Article Citation: Mohammed Musa Kukuri (2019). Cultura-Linguistic Affiliation of Fulfulde Bride Nicknames: A Case Study of the Central Northern Nigerian Dialect. DEGEL: The Journal of the Faculty of Arts and Islamic Studies, Vol. 17, No. 1. ISSN 0794-9316
CULTURAL-LINGUISTIC AFFILIATION OF
FULFULDE BRIDE NICKNAMES: A CASE STUDY OF THE CENTRAL NORTHERN NIGERIAN DIALECT
By
Mohammed Musa Kukuri
Department of
African Languages and Linguistics
Yobe State
University, Damaturu
Abstract
This paper is
an attempt to examine the cultural and linguistic affiliation of the tradition
of bride nicknaming among the speakers of Central Northern Nigerian Dialect of
Fulfulde (CNNDF). The research employs interview and unobtrusive observation
method which involves the native speakers within this dialect area through. A
total number of twelve (12) persons are selected as respondents. To avoid bias
in the selection, the respondents are divided into two, based on sex (6 males
and 6 females). However, the respondents were further divided into three based
on age groups (Ages 10-20, 21-50 and 51-80). The research comes up with eight
nicknames which include Yaa-wuro, Dany-oo-wo, Jiid-ii-xo, Gadd-u-xo-Jam,
Hebb-i-ni, Waur-an-am, Vir-oo-wo, and Shuv-aa-xo. The result of this research
reveals that the bearer of each name has a specific cultural positional role to
play and has a semantic significance within the family and the community at
large. Our findings also show that the nickname is given to a bride as soon as
she stepped into her matrimonial home which will be used in place of her proper
name.
Introduction
Fulfulde is a
language spoken by Fulve and is one of the Western Atlantic languages of West
Africa (Greenberg 1963). Fulve are generally the speakers of Fulfulde language
who are called by different acronyms, ie Hausa call them Fulani; Kanuri call
them Fulata; French call them Pula among others. It is one of the populated
languages in Africa though scattered by nomadic attitude. They are well known
by their traditional affiliation and the majority of them are slim with
moderate height, light in complexion with long dark hair which manifests much
in the females (Ahmed 2013). From the historical point of view, Abdulmumini
(2007), posits that the largest number of Fulani lives among the Hausa and
Bambara who value the manure of the Fulani cattle to fertilize their crops.
Also, he stresses that a number of them settle in the cities as there is not a
Hausa state without its town-dwelling Fulani who also speak the language.
Fulfulde is
blessed with different dialects which include the Adamawa dialect, the Western
or Sokoto dialect and the Central Northern Nigerian Dialect (cf Daudu 1999,
Girei 2018). Our research will be based on the Central Northern Nigerian
Dialect. This dialect will henceforth be addressed as CNND in this paper. The
dialect is spoken within Katsina, Kaduna, Bauchi, Plateu, Kano, Gombe and the
Yobe States among others. It is assumed to have dominated the larger area of
Fulfulde language (cf Mohammad 1987, Daudu 1997)). Besides, this research
covers only Yobe State specifically Potiskum, Nangere and Fune Local
governments and some parts of Bauchi State ie Gamawa Local government where the
tradition of bride nicknaming is generally in practice. However, the Fulfulde
speakers in this area are divided into four distinct clans ie the Haxejanko’en,
Jafun’en, Nguddiranko’en and Aboranko’en. By distinct here
we mean there are intra-dialectal differences here and there between them. But
the tradition of Fulfulde bride nicknaming is mostly common in this area among
the first three clans.
The terms Haxejanko’en,
Jafun’en, and Nguddiranko’en as they call themselves
are derived from their ancestral origin where they are believed to have come
from. Haxejanko’en is derived from Haxeja town, Jafun’en is
derived from Jahun town all in Jigawa State (it is believed to be where
Figue 1: Demarcation of CNND of Fulfulde
their ancestors
came from) and Nguddiranko’en is derived from an area which
encompasses some parts of the Bauchi State. According to Daudu (2010) in
Huseini (2014), Fulve clan names depict a former place of settlement outside
their ancestral territories. Therefore the above-mentioned places are said to
be the ancestral territories of these three groups.
The tradition
of bride nicknaming
All spoken
languages have varying cultures and traditions upon which they are developed
and move. By tradition, marriage is the second necessity in life for Fulve
after possessing cattle (Husaini 2014). Even though they share social
structural similarities in kinship and marriage and try to maintain their
distinct cultural uniqueness (cf Pate and Daudu 2012), yet there are some few
dialectal variations. Fulfulde culture of the CNND goes further than just the
common marriage activities but also extend to other dialect-specific traditions
such as the bride nicknaming. Fulani bride nicknaming has been for long a
well-known tradition mostly among the speakers of the CNND. As part of marriage
injunctions, there has been this popular tradition which has gained ground
among Fulve living within this area of study. The idea of bride nickname has
been established classically to enhance the spousal relationship between the
groom and his bride. Based on our findings this tradition is more pronounced
and deeply rooted in Fulfulde speakers within the CNND alone which bind the
different clans together. The dialect speakers made it among other things a
precondition for entry into the new family that a bride had to acquire a
nickname. So a highly organized process of nicknaming has been established and
successfully developed within their marriage. But in essence, the priority that
had been put aside on bride nicknaming is for sole identification which
presents a significant step in the perceptible movement of the speakers towards
smooth togetherness. It is important also to acknowledge that the attitude and
tolerance of this tradition among the speakers of CNND is by their cultural
norms and values. It is even regarded as taboo for one to mention the name of
his daughter-in-law. As their tradition ordains, Fulve do not call the personal
names of their in-laws (daughter, son, father, and mothers-in-law) because of
what they termed as Pulaaku. The term Pulaaku according
to Reed (1932) refers to Fulani pathways which are passed on by each generation
as high moral values on the Fulve which enable them to maintain their identity
across boundaries and changes of lifestyle. This culture is essentially viewed
as what makes a person a Fulani. Therefore, the major characteristics that
makeup Pulaaku include patience, self-control, discipline,
modesty, wisdom, forethought, personal responsibility, hospitality and respect
of others. In line with this Pate and Daudu (ibid) observe that the tenets
of Pulaaku are very central in the conduct and behaviour of
the Fulve.
Despite the
current issue of Hausa language domination on minority languages among which is
Fulfulde this popular tradition has been maintained in the aforementioned
dialect area more especially among the Haxejanko’en, Jahun’en and Nguddiranko’en clans.
This is more common with the pastoral group who according to Huseini (2012)
were conservative and retain most of their cultures and social exclusiveness.
In some cases because of the inherent flexibility of Hausa language in some
areas where the Fulfulde dialect in question is being spoken this culture is
equally found among the Hausas.
Methodology
This research
uses the interview method used in collecting data. The interview method is used
because as observed by Bloomer and Wray (2013), it allows a much more holistic
view of how language is being used. As such, questions related to ethnic
identity, origin, place of birth, age, etc, have been asked. Other relevant
topics about which questions have been asked include stages in the marriage
ceremony. The questions are framed on a sheet of paper and grouped according to
the subject matter. It is a face to face interview in which the respondents are
fully aware that their voices are being recorded.
However, it
should be noted that the researcher also applies his native speaker’s
intuition. Besides, the data which we shall be dealing with have been drawn
from the expressions and responses obtained from the native speakers of the
CNND within our research area. The acquired data is compiled and subsequently
analyzed.
Discussion
The major
concern of this section is the essence of this study that is to discuss the
cultural and semantic roles of the Fulfulde bride nicknames. Therefore in here,
the data for this research is hereby presented and the analysis subsequently
follows.
Data
presentation
There have been
a significant number of Fulfulde bride nicknames each of which is assigned to a
different person. But for this study, only eight (8) will be discussed. They
are as follows:
i.
Yaawuro (mother of the
house)
ii. Danyoowo (the fertile one)
iii.
Gadduxo-jam (source
of peace)
iv. Jiidiixo (the friendly)
v. Viroowo (the milk tapper)
vi. Wauranam (the abled one)
vii. Hebbini (the fuller)
viii. Shuvaaxo (the chosen one)
It is
instructive to note at this juncture that the naming follows an established
consensus within the groom’s family. The names are formed from the existing
Fulfulde words through a traditional process known as puufuki-kosam ‘milk
spraying’. When a bride is brought to her matrimonial home she will be laid on
a mat (preferably white ones) and be covered with a new sheet of the wrapper. A
woman from the groom’s family will take some milk in her mouth and spray it on
the bride. There and then the name will be announced loudly by the same woman
three times by saying:
Announcer: Innde-mako
Yaawuro
Her name is Yaawuro
Listeners: Min nan-aayii
We did not hear you
Announcer: Innde-mako
Yaawuro
Her name is Yaawuro
Listenners: Min nan-aayii
We did not hear you
Announcer: Innde-mako
Yaawuro
Her name is Yaawuro
Listenners: Min nan-ii
We have heard you
After
announcing the name, a bride is now assumed to be a full member of the family.
The recognition of this culture as earlier stated is following principles of
the community’s social imperative. As such it is an accepted traditional norm
which the members of the community regard as necessary and conforms to their
cultural feelings.
Data analysis
Bride nickname
is highly regarded such that it indicates a cultural relationship between the
bride and the members of her matrimonial home and the semantic implication of
the name proposed to her. Therefore, bride nicknames are typically known by
their cultural and semantic characteristics which will be discussed in due
course.
Cultural
position of the Fulani bride nicknames
Fulfulde
particularly the CNND like any other language is blessed with different
marriage rights and duties among which is bride nicknaming. It is customarily
believed that a bride has to be initiated into the groom’s family in the way of
giving her a nickname. This specific cultural phenomenon reveals that in the
pursuit of Fulani traditional marriage a bride has to be assigned a nickname to
be fully accommodated into the new family she found herself. In the process of
interacting between the bride and other family members, the nickname is
seriously important therefore serving a great purpose in the Fulfulde ethnic
culture. Most importantly, of course, all the nicknames serve to express the
cultural position of the bride and her state of affiliation with the members of
her new community. Each name goes with an established cultural role which the
bride is expected to perform as follows:
i.Yaa-wuro:
She is usually the first wife of the first male child and culturally expected
to be the leader of the children and wives of her husband’s brothers in that
family. She has the right to control and determine their affairs within the
family setting.
ii. Dany-oo-wo:
She is the first wife of the second male child and is usually second to Yaa-wuro in
command.
iii.
Gadd-u-xo-jam. She is
the third wife of the first child and acts as the judge among the children and
wives of other younger sons as well.
iv. Jiid-ii-xo: She is the second wife of the
second son and acts as a comforter or social director in the house.
v. Vir-oo-wo. She is the first wife of the
third son and acts as the one in charge of the milk. She is responsible for
going around and co-ordinates the tapping of milk which is customarily done
twice a day.
vi. Waur-a-nam. This is the second wife of the
third son. Culturally she is assumed to be a hard-working person, therefore,
she acts as the overseer of all domestic works.
vii. Hebb-i-ni. She is the second wife of the
first son. Just as Danowo she is assumed to be a good source
of siblings who can contribute to filling the house with children. She also
takes good care of water supply which is expected to be brought from well and
other sources of water, far or near.
viii.
Shuv-aa-xo (the
chosen one). She is the third wife of the third son. Culturally the bearer of
this name is considered as the favourite daughter-in-law. She is the most
trusted of all, therefore, she culturally takes care of food distribution to
the elders of the house.
What emerges
from the above cultural analysis is that the assignment of each nickname is
subject to the position of the groom in his mother’s list of children. That is
to say, each child is expected to have as much as three wives in his lifetime.
Besides, there is the tendency for repeating a given nickname in case the size
of the family keeps on growing. What seems to be usual in this tradition is
that the name is not repeated among the wives of the same husband.
Linguistic
affiliation of the bride nicknames
The condition
of assigning a bride with such nickname has a straight forward semantic basis.
Therefore each has an implied meaning as we can see in the following
discussion.
i.Yaa-wuro: The name consists of two components
ie yaa (elder sister) which functions as the head and another
noun wuro (house). Both the two components are independent
morphemes having different complete meanings. But as they are put together they
convey one single lexical meaning. Semantically the name implies the leader of
the sons and daughters of the house. Therefore by assigning the name to her, it
means she possesses some qualities of leadership, therefore can lead the house
presently and in the future when the grandparents and parents might have
died.
The name has
the following linguistic form:
Yaya + wuro = yaa-wuro
Nn + Nn = NNm
Elder sister +
house = elder sister of the house
=mother of the
house
ii. Dany-oo-wo: This is a single word that has
a root (dany-oo-) and an agential suffix (-wo). The composition
of the two morphemes constitutes a single word with an established implied
meaning, ‘the fertile’. Therefore semantically the name implies that the bearer
is capable of bearing children. Means she is fertile enough to bear many
children and make the house full of children so that the husband will get
enough successors.
The composition of this name can be illustrated thus:
Dany + oo + wo = dany-oo-wo
V + COMP + SUFF
= NNm
Birth + CIM = who gives birth
= the fertile one
iii. Gadd-u-xo-jam: This is a compound noun where
the first component (Gadd-u-xo) serves as the head. The second part (jam)
is an abstract noun which means peace. The combination of these words gives a
single noun Gadduxo-jam which means peace-source. Semantically
the name implies that the bearer is capable of promoting peace in the family
and community at large. It signifies that with her coming, peace will reign in
the house. That is to say, she will be a source of everlasting peace in the
family.
The name has the following morphological structure
Gadd-u-xo + jam = gaddu-xo-jam
V + COMP + SUFF
+ Nn = NNm
Bring + CIM + peace = peace bringer
= source of
peace
iv. Jiid-ii-xo: Means there will be an
everlasting comfort in the family as a result of her presence. There will be no
hardship. The name has the following linguistic components:
Jiid-ii + xo = jiid-ii-xo
V + COMP + SUFF
= NNm
Comfort + CIM =
who gives comfort
= the comforter
v. Vir-oo-wo: This name consists of a root (vir-) a completive
(-oo) and bound morpheme (-wo) the root means to tap (usually
milk) while the bound morpheme is an agential suffix that indicates an agent.
Therefore the name implies that milk will be in abundance because she is the
best milk-tapper and knows how to handle cattle so that they provide enough
milk. Morphologically, this name can be represented thus:
Vir + oo-wo = Vir-oo-wo
V + COMP + SUFF = NNm
Tap + CIM = milk-tapper
= The in-charge of milk
vi. Waur-a-nam: this name is a composition of
a verb (waur-) a completive (-a) and a suffix (–nam) which
means the abled one. Therefore the name is used to address an abled person. So
it means that she works tirelessly and can supervise household duties such as
sweeping, grinding and cooking.
Waur-a + nam =waur-a-nam
V + COMP + Pr =
NNm
Able + SUFF = abled one
= the abled one
vii. Hebb-i-nii: This name is also a
composition of a verb hebbin (fill-up) and a completive verb
tense morpheme –ii. Therefore the name means a filler or completer. So the name
by implication means that the bride has completed her promise by marrying the
member of that family. Another meaning is that she is ready to fill the house
with children.
Structurally, the name has the following morphological
representation:
Hebbin + ii = hebbin-ii
V + TM = NNm
Fill + COMP =
filled
= filler of the house
viii. Shuv-aa-xo: the name has two distinct
morphological components. The first one (Shuv-aa-), which means choose,
stands as the root while the second part (-xo) is a CIM suffix used to
derive noun from a verb. Therefore this name implies that the bride is the best
chosen out of many.
Here is the morphological analysis of this nickname:
Shuv + aa + xo = Shuv-aa-xo
V + COMP + SUFF = NNm
Choose + CIM = chosen one
= the chosen one
Below is a table giving the summary of Fulfulde bride
nicknames and their semantic implications:
Table I: Summary of linguistic implication of
Fulfulde Bride nicknames
|
S/N |
NICK NAME |
POSITION |
LITERAL
MEANING |
IMPLIED
MEANING |
|
1 |
Yaawuro |
1st
wife of 1st Son |
Elder sister
of the house |
Leader of
sons and daughters |
|
2 |
Danyoowo |
1st wife
of 2nd Son |
Child bearer |
The fertile
one |
|
3 |
Viroowo |
1st wife
of 3rd Son |
Milk tapper |
In-charge of
milk |
|
4 |
Wauranam |
2nd wife
of 3rd Son |
The tireless
one |
The abled one |
|
5 |
Hebbini |
2nd
wife of 1st Son |
The filler |
Source of
siblings |
|
6 |
Shuvaaxo |
3rd wife
of 3rd Son |
The chosen
one |
The best |
|
7 |
Jiidiixo |
2nd
wife of 2nd Son |
Source of
comfort |
The comforter |
|
8 |
Gadduxo-jam |
3rd
of 1st Son |
One who
brings peace |
The peace
maker |
The table above shows the semantic implication of the
bride nicknames where each has its literal and implied meanings.
Conclusion
In this paper, an attempt has been made to find out the
cultural and linguistic affiliation of Fulfulde bride nicknames particularly
among the speakers of CNND. The result based on our findings shows that the
culture is popular among three clans of this dialect and each name is given
based on the position of the male child. As such, the first male child in each
family, for instance, should have his first wife to be named Yaa-wuro which
culturally means the mother of the house. Similarly, the morphological
composition of the name shows that it is a compound noun that makes up of a
noun yaa (mother) and another noun wuro (house).
These cultural, as well as linguistic inclinations based on our findings, are
equally applicable to all the nicknames. However, from the forgone analysis, it
is discovered that there is a variation in the composition of Fulfulde bride
nicknames. Two of the names (Yaa-wuro and gadduxo-jam)
consist of two nouns while five (Dany-oo-wo, Jiid-ii-xo, Hebb-i-nii,
Vir-oo-wo and Shuv-aa-xo) contain verb and suffix. The
remaining one (waur-a-nam) consists of a verb and pronoun.
Refarences
Abdulmumin, S. A. (2007). A
discourse in history and culture of the Fulani people in Nigeria. DEGEL, The Journal of the Faculty of Arts and Islamic Studies, VIII,
46-57. Usman Xanfodiyo University, Sokoto.
Ahmed, Y. M. (2013). Mother tongue
influence: A survey of phonological difficulties of Hausa speakers learning
Fulfulde. In Studies in Hausa Language
Literature and Culture, C S N L, Bayero University Kano.
Daudu, G. K. (1997). Intra-dialectal
variation: An examination of the phonological processes in Fulfulde. Harsunan Najeriya Vol. XVIII:69-77.
Rufa’I, A, Bichi, A Y, Sa;id, B and Yelwa, L D (eds) CSNL, Bayer University
Kano.
Daudu, G. K. (2010). Language of
marriage practices among the Kaceccere Fulve of Southern Kaduna State. Harsunan Najeriya Vol. XXII: 69-77CSNL,
Bayer University Kano.
Daudu, G. K. (1999). Life in the move with pastoral Fulani.
Kano: C S N L: Bayero University Kano.
Daudu, G. K. and Pate, U. A. (2012).
Indigeneous conflict resolution method amongst the Fulve of Adamawa State. In Language, Literature and Culture,
University of Maiduguri, Zaria, ABU Press
Girei, U. A. (2018). Phonological
processes: An inter-dialectal analysis of weakening processes in Fulfulde. In Language Communication and Society,
1, 46-60. M. A. Mu’azu, J. H. Juma’a,
A. K. Shetima, M. Fannami, & B. Zulyadaini (Eds), Muenchen: Lincom GMBH
Greenberg,
J. H. (1963). African languages. Bloomington: Indiana
University
Husaini, U. (2012). The influence of
Hausa on Fulfulde in Tudun Wada Local Government of Kano State. In Hausa Language Literature and Culture,
97-105. University of Maiduguri.
Husaini, U. (2014). The decline of
Gorkawa wedding songs. In Folklore
integration and national development in Nigeria. Rasheed A and Aliyu S A
(eds). BUK, Zaria ABU Press.
Mohammad, A. B. (1987). A linguistic
study of the nativization of English loanwords in Gombe Fulfulde. An
unpublished Ph.D. Thesis. Depatment of English, Bayero University Kano.
Reed, L. N. (1932), Notes on some
Fulani tribes and customs. Journal of international
African Institute, Vol.5 No. 4. pp 422-454. Retrieved
fromhttps://www/jstor.org/stable/1155404
The official website of the DEGEL Jounal is https://www.degeljournal.com
0 Comments