A Study of Language as a Catalyst for Public Health Awareness in Rural Areas of Katsina State

By

Murtala Suleiman Madugu
Department of English, Isa Kaita College of Education, Dutsinma
Katsina State, Nigeria

And

Kaan Aondover Theophilus Ph.D.
Department of English, Federal University Dutsinma
Katsina State, Nigeria

Corresponding Author’s email and Phone No:Murtalasmadugu2017@gmail.com

Abstract

This study looks into the role of language as a catalyst for public health awareness in rural Katsina State, Nigeria, which is notable for its multilingualism (namely Hausa and Fulfulɗe), low literacy rates, and limited access to digital media. The study uses Interaction Theory and a qualitative examination of radio jingles and the region's primary medium for public health messaging to investigate how the use of regional languages increases knowledge, trust and behavioural engagement with health information. The study's exploratory qualitative design employs purposive sampling to select popular radio broadcasts promoting immunisation, hygiene, and sickness prevention. Audio recordings are meticulously collected and evaluated to understand how language choice acts as a tool for cultural affirmation, inclusivity and empowerment, as well as a means of communication. Results suggest that health messages in Hausa and Fulfulɗe are more approachable, credible and effective than those in English, particularly in populations with low or no literacy. This study closes a substantial gap in the literature by emphasising contextually grounded, non-digital audio artefacts over interview-based or digital-centric techniques. It also offers a scalable strategy for linguistically appropriate public health communication in Northern Nigeria's rural areas. The study concludes that adopting culturally sensitive, linguistically inclusive, and community-centered communication strategies that prioritise local languages to improve comprehension, trust and positive health behaviours is critical for effective public health awareness in rural, multilingual settings.

Keywords: Language, Catalyst, Public Health Awareness, Rural Areas, and Katsina State.

Introduction

Effective public health communication is especially important in low-literacy, rural and linguistically varied settings for boosting health awareness, enhancing preventative behaviour adoption and improving overall health outcomes. High maternal and infant mortality rates, low vaccine coverage, poor hygiene practices, and frequent outbreaks of diseases such as cholera, measles, and malaria are some of the current public health challenges in Katsina State, located in Nigeria's northwest geopolitical zone. Governments and non-governmental groups routinely conduct public health campaigns to address these issues, albeit their effectiveness is often limited. The disconnect between the design and delivery of health messages and the sociolinguistic realities of rural areas, where language, culture, and literacy intersect, is a significant contributing factor.

Also, language is more than just a conduit for information; it is also a cultural and cognitive framework that defines behaviour, produces meaning, and fosters trust. In Katsina State's rural areas, public health messages are typically provided in English or Hausa, potentially excluding non-Hausa-speaking populations such as the Fulani, whose primary language is Fulfulɗe. Low literacy levels and linguistic mismatches can make it difficult to communicate effectively, resulting in poor understanding, misinterpretation, or rejection of healthcare messages. Rimal and Lapinski (2009), found that health communication is far more effective when communications are linguistically and culturally relevant for the intended audience. This enhances cognition and behavioural adoption.

Moreover, this research is founded on interaction theory, which regards communication as a socially constructed, context-dependent process influenced by the interaction of language, culture, and power. The concept emphasises the dynamic relationship between message producers and recipients, mediated by shared or unshared linguistic codes, cultural frameworks, and social identities, rather than viewing communication as a one-way information transmission. To promote mutual understanding and behavioural change in Katsina State's rural communities, effective public health communication must be consistent with local worldviews and linguistic practices. Traditional beliefs, religious values and indigenous knowledge systems all have a significant impact on health perceptions.

In light of this, the aim of this study is to look into the role of language as a catalyst for public health awareness in rural Katsina State, Nigeria. Specifically, the study seeks to: (i) To assess the extent to which rural dwellers in Katsina State comprehend public health messages delivered in English, standard Hausa, and Fulfulɗe; (ii) To identify the linguistic, educational, and sociocultural factors that influence their understanding of public health awareness in rural Katsina state.

Review of Empirical Studies

A growing body of research has looked into communication in public health interventions across Nigeria, but the majority of studies focus on urban environments, digital media or disease- specific campaigns, frequently ignoring the linguistic and cultural contexts of rural communities, particularly in northern Nigeria, where English, Hausa and Fulfulɗe form a complex multilingual landscape. This section critically reviews the primary empirical studies on health communication in Nigeria, focusing on the role of language as a catalyst for public health awareness in rural Katsina State

Banu, Musa and Tanko (2020), argue that using Hausa and Fulfulde in reproductive health programmes in Adamawa State enhances community engagement, understanding, and sustainability. They position language as a tool for empowerment and cultural inclusion. However, their research is limited to interpersonal communication via focus groups and interviews, with a narrow focus on reproductive health. This study provides a more scalable and contextually grounded understanding of how local languages facilitate successful public health communication in Northern Nigeria by transitioning from human-centered interviews to broadly dispersed audio message.

In a similar vein, Davies and Oyekunle (2021), conclude that culturally and linguistically relevant messaging is critical for successful outreach after studying Nigeria's online COVID-19 health efforts and discovering that their reliance on English and digital imagery restricted accessibility for rural populations. However, throughout the pandemic, their attention was focused on digital media. The current study, on the other hand, uses an exploratory qualitative methodology to analyse offline health communication, namely radio jingles in Hausa and Fulfulɗe, which are widely used in rural Katsina state. It addresses a critical vacuum in digital-focused research by investigating how language choice in accessible, non-digital formats increases public health awareness among low-literacy populations. It is based on interaction theory and purposive sampling.

Furthermore, Oluyemi, Odebunmi and Odebunmi (2018) investigate STD prevention campaigns in Nigeria and discovered that low engagement and mistrust were caused by the use of English and the avoidance of culturally sensitive topics amidst strong taboos, religious norms, and linguistic diversity, particularly in rural areas where messages lacked cultural resonance and credible local voices. Although their research highlights the importance of communicating in a culturally and linguistically appropriate manner, it is limited to STD-specific messages and does not address non-digital media or broader public health literacy in multilingual rural settings like Katsina State. The current study addresses this gap by employing an exploratory qualitative approach to analyse general preventive health messages, particularly those delivered via radio jingles in Hausa, Fulfulde, and English. It examines how linguistic and auditory components influence audience comprehension and engagement using Interaction Theory and a rigorous and non-intrusive data collection process, with a focus on commonly used audio materials rather than human participants. This approach to public health communication in rural Northern Nigeria is more inclusive and contextually relevant.

Moreover, John, Alade and Adekoya (2021) employ a mixed-methods approach to assess COVID-19 risk communication among 420 illiterate respondents in rural Lagos. Using risk communication theory, they discover that oral channels such as radio, town criers, and community debates were more effective than print or digital media, and Yoruba-language messages were substantially easier to understand than English communications. Although the study's methodology is valid, it is limited to Yoruba-speaking South-West Nigeria and ignores the distinct sociolinguistic and cultural milieu of Northern Nigeria, where Islamic norms impact communication patterns and Hausa and Fulfulde are dominant. The current study addresses this gap by focusing on the rural areas of Katsina state in northern Nigeria. It uses an exploratory qualitative approach to investigate radio jingles in Hausa, English, and Fulfulde as the primary mode of public health communication.

In the meantime, a large-scale quantitative study conducted in 2025 by Omoniwa, Adesanya and Oshodi, involving 6,000 respondents from four northern Nigerian states, found that rural communities prefer oral health communication channels, particularly radio and community gatherings delivered in native languages such as Hausa and Fulfulɗe. Although important, their reliance on quantitative methodologies limits our grasp of language framing, cultural interpretation, and semiotic reception of communication. To address this gap, the current qualitative study investigates real public health radio jingles from rural Katsina State that were chosen for thematic relevance and cultural-linguistic representation by purposive selection. The study, which is based on interaction Theory, using non-intrusive audio recording, investigates how language and auditory components, such as proverbs, generate meaning. This study provides a view of the cultural logic that influences health communication success by shifting from self-reported preferences to real-world message design. It also provides a more contextually grounded model for rural Northern Nigeria, providing an important qualitative complement to the findings of Omoniwa et al.

Theoretical Framework

This study is based on Blumer's (1969) Interaction Theory, which holds that meaning is not inherent in messages but rather co-constructed through social interaction. This means that a message's effectiveness in public health communications is influenced by the audience's language competence, cultural background, life experiences, and amount of trust in the source. Delivering a vaccine message in English or formal Hausa to a Fulfulɗe-speaking populace is one example of how the concept shifts the emphasis away from message substance and towards understanding. Even a scientifically valid message may fail if it is not culturally and linguistically appropriate for the target audience. Such a mismatch does not imply a lack of audience, but rather a failure in meaning creation.

Methodology

This exploratory qualitative study looked into how language promotes public health awareness in the multilingual rural areas of Katsina State. The data consisted of non-intrusive public health radio jingles carefully selected from three rural LGAs (Kaita, Malunfashi and Sandamu) to represent the region's linguistic diversity in Hausa, Fulfulde, and English. Jingles were first recorded live from Katsina State Radio Service, Companion F.M Katsina and Alfijir Radio Katsina to ensure language and cultural accuracy before being translated and transcribed. Thematic analysis was integrated with systematic coding of linguistic variables, such as language choice, code-switching, cultural metaphors, tone, and repetition, through an ordered process of familiarisation, coding, theme creation, and cross-data validity. The use of NVivo was appropriate since it allowed for the quick organisation, coding, and comparison of multilingual qualitative data, ensuring consistency in theme identification. Because both approaches focus on how meaning is created through interaction thematic analysis discovers patterns in language use, whereas interaction theory explains how these patterns influence audience comprehension of public health messages, this analytical model is also consistent with interaction theory.

Data Presentation and Discussion

Jingle 1

Domin kaucewa gudawa da sauran cututtuka, musamman ga ƙananan yara, koyaushe a riƙa wanke hannu da sabulu a cikin ruwa mai gudana. Wannan yana da muhimmanci musamman bayan fitowa daga banɗaki, bayan tsarkake jariri, kafin dafa masa abinci, da kuma kafin shayar da shi nono.

Idan jaririnki yana fama da gudawa, ki riƙa bashi zinc sau ɗaya a rana, sannan ki bashi ruwan gishiri da sikari (ORS) duk bayan awa huɗu ko kuma akai-akai.

Ki riƙa amfani da kofi kina bashi a hankali kaɗan-kaɗan, domin jaririn ya murmure ta hanyar samun sinadaran da ya rasa, ƙarfi da kuzarin cigaba da rayuwa.

Haka kuma, ki tabbata kin kai shi cibiyar kula da lafiya mafi kusa.

Wannan saƙo ne daga ARIN a Ma’aikatar Lafiya ta Jihar Katsina.

English Version

To avoid diarrhoea and other infections, especially on small children, always wash your hands with soap and running water. This is especially important after using the restroom, washing up after a baby, preparing food for a baby, and breastfeeding.

If your infant is experiencing diarrhoea, give him zinc once a day and Oral Rehydration Solution (ORS) every four hours, or more frequently

Use a clean cup to give the infant small amounts gradually, so that your infant can recover by regain the lost energy, strength and nutrients to remain healthy. Make sure to visit the nearest medical facility so they can receive the care they require.

This information is from the Katsina State Ministry of Health's ANRIN

 

The aforementioned bilingual Hausa and English radio jingle, developed by ARIN for the Katsina State Ministry of Health, promotes home treatment of childhood diarrhoea, which is the leading cause of death among children under the age of five in rural Nigeria. It is founded on interaction theory and delivers health advice as compassionate, culturally relevant caregiving rather than clinical lecture. The Hausa version depicts zinc and ORS as easily accessible, at-home remedies by employing well-known practices (such as hand cleaning after changing nappies or before breastfeeding) and locally relevant words such as "ruwan gishiri da sikari" (sugar-salt solution for ORS). While explanations link rehydration to restoring a child's energy and vitality, two key Hausa cultural values gentle directives known as "ki riƙa" position mothers as capable providers. The jingle encourages agency by avoiding shame and normalising hospital visits as an alternative to at-home care. While the Hausa version emphasises grassroots influence and intelligent audience segmentation, the English version adheres to donor and national norms. All things considered, the jingle is an excellent illustration of how culturally sensitive, interaction-based communication may successfully localise global health protocols.

Jingle 2

Ya ku al’umma, ku sani cewa yin tari da ya wuce tsawon sati biyu na ɗaya daga cikin manyan alamomin kamuwa da cutar tarin fuka. Haka kuma, zazzaɓi, yin zufa da dare ko ramewa duk alamomi ne na tarin fuka.

Saboda haka, idan kun lura da ɗaya daga cikin waɗannan alamomi, ku gaggauta ziyartar asibitin da ya fi kusa da ku domin a duba ku tare da samun magani kyauta. Haka kuma, za ku iya kiran wannan lambar: 3340 ko kuma *3340# domin ƙarin bayani.

Wannan saƙo ne daga sashen yaƙi da tarin fuka na Ma’aikatar Lafiya ta Jihar Katsina.

English Version

from the Katsina State Ministry of Health's Dear citizens, please be aware that coughing for more than two weeks is one of the primary symptoms of tuberculosis (TB). Fever, nocturnal sweats, and weight loss are other signs of tuberculosis.

If you have any of these symptoms, immediately go to the nearest hospital for a full examination and free treatment. For further information, dial *3340# or call 3340.
This information comes from the Katsina State Ministry of Health's Tuberculosis Control Unit.

This information comes Tuberculosis Control Unit.

The Katsina State TB Control Unit's Hausa-language TB awareness message, Jingle 2, above, encourages early care-seeking in rural and semi-urban regions using simple, non-technical language. Addressing the populace as "Ya ku al'umma" (Dear citizens), it defines tuberculosis (TB) with common Hausa terms to ensure comprehension among low-literacy audiences. These symptoms include fever, night sweats, weight loss, and a prolonged cough (presumably intended to be "over two weeks"). Its problem-solution-action structure encourages listeners to "hurry to the nearest hospital" and provides a toll-free hotline (*3340#), utilising mobile connections even in areas with limited resources. Also, according to interaction theory, the jingle elevates a chronic cough from a minor or stigmatised sickness to a medically treatable condition, depicting tuberculosis as curable and seeking help as accountable. It maximises reach while marginally excluding non-Hausa speakers because it is exclusively offered in standardised Hausa, the area's lingua franca. Despite its monologic nature, it represents a state-citizen interaction in which health compliance is reframed as civic responsibility and self-care.

Jingle 3

Mai juna biyu: Yana da muhimmanci mu mata masu juna biyu mu kula da kanmu, domin mu kasance cikin koshin lafiya da kuzari.

Jami’ar lafiya: Da kyau. Don ki kasance cikin koshin lafiya da kuzari yayin da kike ɗauke da juna biyu, yana da kyau ki riƙa shan ƙwayoyin iron da folic acid kullum. Wannan yana hana kamuwa da cutar ƙarancin jini, kuma yana taimakawa cikin da kike ɗauke da shi ya kasance cikin koshin lafiya.

Saboda haka, riƙa shan ƙwayoyin iron da folic acid kullum yayin da kike ɗauke da ciki, don ki kasance cikin koshin lafiya.

Haka kuma, sai ki riƙa ziyartar cibiyar lafiya ko asibiti akai-akai domin yin awo na ciki.

Wannan saƙo ne daga ANRiN na Ma’aikatar Lafiya ta Jihar Katsina.

 

 English Version

A pregnant woman: It is actual significant for us, pregnant women, to take good care of ourselves so that we continue healthy and vigour.

Health care provider: Precisely. For you to stay healthy and strong during pregnancy, it is sensible to take iron and folic acid tablets on a daily basis. This help prevent anemia and also maintains the unborn child healthy.

Thus, you should take iron and folic acid tablets daily throughout your pregnancy in order to stay in good health.

In addition, you should also schedule prenatal exams at a hospital or health centre on a regular basis.

This message is from Katsina State Ministry of Health's ANRIN.

The aforementioned Hausa-language jingle 3 from ANRIN (under the Katsina State Ministry of Health) provides a culturally relevant message on maternal health through the dialogue between a pregnant woman and a medical expert. The Hausa language encourages self-care, prenatal visits, and regular iron and folic acid diet to prevent anemia ("ƙarancin jini"). By linking biomedical advice to tangible outcomes like strength and health, and modeling care-seeking as a normal, socially supported behavior, the jingle aligns clinical guidance with local values of maternal dignity and responsibility. It’s simple, rhythmic phrasing enhances memorability in low-literacy settings, though reliance solely on Hausa may exclude linguistic minorities like Fulfulɗe speakers. Overall, it exemplifies effective, context-sensitive health communication.

Jingle 4

Miji: Saude, kun dawo kenan, anyi wa yaron rigakafi?

Yaro: Daddy, ba a yi wa Junior allurar ba fa.

Miji: To, me ya sa ba a yi masa allurar ba?

Mata: Wai sun ce babu sinadaran allurar rigakafin.

Miji: Ashe kawai an yi asarar kuɗin abin hawa kenan. Ina fata dai ba saboda rashin kyakkyawan tsari ba ne?

Mata: Ma’aikacin lafiya ya ce yanzu dai sun ƙare, a dawo wani lokaci.

Miji: Amma na ji a rediyo ana cewa Hukumar Kula da Lafiya a Matakin Farko ta Jihar Katsina tare da ƙungiyoyin bada tallafi suna gudanar da wani shiri na musamman na tantance yawan yara da mata masu juna biyu da ke buƙatar rigakafi ta hanyar bin gida-gida, domin samar da kyakkyawan tsari da isassun kayan aiki har ma da duk wani tallafi a lafiyance.

Mata: Kai, abin ya burge ni. Lallai ba zan bari wannan damar ta wuce ni ba, kuma zan sanar da dukkan maƙwabtanmu. Shin yaushe za a fara?

Miji: Za a fara gudanar da wannan aiki daga ranar Lahadi 6 ga watan Afrilu zuwa Lahadi 13, 2025, a dukkan ƙananan hukumomi 34 na Jihar Katsina. Saboda haka, ku kasance cikin shiri domin nasarar shirin, don samun al’umma lafiyayya mai cike da kuzari. Ta haka gwamnati za ta sami damar samar wa al’umma alluran rigakafi da magunguna isassu tare da raga mai feshi.

Wannan saƙo ne daga Hukumar Kula da Lafiya Matakin Farko ta Jihar Katsina, tare da takwararta ta ƙasa da sauran ƙungiyoyin bada tallafi.

 Fulfulde Version

Miji: Saude, on ngoodi fow. Naatataa miijo alluwal rigakafi?

Yaro: Daddy, waɗi alaa waɗata alluwal Junior.

Miji: To, holi waɗi ɗum waɗaaka alluwal ɗum?

Mata: Ɗum wi’i waɗi alaa sinndiyan alluwal rigakafi.

Miji: Ko fii, ɗum no waɗi heɓa kosam maa heen. Mi faami yo waɗi wonaa sabu goonga e ngal ngal ngal?

Mata: Ma’iɓe jeyaaɓe laawol wi’i waɗi ko waɗi gasataa jooni. Ko honɗun a ngoodi so wonaa.

Miji: Amma mi huli e rediyo wi’i yo Hukumar Kula da Lafiya Matakin Farko Jihar Katsina haɗi e waɗiɓe ɓe ngoni feere, ɗiɗo waɗi maaɓɓe ngal laawol ɗo ɗiɗo waɗi yi’ude waɗata ngam waɗude ɗowre e rewɓe ɓe woni kala ɗum waɗi jooni laawol rigakafi. E ngal ngal ngal ɗo, ɗiɗo waɗi waɗtude maɓɓe kala sinndiyanɗe e laawol tsari ngam ɗum waɗi feewi, haa kadi ɗiɗo waɗi yi’ude kala talli e laawol ndiyanɗe.

Mata: Ko ɗum ɗiɗi waɗi mawni. Mi yahii alaa waɗi waɗataa ngal darnde ɗo, mi woni yahdu mi yantude ngal maɓɓe e maakuɓe amen kala. Holi ko waɗi waɗata ɗum?

Miji: Ko waɗi waɗata ngal darnde ɗo tuma Ñalawmaajo 6 e Lewru Afrilu haa Ñalawmaajo 13, 2025, nder ɗiɗo 34 kanjum laamuɓe Jihar Katsina fow. Ko fii, a waɗi ndaarude ngam ɗum waɗi yahdu. So ɗum waɗi ɗum ɗo, min heɓi yimɓe rewɓe ɓe waɗi laawol ɗam, laawol feere, e kadi laawol rigakafi e raga ɗiɗi waɗi feshi.

Mai magana: Ngal sako woni ko Hukumar Kula da Lafiya Matakin Farko Jihar Katsina haɗi e takwararta ta Ƙasa e waɗiɓe ɓe ngoni feere.

 

English Version

Husband: Saude, you’re back. Did the child get vaccinated?

Child: Daddy, c.

Husband: What prevented him from been vaccinated?

Wife: They said the vaccine was not available.
Husband: We have only wasted our transport fares. I hope this is not due to poor planning?

Wife: The health worker said they had run out of vaccines, and that I should return another time.\

Husband: But I heard on the radio that the Katsina State Primary Health Care Board, together with partner organisations, is carrying out a special exercise to identify the number of children and pregnant women in need of vaccines through a house to house approach. This is to ensure proper planning, adequate supplies, and all necessary health support.

Wife: That’s impressive. I will not let this opportunity pass me by, and I will also inform all my neighbors. When is it starting?

Husband: The exercise will begin from Sunday, April 6th, to Sunday, April 13th, 2025, across all the 34 local government areas of Katsina State. Therefore, be prepared to support the success of the program, so that we can have a healthy and vibrant community. This will also enable the government to provide enough vaccines, medicines, and insecticide-treated nets for the people.

 

This information is from the Katsina State Primary Health Care Board, in partnership with the National Primary Health Care Development Agency and partner organizations.

 

The above Jingle uses a trilingual (Hausa, Fulfulɗe, English) domestic discourse to illustrate how public health decisions are co-constructed through everyday family interactions in rural Katsina, demonstrating Interaction Theory in action. Rather than issuing orders, it simulates real-life negotiations: when the wife returns from a clinic without the child's vaccine due to stockouts, the husband expresses frustration ("Was the transportation money wasted because of poor planning?"), then shares hopeful news from the radio about house-to-house child enumeration. The wife reacts excitedly, promising to act and notify neighbours, demonstrating how trust and community action develop through dialogue rather than instruction.

For example, the husband's follow-up transforms doubt into informed participation, but the child's assertion, "Daddy, Junior has not been vaccinated," affirms a common communal experience. By anchoring the message in well-known social roles and language, the use of Hausa and Fulfulɗe ensures cultural and linguistic inclusion, particularly for disadvantaged Fulani pastoralists. This technique indicates that excellent health communication stems from common knowledge rather than authority by making public health involvement appear reasonable, communal, and culturally acceptable.

Jingle 5

Hajiya Rabi: Maryam, kina zuwa duba lafiya kuwa tun bayan da kika samu ciki?

Maryam: A’a, ban fara zuwa ba tukuna, sai nan gaba kaɗan.

Hajiya Rabi: Ai wannan ba daidai ba ne. Zuwa asibiti domin kula da juna biyu yana taimakawa a gano matsaloli tun kafin haihuwa. Don haka ki fara zuwa duba lafiyarki da lafiyar abin da kike ɗauke da shi.

Maryam: To shi kenan, gobe-gobe zan fara zuwa, in sha Allahu.

Wannan saƙo ne daga Hukumar Kula da Lafiya a Matakin Farko ta Jihar Katsina tare da hadin gwiwar takwararta ta kasa da sauran ƙungiyoyin bada tallafi.

English Version

Hajiya Rabi: Maryam, have you been going for medical checkups since you became pregnant?

Maryam: No, I haven’t started yet. I planned to start later.
Hajiya Rabi: That is not good. Attending antenatal care at the hospital helps to detect health problems early, even before delivery. As a result, you should start having frequent health exams for both the baby and yourself

Maryam: Alright, God willing, I’ll start going soon.

The Katsina State Primary Healthcare Agency, along with its national counterpart and other supporting agencies, is the source of this communication.

 

Jingle 5 depicts how maternal health norms are co-constructed through trusted peer interaction, matching core notions of interaction theory, with a bilingual (Hausa/English) discourse between Maryam, a pregnant woman who postponed prenatal care, and Hajiya Rabi, a respected elderly woman. Hajiya Rabi asks, "Maryam, kina zuwa duba lafiya kuwa tun bayan da kika samu ciki?" instead of issuing directions. "Have you been going for medical checkups since you became pregnant?" indicates a culturally appropriate concern. "Ban fara zuwa ba tukuna," Maryam confirms. "I haven't started going yet," revealing a common hurdle in the real world. Hajiya Rabi responds, "Zuwa asibiti..." yana taimakawa a gano matsaloli tun kafin haihuwa" (Attending antenatal care at the hospital helps to detect health problems early, even before delivery), linking prenatal visits to early problem identification as a specific, accessible advantage rather than assigning blame. She makes a modest reference to the unborn child with the culturally relevant phrase "abin da kike dauke da shi" (what you are carrying), and Maryam makes a commitment with "Gobe-gobe zan fara zuwa, in sha Allahu" (God willing, I’ll start going soon), combining Islamic fatalism with proactive intent in a way typical of Hausa-Muslim decision-making.

While English is utilised for institutional audiences, the Hausa version emphasises regional idioms and social dynamics. Despite the fact that it is only bilingual in Hausa and English, the jingle effectively leverages Hausa's reputation as Katsina's lingua franca to ensure broad rural reach. The jingle demonstrates how relational trust, rather than authority, leads to behaviour change by simulating genuine, compassionate conversations between women, making prenatal care appear socially acceptable, ethically sound, and culturally acceptable.

Jingle 6

Ya ku jama’a, mai gari ya ce a sanar da ku cewa a wannan lokaci na damina ana yawan samun cututtuka irin su amai da gudawa, musamman daga cin ganyayyaki da ba a tsaftace ba.

Don haka, ga wasu shawarwari ga jama’a:

 

• A kula da tsaftace ganyayyaki sosai kafin a ci ko a dafa su.

• A yi amfani da ruwa mai tsafta wajen wanke da dafa ganyayyaki.

• A rika wanke hannu da sabulu kafin cin abinci da bayan an fito daga bayan gida ko bayan an wanke wa yaro kashi.

• A kiyaye tsafta a cikin gida da muhalli domin kare lafiyar iyalai.

• A hanzarta kai marar lafiya asibiti mafi kusa da zarar ya kamu da amai da gudawa ko kuma an ga wasu alamun rashin ruwa a jiki.

Lafiyar jama’a ita ce ginshikin cigaban ƙasa. Mu haɗa hannu don gujewa waɗannan cututtuka a lokacin damina.

Wannan saƙo ne daga Sashen Kula da Lafiyar Jama’a na Ma’aikatar Kula da Lafiya a Matakin Farko ta Jihar Katsina.

English Version

Greetings, community members! The village head has directed us to inform you that eating filthy vegetables increases the risk of ailments such as diarrhoea and vomiting during the wet season.

Thus, the following are some important health advice:

• Always thoroughly wash your vegetables before eating or cooking them.

• Use clean water to wash and cook vegetables.

• Wash hands with soap before eating, using the restroom or wiping a child's stool

• Maintain cleanliness in your home and surroundings to protect your family's health.

• If a sick person exhibits symptoms such as vomiting, diarrhoea, or dehydration, get them to the nearest hospital.

A country's progress is built on the health of its population. Let us work together during the rainy season to prevent these infections from spreading.

This message is from the Department of Public Health of the Katsina State Primary Healthcare Agency.

Jingle 6, given in standardised Hausa, exemplifies Interaction Theory by framing public health advice as a communal address from the "mai gari" (village head), a respected figure in rural Hausa society. Beginning with the seasonal truth that "during this rainy season, diarrhoeal diseases are common," it connects illness to preventive causes such as "eating unclean food," basing the message in lived experience rather than abstract medical terminology. Also, the five possibilities include "A kula da tsaftace..." "A yi amfani da sabulu" or "One should ensure to clean." The impersonal "A" expression is used to phrase communal tasks like "One should use soap," emphasising group ethics over individual compliance. Every action is reasonable, attainable, and relevant to daily life. Furthermore, the jingle normalises seeking medical care: "A hanzarta kai marar lafiya asibiti mafi kusa." "Seek medical attention right away at the closest facility." "Lafiyar jama'a ita ce ginshikin cigaban kasa" is the final moral appeal. Mu haɗa hannu. "Social stability is built on community health." "Let's work together," which aligns cleaning with Hausa-Islamic concepts of social harmony and societal well-being. The jingle blends biological advice into indigenous customs by using the voice of a local authority and showing health as a common duty. As a result, prevention becomes a community-wide effort rather than a personal one.

Jingle 7

Ya ku jama’a, ku sani cewa wankan tafki yana da illa masu yawa.
Akwai cututtuka da dama da za a iya kamuwa da su sakamakon wankan tafki, kamar kurajen fata, ciwon ido da sauransu.

Haka kuma, wasu tafkuna na ɗauke da ƙwayoyin cuta da ke iya haddasa amai da gudawa.

Don haka, kada ku bar yaranku su riƙa zuwa yin wankan tafki domin kare lafiyarsu.
Shan ruwan tafki ko shigar ruwan cikin baki na iya jawo matsalar koda da hanta, saboda haka sai a kula sosai.

Ku tabbatar kuna amfani da ruwa mai tsafta a gidajenku domin kiyaye lafiya.

Wannan saƙo ne daga Hukumar Kula da Lafiya a Matakin Farko ta Jihar Katsina.

 

English Version

Dear community members, please be aware that swimming in ponds caries several health risks.

There are several diseases that can be contracted from swimming in ponds, such as skin rashes, eye infections, and others. Furthermore, some ponds may also contain harmful bacteria that can cause diarrhea and vomiting.

Thus, to protect your children’s health, do not let them swim in ponds.

Drinking Pond water or accidentally swallowing it can lead to kidney and liver problems, so caution is important.
To be healthy, make sure to utilise clean water in your home.

This message comes from the Katsina State Primary Healthcare agency.

Katsina State's Hausa-language public health jingle use Interaction Theory to redefine hazardous bathing as a social problem rather than a medical one. It addresses listeners as "Ya ku jama'a" (Dear community members), using second-person plural pronouns ("ku," "yaranku") to convey a sense of social responsibility that is congruent with Hausa practices of shared parenting. While symptom-specific terms such as "ƙurajen fata, ciwon ido" (skin rashes, eye infections) ensure accessibility, the imperative "kada ku bar yaranku..." (do not allow your children...) positions carers as active guardians. Crucially, the conceited phrase "ƙoda da hanta" (which means "even if boiled") in "Shan ruwan tafki... na iya jawo matsalar koda da hanta" debunks the idea that boiling eliminates all hazards. The jingle, which ends with "Ku tabbatar kuna amfani da ruwa mai tsafta..." (Ensure you use clean water...), use culturally grounded language to make cleaning into a concrete, home action that encourages behaviour change through social consensus rather than condemnation.

Jingle 8

Haihuwar jariri babbar ni’ima ce daga Allah ga iyaye, shayar da jariri nonon uwa kuma babbar ni’ima ce daga Allah ga jariri.

A watanni shida na farko bayan haihuwa, ki riƙa shayar da jaririnki nonon uwa kaɗai, domin nonon uwa yana ɗauke da dukkan sinadaran da jariri yake buƙata, har da ruwa.

Nonon uwa yana ƙunshe da muhimman sinadarai da jariri yake buƙata domin girma cikin ƙoshin lafiya.

Kada ki manta, ki riƙa shayar da jaririnki nonon uwa kaɗai a watanni shida na farko na rayuwa.

Wannan saƙo ne daga ANRIN a Ma’aikatar Lafiya ta Jihar Katsina.

English Version

The birth of a child is a huge blessing for the parents, and breastfeeding is a wonderful blessing from Allah for the newborn.

For the first six months after delivery, you should solely breastfeed your infant because it provides all of their nutritional needs.

Breast milk contains all of the essential nutrients that a newborn requires for proper growth.

Remember to solely breastfeed your child during the first six months of life.

This message comes from ANRIN at the Katsina State Ministry of Health.

 

In keeping with Interaction Theory's emphasis on co-constructed health meanings, ANRIN's Jingle 8, released by Katsina State's Ministry of Health, promotes exclusive breastfeeding for the first six months by incorporating public health recommendations into Hausa-Muslim cultural and spiritual beliefs. When a therapeutic prescription begins with a theological framing, it becomes an act of faith and divine reciprocity: "The birth of a child is a great blessing from Allah." This is reflected in the description of breast milk as "also a great blessing from Allah to the child." Also, the jingle uses culturally relevant words to convey useful suggestions, such as "ki riƙa" (you should keep giving). The remark "nonon uwa yana ɗauke da dukkan sinadaran..." (breast milk contains all nutrients…even water) openly refutes the popular rural belief that infants require water. The message avoids technical jargon and instead relies on familiar grammar, rhythm, and repetition for accessibility and retention in low-literacy environments. The jingle is provided fully in standardised Hausa, the lingua franca of everyday and religious life. The jingle normalises exclusive breastfeeding as both desirable and necessary by situating WHO-aligned norms within regional moral and spiritual frameworks. This encourages behaviour change through cultural endorsement rather than instruction.

Jingle 9

Jaririna ya kai watanni shida yanzu…

Wata shedda kenan! Lallai lokaci yana gudu. Yanzu ɗanki yana buƙatar ƙari fiye da nonon uwa kaɗai domin girma yadda ya kamata.

Lokaci ya yi da za a fara ba shi abinci ƙari a kan nonon uwa.

Tun daga watanni shida, ki fara ciyar da jaririnki da abinci daga aƙalla rukuni ɗaya cikin rukunan abinci guda biyar: ƙwai, kifi ko nama; kayan marmari ko ganyayyaki; wake, gyaɗa ko waken soya; gero, shinkafa, dankali, masara ko doya tare da nonon uwa.

Jaririnki yana buƙatar waɗannan nau’o’in abinci domin ya girma lafiya kuma ya kasance cikin koshin lafiya.

Wannan saƙo ne daga ANRIN a Ma’aikatar Lafiya ta Jihar Katsina.

English Version

My baby is six months old now

Six-month, time really flies. Now, your baby requires more than just breast milk for a healthy growth.

It is time to give additional foods to your baby in addition to breast milk

Starting at six months of age, your baby should be feed at least one of the five primary food groups, which include eggs, fish, or meat; vegetables or leafy greens; beans, groundnuts, or soybeans; millet, rice, potatoes, maize, or yam; along with breast milk.

These meal types are vital for your baby's healthy development.

This message is from the Katsina State Ministry of Health's ANRIN.

The aforementioned jingle 9, produced by ANRIN under the Katsina State Ministry of Health, promotes timely and nutritionally diverse supplemental feeding beginning at six months of age. The Hausa translation, designed for rural carers, begins with a compassionate, urgent line: "Jaririna ya kai watanni shida yanzu..." "Wata shedda kenan!" " My baby is six months old now. "What a surprise!" conveys a sense of urgency and a shared parenting experience. It emphasises that the child "needs more than just breast milk" at this stage. It specifies five dietary types based on common, locally available items: eggs, fish, and meat; vegetables and fruits; beans, groundnuts, and soy; and mainstays such as millet, rice, yam, maize, or potatoes. Importantly, it emphasises that these products should be given "alongside breast milk," or "a kan nonon uwa," in order to continue breastfeeding while expanding the diet. The final statement employs language consistent with Hausa cultural objectives to connect dietary diversity to desirable outcomes such as healthy growth and strength.

According to interaction theory, the jingle replicates a trustworthy, interpersonal health conversation, such as advice from a community elder or health expert, by incorporating international newborn feeding requirements with regional food habits, emotional cycles, and social conventions. The modest demand "ki fara," which means "you should start," symbolises culturally acceptable ways for women to be instructed while also portraying care givers as capable and accommodating. The bilingual approach serves two audiences: the English version adheres to national and donor-level nutrition frameworks, whilst the Hausa version ensures grassroots relevance with colloquial, oral-friendly language. They demonstrate how effective public health communication works at both the community and systemic levels, affecting behaviour through co-constructed, contextually relevant discourse rather than instruction.

Jingle 10

Miji: Kai, wannan tari haka… Lallai sai mu ruga asibiti, kar a ce diphtheria ce ta kama mini yaro.

Mata: Mene ne kuma diphtheria?

Miji: Cuta ce ta matsanancin tari da kan kama yara da manya. Ana kuma kiranta tarin busa goggo ko mashaƙo. Galibi tana kama hanci da makogwaro, sannan tana iya cutar da jiki gaba ɗaya.

Mata: To, wace alama ka gani da yasa kake zaton ita ce?

Miji: Alamominta da yawa ne. Akwai matsanancin tari, atishawa, zazzaɓi, kumburin makogwaro, ƙurajen makogwaro, da zafin makogwaro da ke hana hadiyar abinci, da sauran alamomi daban-daban.

Mata: Innalillahi! To, yaya cutar ke yaɗuwa?

Miji: Cutar diphtheria tana yaɗuwa ta hanyar hulɗa da mai ɗauke da ita, ko ta hancin sa da ya fitar yayin tari ko atishawa, ko kuma ta hanyar amfani da kayansa.

Mata: Gaskiya wannan matsala ce. To, akwai hanyoyin kare kai?

Miji: Eh, akwai sosai. Duk yaron da aka yi masa cikakken rigakafin cutar mashaƙo sau uku, to ya samu kariya sosai. Idan kuma aka ga wanda ke da alamun cutar, a hanzarta kai shi zuwa asibiti mafi kusa. Haka kuma, a riƙa wanke hannu da sabulu a ruwa mai gudana, sannan a tabbatar da tsabtar jiki da muhalli.

Mai Magana: Diphtheria cuta ce mai haɗarin gaske. Duk wanda aka gani da alamunta, sai a garzaya da shi asibiti mafi kusa.

Wannan saƙo ne daga Gwamnatin Jihar Katsina ta hannun Ma’aikatar Lafiya ta Jihar Katsina tare da tallafin Hukumar Lafiya Matakin Farko ta Jihar Katsina (KSPHCDA).

English Version

Husband: Oh dear, this cough is awful. We must rush to the hospital quickly, before it turns out to be diphtheria affecting my child.

Wife: What is diphtheria, exactly?

Husband: It is a dangerous illness that causes both adults and children to cough violently. It is also known as whooping cough or mashako. It can affect the throat and nose, but generally affects the entire body.

Wife: What symptoms caused you to suspect it could be diphtheria?

Husband: There are several symptoms. Symptoms include severe coughing, sneezing, fever, swelling of the throat, sores in the throat, and throat pain that makes swallowing meals difficult.

Wife: Innalillahi! How is this disease spread?

Husband: Diphtheria can be transferred through contact with an infected individual, droplets from coughing or sneezing, or sharing personal items.
Wife: This is really serious. Are there ways to protect ourselves?

Husband: Absolutely. A child is well protected if they receive all three doses of the mashako (diphtheria) vaccine. Anyone presenting illness symptoms should be immediately transferred to the nearest hospital. Maintaining personal hygiene, keeping the environment clean, and regularly washing hands with soap under running water are all essential.

Storyteller: Diphtheria is a severe illness. Anyone displaying symptoms should be taken immediately to the nearest hospital.

The Katsina State Government is issuing this message via the Katsina State Ministry of Health, with the aid of the Katsina State Primary Health Care Development Agency (KSPHCDA).

 

 The above jingle 10, a multilingual Hausa-English public health message from ANRIN, Katsina State, employs a simulated family dialogue between husband ("Miji") and wife ("Mata"). This embodies Interaction Theory, as it involves co-constructing health knowledge through regular family conversations. "Kai, wannan tari haka" (this cough is awful) was the urgent opening line. “kar diphtheria ce ta kama mini yaro” (Look, this cough... before diphtheria infects my child) links a common symptom (cough) to a feared illness, creating immediate concern. "Mene ne kuma diphtheria?" (What is diphtheria?) Asked the wife. invites a simple explanation that avoids medical language and is based on obvious symptoms (sore throat, fever, swollen neck, difficulty swallowing) and mode of transmission ("through contact or cough/sneeze"). Complete vaccination ("cikakken rigakafin cutar mashako sau uku"), prompt care, and handwashing are reliable, feasible methods that serve as a framework for prevention. Also, the encounter demonstrates how reciprocal inquiry, trust, and shared accountability, rather than top-down message, contribute to the development of health literacy. While Islamic and familial allusions ("mini yaro") ground the message in moral and cultural realities, the wife's emotional response ("Innalillahi!") and subsequent queries show genuine engagement. The English version follows institutional protocols, but the Hausa version addresses rural carers in symptom-based, vernacular language. Through relational interaction, this twin technique ensures both systemic coherence and grassroots resonance, changing diphtheria from an enigmatic menace to a preventable and treatable disease.

Findings

The data provided and reviewed resulted in two major findings that directly addressed the study's primary objectives:

1. Standardised Hausa is the most effective approach to transmit public health messages, yet English-only messaging severely limits rural communities' comprehension. Standardised Hausa, Katsina state's primary language, is the most effective approach to communicate health information to rural audiences, many of whom have limited or no English literacy.

2. In the rural areas of Katsina State, formal literacy, education, and technical language have an impact on health communication effectiveness. Social factors include loyalty, respect for elders, and Islamic beliefs. The use of local languages effectively employs oral traditions and faith-informed worldviews by including religious expressions, as long as comprehension is not only cognitive but also emotionally and culturally mediated.

Conclusion

The aim of this study was to look into how language acts as a catalyst for public health awareness in rural Katsina State. The findings indicate that effective communication is determined not just by the content of the message, but also by how well it corresponds with the audience's language and cultural realities. Standardised Hausa and the addition of Fulfulɗe boost comprehension, trust and behavioural engagement, while English-only messages limit accessibility for low-literacy areas. The study also demonstrates how sociocultural factors such as oral traditions, respect for authority, and religious beliefs influence people's understanding and response to health messages. Radio jingles make abstract medical concepts more accessible and practical by combining health information into familiar language forms, cultural expressions, and interactive dialogue frameworks. Thus, in line with the study's aim, language serves as a powerful catalyst for awareness and behavioural change, emphasising the importance of community-centered, linguistically inclusive, and culturally grounded communication strategies in rural, multilingual settings such as Katsina State.

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This article is published in ALQALAM: A Journal of Language and Literary Studies, FUGUS, Volume 1, Issue 2 - June 2026