguished from intransitive verbs. For example, in Tok Pisin, transitive
verbs are marked with the suffix- im.
· Pronouns will not be distinguished for the
case. In Tok Pisin ‘me’ is either ‘I’ or ‘me’, ‘she’- her, ‘he’-him, ‘they’-
them, ‘you’- them.
· There is virtually no alternation such as;
break, broke and broken.
· Sentences are likely to be uncomplicated in
clausal structures.
· Pidgins do not have relative clauses. Their
development is a sign of creolization. At the same time, pidgins do not have
embedding.
· Negation may only include a single
particle. For example, in Krio, an English based creole, the only negation
marker is ‘no’. CF. “I no tu had” meaning it is not too hard.
· Creoles do have Tense Modality Aspect (TMA)
marking system. Which usually includes a continuous marker of some sort, de in
English- based creoles, ape in French-basedd creoles and ka in
Portuguese-based creoles. For example;
a de go wok ‘I am going to work’ Krio.
mo ape traval ‘ I am working’ Louisiana
French.
E ka nda ‘he is going’ St Thomas
(https://www.csuchico.edu/~gthurgood/121/020)
Vocabulary
· The vocabulary is quite similar to the standard language with
which it is associated. Although, there may be considerable morphological and
phonological simplifications.
· Reduplication is often used to indicate, among other things,
intensity, pluralization, habitually and so on.
· Syntactic devices are often employed to extend the vocabulary e.
g, Tok Pisin, gras bilong het - ‘hair’.
gras bilong fas - ‘beard’.
gras bilong pisin - ‘feather’
· Pidgins and creoles often draw their vocabulary from more than one
language. however, in many cases, one of the languages is the primary source of
vocabulary, in this sense, Tok Pisin is an English- based creole since English
is its main lexical source. https://www.ukessays.com/essays/English-language/pidgins-and-creoles-php?vref=I
Some Examples of Pidgin and Creole Languages
Examples of pidgin English: if pidgins are
indeed mixed languages and non-native ones, how is it that we refer to them as
English pidgins? What is English about them? The following are some examples:
Hawaiian pidgin English (HPE): Note that the
spelling is semi phonemic.
Ø Difren belifs dei get sam gaiz. Different beliefs they get some
guys. “some guys have different beliefs”. (The word order in HPE differs from
General English.)
Haus, haus ai stei go in jaepan taim. House
house I stay go in japan time. “when I lived in japan I stayed inside the
house”. (There is no tense and time marked adverbially.)
Go tak tu fala go hapai dis wan. Go take two
fellow go carry this one. “take two men and carry this away” (go used as a
marker of the imperative.) (Rickford, 1987). Retrieved from (https://deslideshare.net/oscar12261/pidgin-and-creole-lang)
Nigeria pidgin English (NPE): example can be
seen as follow:
Ø Mai pikin sabi di maket wel-wel “my child knows the market”
Ø Wi getam plenti “we have a lot of it”
Ø Di manu get moni “the man has money”
Ø A no komu “I did not come”
Ø I wan enta villa. “I want to travel to my country home.”
Ø We go was an. “we are going to celebrate it.”
Ø Dem neva do am “they have not do it”
Ø Na polis cas di tif “it is the police that caught the thief”
Ø Na hu de dia “who is there”
Ø Jon tek naif kot di yam “John used knife to cut the yam”
Ihemere, (2006)
Creole Example:
Guyanese creole:
Ø Wel mii no moo wisaid den de. Yu noo ou laung wii bin gat a
mashiin.
Well me no know what side they are. You know
how long we have got that machine.
“well I don’t know where they are now. Do you
know how long we’ve had that machine?”
Ø It a wan naif. it exists one knife. there was a knife.
Ø Ii a gu ii a waak. He PROG go he PROG he walk. He was going
along. https://www.differencebetween.com/difference-between-pidginandvs---
Hawaiian Creole:
Ø ai no kea hu stei hant insai dea.
I no care who is hunt inside there.
I don’t care who is hunting in there.
Ø ai gon hant. I FUT hunt. I am going to hunt.
Ø Jan hin go wok a hospital.
John him FUT work at hospital.
John would have worked at the hospital.
Ø Get wan wahini shi get wan data.
EXIST one wahin she got one daughter.
There is a woman who has a daughter.
(Brickerton 1981:28.) https://www.differencebetween.com/difference-between-pidginandvs---
Tok Pisin Creole: Many Tok Pisin words have a meaning much wider than that of
English word they came from. For example:
Ø Kilim from ‘kill him’ can mean hit or beat as well as kill.
Ø Pisin from ‘pigeon’ mean bird in general and ‘gras’ may mean hair,
beard or feather. Other examples may be seen as follow:
Ø Mi wok nau meaning ‘I am working now.’
Ø Mi wok asde ‘I work yesterday’.
Ø Em can mean ‘he, him, she, her, it. E g:
Ø Em I stap long haus. ‘he, she, it is in the house.’
Ø Em I lukim mi. ‘he, she, it saw me.’
Ø Mi lukim em. ‘I saw him, her, it.’
Ø Me wok ‘I worked.’
Ø Yu wok ‘you worked.’
Ø Tom I wok ‘tom worked.’
Ø Ben I bin wok asde ‘Ben worked yesterday.’
Ø Ben bai I wok tumora ‘Ben will work tomorrow’ e t c. https://www.hawaii.edu
Conclusion
The analysis provided in this paper is a
guide for those who are not too sure of calling a language variety either
pidgin or creole. The detailed information about each variety together with the
distinction and the characteristics of the two languages are presented to help
readers to know the dissimilarities between the two language varieties. The aim
is to make readers know that pidgins are “on-the-spot” languages that develop,
when people with no common language come into contact with each other, as pointed
out by Thopson, (2013). And that when a pidgin survives and if inter- native
use evolves enough, it can develop into a creole language to become the next
generation mother tongue in place of the native language. However, both
languages are often considered as simplified languages, unconsciously born from
a practical situation of interlinguistic communication. They both have their
characteristics which make them to be unique and to be investigated and learnt.
This is even though, they are more complex in structure and have a wider range
of vocabulary to express a wide range of meanings. Be that as it may, the
information dating back in the paper is meant to reflect how these varieties of
language arose as well as to show how important the languages are to the people
who make use of them considering that language is the fundamental tool of
communication and that no single society can do without using one language or
the other.
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