Cite this article: Aliyu, S. S., Muhammad, M. S. & Samaila, A. 2025. “Trans-Saharan Intellectual Exchanges and the Development of Arabic and Ajami Manuscript Culture in Hausaland”. Sokoto Journal of History Vol. 13, Iss. 01. Pp. 1-13. www.doi.org/10.36349/sokotojh.2025.v13i01.001
TRANS-SAHARAN
INTELLECTUAL EXCHANGES AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF ARABIC AND AJAMI MANUSCRIPT
CULTURE IN HAUSALAND
By
Shuaibu
Shehu Aliyu1, Musa Salih Muhammad
Arewa House
Center for Historical Research and Documentation, Kaduna
And
Abubakar
Samaila
Arewa House
Center for Historical Research and Documentation, Kaduna
Abstract: Hausaland, located in
present-day northern Nigeria, was a key trading hub in West Africa. Its
strategic position enabled trade with North Africa, Sudan, and other West
African regions. The trans-Saharan trade network linked Hausaland to North
Africa, significantly influencing the development of Arabic manuscript culture
as important commercial and intellectual centers in Hausaland, such as Kano and
Katsina, owed their greatness to their contact with north African commercial
centers. This commercial interaction allowed for the exchange of manuscripts
and ideas between scholars from both regions, profoundly shaping Hausaland's
Arabic manuscript traditions. Consequently, increased trade with North Africa,
led to the establishment of local scriptorium in Hausaland for copying and
illuminating manuscripts. This paper aims to analyze the emergence and growth
of intellectual exchange between Hausaland and North Africa, highlighting the
impact of this contact and the contributions of select scholars in introducing new
texts that fostered a unique mixture of Arabic and Hausa cultures.
Keywords: Hausaland,
Trans-Saharan trade, North Africa, Ajami manuscript, Tsangaya
Introduction
The historical
connections between North Africa, Sudan, and West Africa date back to the
medieval period, when trans-Saharan trade networks linked the Mediterranean
with sub-Saharan Africa. These networks facilitated the exchange of goods,
ideas, and cultures across the Sahara. As records have shown, North African
cities like Fez, Marrakech, and Cairo became centers of Islamic scholarship,
while Sudanese kingdoms played key roles in mediating the flow of ideas and
goods between North and sub-Saharan Africa.[1] In
Hausaland, located in present-day northern Nigeria and parts of Niger, these
interactions intensified due to its strategic position as a crossroads for
trade and migration. Hausa cities, including Kano, Katsina, and Zaria, emerged
as hubs of commerce and learning, attracting scholars and traders from North
Africa and Sudan.[2] Literature
on trade relations between North Africa and Sudan reveal that the port of
Tripoli has historically functioned as a vital and bustling corridor for trade
and cultural exchange, a role that was significantly facilitated by the
Tripolene Moors, who played a key part in connecting the port to the broader
African interior.[3] The trade
connections established through this port were extensive, with annual exports
from Tripoli to Fezzan being recorded at a substantial value.[4] These
figures underscore the economic significance of Tripoli as a hub for the
movement of goods and resources during this period. Moreover, for centuries,
the region held a reputation as one of the major Mediterranean markets for the
trans-Saharan slave trade. Enslaved individuals were annually transported from
Tripoli to destinations such as Constantinople and other ports within the
Turkish dominions, highlighting the port's role in this trade. The historical
records paint a complex picture of Tripoli as both a thriving center of
commerce and a key location in the trans-Saharan slave trade network.[5] This
exchange laid the groundwork for the development of a thriving Arabic
manuscript culture in the region.[6]
The adoption of
Arabic as a language of scholarship and religious practice in Hausaland was
facilitated by the establishment of Islamic schools and Sufi orders. These
institutions became centers for producing, copying, and disseminating Arabic
manuscripts, with hand copying emphasizing the value placed on written
knowledge. Over time, a unique manuscript culture emerged in Hausaland,
blending locally authored texts with classical Arabic works popularly known
as Ajami.[7] This
culture was not a passive adoption of North African and Sudanese traditions but
a dynamic fusion of intellectual and cultural exchange. Hausa scholars engaged
with Arabic texts while integrating local knowledge and experiences, producing
manuscripts on topics such as Islamic law in Hausa society, Sufi poetry
reflecting local spiritual aspirations, and historical chronicles of Hausa
states.
Arabic played a
central and transformative role in Hausaland by serving as a unifying force
that integrated local languages into the expansive Islamic textual tradition.
This process not only facilitated cultural exchange but also enriched the
region's intellectual landscape. Hausa scholars, demonstrating remarkable
linguistic versatility, wrote extensively in both Arabic and Hausa Ajami, a
practice that underscores the region's cultural and linguistic diversity.[8] This
duality of language use highlights Hausaland's unique position as a cultural
and intellectual bridge between the Arabic-speaking world and sub-Saharan
Africa, fostering a dynamic exchange of ideas and traditions. Such manuscripts,
treasured for their historical and religious significance, are meticulously
preserved across West Africa, serving as invaluable sources for understanding
the region's past and its connection to broader Islamic scholarship. For
instance, the Arewa House Archives, Ahmadu Bello University, Kaduna houses a
collection of these manuscripts, which are not only preserved but also made
accessible for scholarly research and public reference. Examples available at
the Archives of the center are included in the appendix section for easy
reference.
The remainder
of the paper is organized into four sections. Following the introduction, the
second section provides historical context on the development of Arabic
manuscript culture in Hausaland, exploring the region's intellectual and
cultural dynamics and its connections with North Africa. The third section
examines the foundation of Arabic literary culture and identity in Hausaland
through acculturation, which profoundly influenced the spread of Islam and the
establishment of a unique literary culture. The fourth section discusses the
development of the Tsangaya mobile scholarship, an important
institution in the spread of Islamic literary culture, highlighting its role in
transmitting Qur’anic knowledge through manuscript development. This section
also explores factors that fostered spiritual mobility, including pilgrimage
practices and Sufi traditions, which facilitated the rapid spread and
acceptance of manuscript development and translation in Hausaland. The
conclusion ties these themes together, summarizing the significance of
Hausaland in bridging tradition of Arabic manuscript culture and local Ajami texts.
Historical
Context of Arabic manuscript culture in Hausaland
The historical
context of Arabic manuscript culture in Hausaland offers a fascinating window
into the intellectual and cultural dynamics of a region that has long been a
crossroads of trade, ideas, and traditions. Situated in West Africa, Hausaland,
encompassing present-day northern Nigeria and parts of Niger, Chad, and other
neighboring regions, emerged as a significant center of Islamic scholarship and
manuscript production from the early centuries of Islamization to the
precolonial period.[9] The
region's strategic position along trans-Saharan trade routes facilitated the
exchange of goods, knowledge, and cultural practices, connecting it to the
broader Islamic world of North Africa, the Middle East, and beyond.[10]
Arabic, as the
language of Islamic revelation and scholarship, became the primary medium for
intellectual expression in Hausaland, even as the Hausa language remained the
vernacular of the people. This bilingual tradition is reflected in the
manuscripts, which include works of Islamic theology, jurisprudence, Sufism,
astronomy, medicine, and local history, written in Arabic but often
incorporating Hausa elements.[11] These
texts, meticulously copied by scribes on paper and parchment, reveal a thriving
manuscript culture that was deeply integrated into the social, religious, and
educational fabric of Hausa society.[12]
The historical
significance of these manuscripts lies not only in their content but also in
the insights they provide into the region's intellectual networks, the
dissemination of knowledge, and the blending of universal Islamic traditions
with local customs and experiences.[13] They
serve as a testament to the enduring legacy of Hausaland contact with the
Islamic world in Hausaland and its contribution to the broader Islamic
intellectual heritage. This presentation will explore the historical context of
Arabic manuscript culture in Hausaland, examining its origins, evolution, and
the ways in which it reflects the cultural and religious identity of the
region. It is pertinent to start by the description of Islam as a religion of
trade introduce through itinerant scholars. Islam has been present in Bilad
al-Sudan for centuries, with its introduction predating the Sokoto Jihad. The
religion initially spread through the efforts of traders, itinerant scholars,
and later, Sufi orders, who traversed the region and brought with them not only
commercial goods but also religious teachings and cultural practices.[14] This
initial interaction laid the groundwork for a gradual process of Islamization,
one that became more pronounced as local nobility began to convert to Islam.
Over time, as influential leaders embraced the faith, Islam began to assume a
more central role in the governance and social fabric of these societies.
Consequently, it transformed from merely a spiritual belief system into a state
religion, deeply influencing traditional customs and social norms.
North
African scholars and the foundation of Arabic Literary Culture in Hausaland
North African
scholars played a crucial role in shaping Arabic literary culture and Islamic
traditions in Hausaland. Historical ties between the Maghreb and Hausaland
facilitated the spread of Islam, cultural exchange, and intellectual
development.[15] Trade
routes connecting cities like Kano and Katsina to North African centers such as
Tuat, Ghadames, and Ghat served as pathways for goods, ideas, and knowledge. By
the 15th century, scholars from North Africa, including Muhammad al-Maghili[16] and
Muhammad al-Tadhkhti, influenced the Islamization of Hausaland, contributing to
education and cultural practices. Al-Maghili, a reformist scholar, was
instrumental in political reforms in Hausaland and promoted the Qadiriyya Sufi
order. His treatise, Taj al-din fi ma yajibu ala’l muluk, guided
governance and welfare policies under sharia. Al-Maghili’s teachings inspired
revivalist movements and scholars across the Bilad al-Sudan.[17]
Furthermore,
the establishment of a North African community in Hausa cities, particularly
Kano and Katsina, facilitated the integration of Arab and Maghreb cultural
practices. This led to the adoption of material culture of Arab origin,
including food, dress, and architecture. Commercial ties between the Hausa
states and the Arab Maghreb introduced educational materials such as Islamic
books and papers. These included works on the Arabic language, grammar,
prosody, literature, and devotion. The Kano Chronicle mentions the arrival of
scholars like Shaikh Tunis, who brought Islamic texts previously unknown in
Kano. Prominent texts introduced to the region include al-Suyuti’s al-Jalaini
(a Qur’anic exegesis), al-Fazazi’s Ishiriniyat (poems praising the Prophet
Muhammad), and jurisprudential works like the Mukhtasar of Khalil,
Jami’u as-saghir, and al-Mudawwana.[18] These
texts laid the groundwork for an enduring intellectual tradition that persists
to this day.
Another
influential figure was Imam Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti, whose works and fatwas
shaped Islamic scholarship in Hausaland, Borno, and Songhay. Although he never
visited the region, his tafsir al-Jalalayn and medical writings were widely
consulted. North African scholars also established Islamic education systems in
Hausaland, with institutions like the Madabo School in Kano specializing in
jurisprudence. These schools attracted students for advanced Islamic studies,
fostering a lasting intellectual tradition. The introduction of texts such as
Mukhtasar and Mudawwanah al-Kubra enriched the region’s literary and scholarly
landscape. Cultural exchanges extended beyond education, with Arab influences
visible in food, dress, and architecture in Hausa cities.[19]
The annual Hajj
to Mecca further strengthened Islamic ties, as scholars and leaders from across
the Bilad al-Sudan passed through Hausaland, engaging in intellectual
activities and spreading Islamic influences. By the 16th and 17th centuries,
indigenous scholars emerged, producing manuscripts and literary works that
contributed to the region’s Islamic heritage.[20] The
spread of Arabic manuscripts and the rise of the Tsangaya mobile
scholarship practice further disseminated Islamic knowledge and cultural
practices across Hausaland and beyond.
The Tsangaya Mobile
Scholarship
The history
of Tsangaya mobile scholarship seems to have been based
on, as well as reflecting the original culture of transmitting Qur’anic
knowledge spreading mainly from north Africa. The history has demonstrated
that Tsangaya has imbibed the tradition of imparting the
knowledge in the method it was revealed to the Holy Prophet Muhammad (Peace and
Blessings of Allah be upon him). Recollect that historical origin of Qur’an
recitation itself started with the Angel Jibrīl reciting the words of Allah
Subhanahu Wata’Alaa to Prophet Muḥammad
(Peace and Blessings of Allah be upon him), who was commanded to listen and
recite same. He listened intently to the words, followed and repeated them
faithfully and committed them to heart.[21] About a
millennium and a half later, the history of Tsangaya, in the West
African sub-region and specifically in Borno, which forms part of what is today
Nigeria, followed this pattern.
The Tsangaya system
which started in Kanem-Borno is traceable to the culture of Qur’anic education
dating back to the 7th century in North Africa, which came
through Timbuktu. The culture had started with the establishment of Qur’anic
school for the teaching of the Qur'an to non-Arab speakers by Imam Uqba bin
Nafi in 670 AD in Qayrawan. The interest in, and the dedication of Kanem-Borno
rulers to Islam and Qur’anic education made them dispatch about 360 students
from Kawar region of Kanem to the Qur'anic school to engage in the study of the
Qur'an. This marked the beginning of the Qur'anic education by the indigenes of
Kanem-Borno Empire. It is important to note therefore that Kanem-Borno’s
popularity in history and in international relations as a long standing
civilization in Africa is punctuated by the culture of Qur’anic education and
the Tsangaya system, which allowed it to have diplomatic
relations with civilizations far afield in North Africa and the Ottoman Empire.[22] What
further facilitated the effective spread of Qur'anic education in Kanem-Borno
was in 718 AD when the Ibadi Berbers dispatched their Hamlat al-Ilm (bearers
of knowledge) to Africa south of the Sahara to teach people Islamic education.[23]
It was in
furtherance of this tradition that the Tsangaya mobile system
became further institutionalized in Borno by the 16th century
during the reign of Mai Ali Ghaji, who was also famous for the promotion of
scholarship and the search for knowledge. It was Ali Ghaji who encouraged and
supported the formal establishment of more of such Qur’anic learning centres (Tsangaya)
as a state policy in the empire. He not only established the centres but
adequately financed the institutions as well as the scholars.[24] The
successor dynasty of the Kanem-Borno Empire, the el-Kanemi Dynasty also
sustained this tradition of supporting Qu’anic scholarship and of establishing
centres. The founder of the el-Kanemi Dynasty and graduate of Al-azhar
University, Sheikh Muhammad el-Amin el- Kanemi, was a proprietor of an Islamic
centre in Marzuk, Fezzan Libya. He also established the renowned Qur’anic Tsangaya in
Ngala, which not only greatly contributed to Qur'anic learning and scholarship,
but also played a remarkable role as the saviour of the Borno Kingdom, both in
physical defense and theological debate, and which captured the attention of
many scholars internationally.[25] Other
established centres in the empire were located in Kukawa, Geidam and
Damaturu. The centres produced prominent, reputable and internationally
recognized scholars who greatly contributed to the dissemination of knowledge
in Kanem-Borno and beyond. One of such was the renowned Sheikh Umar Masafarma,
who was said to have been involved in the dissemination of Islamic knowledge
through his renown Tafsir (Exegesis) of the Qur’an.[26] The
centers also produced a number of experts in the recitation, memorization and
writing of the Qur’an, a number of who later trained others and influenced the
spread of that tradition of learning far and wide.[27]
The
participation of both individuals and states creates an important catalyst that
strengthens the mobile nature of the Tsangaya scholarship
especially in Hausaland. This form of mobile Tsangaya culture
remains the tradition among most West African countries. According to Hunwick,
communities of western Sudan have therefore lived as members of a religious
community sharing a common worldview, one of Islamic notions of self-identity
through Islamic scholarship.[28] Consequent to these,
therefore, inter-community relations among the various mobile Tsangaya groups
became much more expounded and developed even down into the modern period as
such the protocols to cross international borders reside, at best, reasons of
faith or any evidence of mobile scholarship and not any document.
The zeal to
provide Islamic education to Muslim children right from the earliest time led
the Muslim scholars, parents and leaders even in the remotest areas, to think
of the simplest means to accomplish such a task. Muslims therefore, adopted
every simple method to ensure the acquisition and dissemination of Islamic
learning. As for the students, they could be small children or grown up
provided they can speak. Such schools could also be settled and mobile.
Likewise, the teachers to provide religious instructions could be settled or
mobile.[29] This
makes Tsangaya Quranic school to be mobile in nature and
revolves around the teacher (Mallam) who often travels with the pupils
and establishes a camp often on the outskirts of the town for the total study
of the Quran.[30] The
movement of a mobile teacher together with his students is known among the
people of Hausaland as “Yawon Bindi”.[31] Such a
teacher travels to a distant location from his students' homes and leaves his
hometown with them. Upon arriving at his destination, a traveling educator may
occasionally be accommodated by a permanent educator in that location. This
educator may be an Imam or another well-known figure in the community. A mobile
teacher's primary motivation for always moving with his students was the Hausa
people's long-held notion that a kid learns best when removed from his
immediate surroundings.[32] He
concentrates in learning when he leaves his immediate family, relatives and
friends.[33]
Spiritual
Mobility and Arabic Manuscript: Hajj, Malams and
the Sufis
As has been
explained above, the origins of Islamic scholarship in Hausaland, where the
mobile scholarship system developed, can be traced back to the ancient Timbuktu
learning culture as communities in Hausaland benefited greatly from links
with each other and with centres of learning, particularly in
Maghreb region.[34] As a
result, a tradition of Islamic scholarship and reform continued in Hausaland
and the rest of Bilad al-Sudan throughout the 16th century,
with the continued movement and settlement of eminent scholars, such as Sheikh
Umar b. Aqit, the grandfather of Ahmad Baba al-Timbukti.[35] Other
prominent figures in the region at various times were al-Sheikh al-Tadhikhti,
and Makhluf b. Salih al-Bilbali, was in Katsina in 1509 and was convinced to
serve as qadi. Makhluf b. Salih al-Bilbali, a distinguished scholar
from Timbuktu, was also saddled with the responsibility of serving as qadi;
however, he died at home in Timbuktu after 1533.[36] Thus,
by the 17th century, Hausaland and, indeed, Bilad al-Sudan in
general, had developed indigenous Islamic scholars based on whose contributions
made possible the jihad of Hausaland in the 19th century.
As indicated
above, in a kind of mobile scholarship, students travelled great distances to
study with renowned sheikhs. Various categories of people traversed
many cultures and land regions to receive instruction from different teachers,
to learn a particular text, or even simply to repeat a text they had already
mastered under another teacher.[37] Such traditions of
mobility between the regions of Western and Central Sudan were very common
along the Hausa-Borno-Sudan axis and are still practised among the Muslim
population. This was in recognition of the fact that knowledge does not just
lie in a text, but rather, it is with the scholar. Most of the leading
scholarly families of Hausaland trace their origins and history of scholarship
to this period and processes of moving from one centre of learning or alim (scholar)
to another.[38] The extent of the
learning relationship among the scholars of Yandoto and Birnin Katsina through
this mobile scholarship.[39] As indicated, there
has been a cross-fertilization of ideas with other centres of learning in
Western Sudan, but particularly Timbuktu, the Ahir region, where the Aghades
happened to play a leading intellectual link between the centres of learning in
the Maghrib and Egypt and even beyond. Similarly, several ulama,
such as Dan Marina, traced their origins to Borno and settled in Katsina and
other centres of learning in the same area, such as Kurmin Yan Ranko and
Yandoto. Kani suggested that Muhammad al-Katsinawi owed his success in
mastering ulum al-huruf, ulum al-awfaq and
the sciences of the calendar (al-mawaqit) in the genre of the Maghribian
system of calculation and ulum al-asrar according to its harfi and waqfi methods,
to Sheikh Muhammad Bindo.[40] He is
also said to have studied at the feet of Sheikh Muhammad Kuru in Borno before
leaving for the Hijaz. It was this sheikh who introduced
al-Katsinawi to certain achievements in the sciences of ulum al-asrar, al-raml (geometry)
and ilm al-hisab.[41]
An important
factor that binds Muslims together and encourages massive movement across
national borders is the institution of the hajj. This religious
obligation brings Muslims from all over the world to Mecca at a particular time
of the year. The hajj has enabled organized pilgrimages to
Mecca from particular locations in West Africa. Historically speaking, pilgrims
from West Africa have merged into the trans-Saharan networks and routes leading
to Cairo or Red Sea ports, such as Aydhab, Suwakin or Port Sudan.[42] Through
the institution of hajj, west African pilgrims were able to communicate with
North African institutions of religious study, like the universities of
Qarawiyyîn, Zeytûna, and al-Azhar, by crossing the Sahara.[43] As the
Tijaniyya Sufıi brotherhood slowly gained popularity in West Africa, pilgrims
of that affiliation coupled their hajj with visits to the grave of their
order's founder, Sheikh Ahmad Tijjani, located in Fes.
The main hubs
for pilgrims were Kano, Agades (formerly Takedda), or Birnin Gazargamo in
Borno. They would simply travel to the most accessible center, where they could
join a caravan of other pilgrims for the Saharan crossing. As a result of the
strong Islamic presence in these countries, the eastern route—which primarily
left Nigeria at the border with Cameroon and continued to do so throughout the
colonial period—became more and more popular from the 18th century onward,
reflecting the significant Islamic presence in these nations. The tradition of
seeking knowledge often led to travel extensively, much like the hajj,
to study with renowned malams and sheikhs. the major
gathering points for the hajj, such as Kano and Agades, also served
as important hubs for Islamic education and also drew students seeking both
scholarly and spiritual growth. The convergence of pilgrimage and scholarship
illustrates the deep interconnectedness of religious devotion and learning in
the Islamic world, especially in West Africa.
As a religion
centred on a revealed scripture, Islam demands of the believer the ability to
read that scripture if the believer is to be more than a blind follower of
others. Reading and understanding the Qur’an requires knowledge of Arabic, a
foreign language to the majority of Muslims. Literacy in Arabic is therefore
the foundation of an Islamic education. But simply reading the Qur’an is not
enough; it is a matter of understanding it and of exploring its depth through
its many commentaries. In pre-modern times, it was common for scholars to
travel, sometimes for years to visit great teachers and centers of learning to
perfect their education. Timbuktu and Jenne were among the earliest major
centers of Islamic learning in West Africa, dating back to the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries.[44] But
centers of learning, which in the
sixteenth century did not exist in what might be
called the greater Nigerian zone, were not far behind. This is almost certainly
true even at the lowest level of education, where boys were sent across
national borders to study with particular Malams and eventually may
end up in big cities such as Kano. Tsangaya classes
operate largely from Saturdays to Wednesdays of every week, while Thursdays and
Fridays are observed as school-free days (weekends). Although there exists no
clear division of classes, there are three categories of Qur’anic pupils that
Malams usually take closer supervision: the Kolo (nursery
stage), the Tittibiri (elementary stage), and the Gardi (adolescent/adult
stage). In the Kolo stage, the children are grouped and
instructed orally; the Tittibiri stage is where the pupils of
about five to fourteen years old start to read the Arabic alphabet; at
the Gardi stage, the pupils are expected to have completed
reading the Holy Qur’an at least once. While the step-by-step learning process
seems to be universal in the entire Hausaland, the categorization of pupils
into Kolo, Tittibiri, and Gardi as a common
method appears in the plain of Kasar Hausa and Borno.
As eminent
intellectuals continued to migrate and settle in the region, numerous scholars
appeared, including Shaykh Umar b. Aqit, Ahmad Baba al-Timbukti's grandfather;
Al-Shaykh al-Tadhikhti; and Makhluf b. Salih al-Bilbali, visited Katsina in
1509 and was convinced to take on the role of Qadi; Other prominent Sufi
scholars include Muhammad B. al-Sabbagh (Dan Marina) who is a notable scholar
from Katsina, lived in the 17th century, and made significant contributions to
Islamic learning in Hausaland.[45] Muhammad al-Barnawi al-Kashnawi (Dan
Masani) who is also another renowned scholar from Katsina, lived in the 17th
century and left a lasting impact on the intellectual and spiritual traditions
of the region; Shaykh Dan Tafa (ʿAbd al-Qādir ibn Muṣtafā); Widely considered the most erudite
scholar of the second generation in the Sokoto Caliphate, Shaykh Dan Tafa was
born during the hijra (emigration) that marked the beginning of the Sokoto
jihad.[46] His
maternal grandfather was Shehu Usman dan Fodio, the leader of the Sokoto
jihad and a revered scholar and Sufi. Similarly, Sheikh Isyaku Rabi'u Kano's
great-grandfather, Abubakar Gwani, was a well-known Islamic scholar and Sufi
who immigrated to Kukawa in the Kanem-Bornu Empire. He reportedly belonged to
the group of Islamic academics from Birnin Ngazargamu who, under Mai Rabi'u's
rule, eventually relocated to Kukawa. In 1695 AD, he moved from Kukawa to
Yerwa, which is now Maiduguri. The family moved even more, moving as far west
as Hadejiya, Danbatta, Bichi, and Gaya.[47] Students
from all over came to Gwani Abubakar after they settled in Yerwa to continue
their Islamic education from his wealth of knowledge. These movements of
Muslims, driven by the pursuit of book knowledge and the quest for spiritual
guidance, played a pivotal role in fostering the growth and development of
Arabic manuscript culture, not only within Hausaland but also extending far
beyond its borders. By seeking out esteemed scholars and revered spiritual
leaders, these individuals contributed to the flourishing of a rich
intellectual tradition that emphasized the preservation and dissemination of
Islamic texts and teachings. The manuscripts they collected and studied
encompassed a wide array of Islamic sciences, from jurisprudence and theology
to mysticism and Quranic exegesis, serving as vital tools for both scholarly
inquiry and spiritual enrichment. This dynamic exchange of ideas and the
careful preservation of these manuscripts further solidified the importance of
Arabic manuscript culture as a cornerstone of Islamic learning and practice in
the region and beyond.
Conclusion
Arabic
manuscripts have long served as vital repositories of knowledge in Hausaland, a
region that encompasses much of northern Nigeria and parts of Niger, Chad, and
Cameroon. These manuscripts, written primarily in Arabic but often including
local languages such as Hausa, Fulfulde, and Kanuri, (Ajami) preserved
Islamic learning and documented theological debates, agricultural practices,
and medical guidance. They also functioned as crucial records of the region's
history and cultural heritage, offering valuable insights into its social,
political, and religious dynamics. The content of these manuscripts reflects
the integration of Islamic scholarship with local knowledge systems, creating a
unique intellectual tradition that blended universal Islamic principles with
regional specificities. The circulation of these manuscripts was facilitated by
the movement of scholars, traders, and travelers who traversed the vast
networks connecting North Africa, the Sudan, and Hausaland. These networks,
which included the famous trans-Saharan trade routes, not only enabled the
exchange of goods but also the transmission of ideas, texts, and cultural
practices. The scholars and traders who traveled these routes played a pivotal
role in enriching the manuscript culture of Hausaland, ensuring its connection
to the broader Islamic intellectual tradition while fostering a distinctive
local tradition of manuscript production and preservation. The manuscripts
themselves, often copied by skilled scribes on paper or parchment, were treasured
possessions, passed down through generations and used for both religious and
secular purposes.
One of the most
significant repositories of these manuscripts is the Arewa House in Kaduna,
Nigeria. Established as a center for the study of the history and culture of
Hausaland, Arewa House, has a vast collection of Arabic manuscripts that
provide a unique lens into the intellectual history of the region and its ties
to the Islamic world. The manuscripts in the center, along with those found in
other private and public repositories across the region, offer a wealth of
material for understanding the social, cultural, and religious dynamics of
Hausaland. Many of them remain undated and lack explicit attribution, making it
difficult to establish their precise historical context. Additionally, the
deterioration of some manuscripts due to environmental factors and inadequate
preservation methods has raised concerns about the long-term survival of this
valuable cultural heritage. Efforts to digitize and conserve these manuscripts
are ongoing, but much work remains to be done to ensure their availability for
future generations of scholars. Despite these challenges, the legacy of Arabic
manuscript culture in Hausaland and that of Ajami, remains a
cornerstone of the cultural heritage of Hausaland and indeed, Northern Nigeria.
The manuscripts serve as a testament to the enduring impact of North
Africa-Sudan interactions on the intellectual and cultural landscape of West
Africa. They also highlight the importance of preserving and studying these
texts, not only for their historical value but also for their potential to inform
contemporary discussions on education, cultural identity, and religious
tolerance. As scholars continue to explore these manuscripts, they are likely
to uncover even more insights into the rich and complex history of Hausaland
and its place within the wider Islamic world.
Appendix
List of
Manuscripts from North Africa Extracted from the Archives, of the Arewa House
Center for Research and Historical Documentation, Ahmadu Bello University,
Kaduna
1. Islamic
Jurisprudence (Fiqh)
File
No Title
· 1102 – Irshad al-Salik ila Ashraf al-Masalik (Askari)
· 1175 – Irshad Al-Salik – Abdurrahman
· 1177 – Juz'u Al-Mukhtasar Al-Khalil – Khalil Bin
Ishaq
· 1239 – Zukak – Abu Hassan Ali Bn Muhammad
Al-Thajibi
· 1258 – Min Ahkam Al-Din – Abu Zaid Abd-Al-Rahman
Al-Akhdari
· 1272 – Mukhtasar Al-Khalil Commentary – Khalil
Bin Ishaq
· 1324 – Jum'lat Min Amaal Al-Shar'iyyat –
Abu-Bakar wa Zakari-ya’u
· 1326 – Risalah Ibn Abu Zaid – Abu Zaid Al-Qirawani
· 1337 – Mukhtasar – Khalil Bin Ishaq
· 1343 – Qawaninil Fiqhiyya fi Ahkamil Shariyyah –
Ibn Juzi Al-Qurtubi
· 1350 – Irshad Al-Salik ila Ashrafi Al-Masalik Ala Mazhab
Imam Malik – Sha-hab Al-deen
· 1351 – Risalah Ibn Abu Zaid – Ibn Abu Zaid
Al-Qirawani
· 1396 – Risalat – Ibn Abu Zaid Al-Qirawani
· 1464 – Sharhu Risala – Abul-Hassan
· Al-Akhdari – Shaikh Abu Zaid Abdurrahman Alakhdari
2.
Islmic Theology (Aqidah/Tawhid)
· 1135 – Tauhid Abul Maau – Al-Shaikh Al-Zahid Abu
Ma'ali
· 1219 – Bulaim Al-Aujal – Abdu Al-Mallaqab
· 1241 – Al-Hukm Al-Aqli – Al-Sanusi Al-Hasani
· 1281 – Ida atu Al-Dujana – Ahmad Al-Maqari
Al-Maghribi
· 1295 – Manhaj Al-Fara'id Fi Ma'arifat Ilm Al-Tauhid –
Muhammad Al Wali
· 1331 – Ilm Al-Tawhid – Muhammad Al-Wali
· 1305 – Urjuzat Al-Widan – Yahaya Al-Qurtabi (part
theology)
· 1310 – Durusud-Diyanati – Al-Mudassir Abu
Al-Qassim (combined)
3.
Arabic Grammar (Nahw & Sarf)
· 1183 – Sharh Al-Alfiyah – Ibn Malik
· 1185 – Sharh Al-Qasida Allamiya (Abniyat Al-af’al) –
Jamal Al-Deen
· 1267 – Fi Qawa'id Al-Lughah – Abu Abdullah Dawud
· 1349 – Attasrih Bi Malmunati Talwih – Khalid B
AbdAllah Al-Azari
· 1360 – Al-Mukhtasarat Al-Nahwiyyat – Muhammad ibn
Mu’uti
· 1405 – Juz’u Nahjat Al-Marliya – Muhammad
4.
Poetics (Praise, Asceticism, Theology, Sectarian, etc.)
· 1151 – Ishriniyyat – Abu Bakr Bin Muhibb
· 1168 – Rafaatu Umuri – Sheikh Abu Madyan
· 1209 – Allahu Li Uddatun (Poem) – Khalil B. Tahir
· 1220 – Al-Jawha – Abu Madyana
· 1228 – Nahj Al-Burda – Al-Busiri
· 1247 – Lais Al-Magam – Abu Hassan Alwaizi
· 1262 – Kassidat Al-Badamasi – Al-Badamasi
· 1305 – Urjuzat Al-Widan – Yahaya Al-Qurtabi (also
theology)
· 1456 – Isalatu Annamiy – Alhassan Bn Ali
· 1376 – Al-lamiyan Al-Suhran – Ibn Jibril
Abdulra'uf (theme not specified)
5.
Sectarian Writings (Tijjaniyya)
· 1190 – Wakar Tijjaniyah – Jubril Ibn Muhammad
· 1215 – Shahadat Al-Tijjani – Abdul Rahman Ibn
Sayyid
· 1229 – Jawharat Al-Kamal – Shaik Ahmad Al-Tijjani
6.
Supplications/Prayers
· 1122 – Khasdis Al-Nabiyy – Alhafiz Nasir ldin
Al-mugh
7.
Islmic Commandments (Ethics, Practices, etc.)
· 1170 – Kitab Abu Al-Hassan – Abu Hassan Ali
· 1283 – Dhikr Al-Maqamat – Al-Qasim Al-Basri
· 1223 – Dalil Al-Bihar – Yusuf Al-Nabhan
(condemning evil)
· 1205 – Rasidatul Ilmi – Al-Ba'idi Al-Shafi'i (on
seeking knowledge)
8.
Correspondence
· 1426 – Maktub An Shaikhana – Sheikh Al-Faqir
9.
History
· 1300 – Ghazwat Kanim Allati Sara Fihi Sultanuna –
Al-Hajj Idris Bin Ali
10.
Hajj/Travel
· 1458 – Ziyaratu Hajji – Ahmad bn Abi Hajlah
11.
Multidisciplinary/General Islamic Knowledge
· 1189 – Fi Dhikr Al-Maqamat – Al-Hariri Al-Basri
· 1310 – Durusud-Diyanati – Al-Mudassir Abu
Al-Qassim (combined)
12. Unclassified/Not
Specified
• 1376 – Al-lamiyan Al-Suhran – Ibn Jibril
Abdulra’uf (theme not clear)
[1] A.M. Kani, “The Rise and Influence of Scholars in Hausaland
Before 1804”, Al-Muntaka: Courrier de I’Islam, (1986) No.1, p.49
[2] Ibid.
[3] AHA/1/6/54 ‘A general state of the commerce of Tripoli’, 1967
[4] The value of exports from Tripoli to Fezzan are valued at
11,251.87 pounds, while imports arriving into Tripoli around the year 1767 were
documented at 8,158.86 pounds, AHA/1/6/54 ‘Account of the Trade carried on by
the Tripoline Moors to the Inland parts of Africa.
[5] See, E.W. Bovill, Golden Trade of the Moors, Oxford
University Press, 1958.
[6] Tadevsz Lewicki,
Arabic External Sources for the History of Africa to the South of Sahara
(London, Curzon Press Ltd, 1974) pp.22-23; Peter B. Clarke, West Africa and
Islam (London, Edward Arnold Ltd, 1982) pp.67-68.
[7] See for instance, H.M.
Maishanu, Five Centuries of Historical Writing in Hausaland and Borno
1500-2000, (Ibadan, Macmillan Nigeria Ltd, 2007) pp.56-84
[8] A.M. Bunza, “Ajami Heritage: Its Role and Relevance in the
Preservation and Conservation of Hausa Literary Art and Culture”, Paper
presented at the conference on ‘Exploring Nigeria’s Arabic/Manuscript for the
Development of New Knowledge’ held at Arewa House, Kaduna, Nigeria (July 2009)
[9] A.M. Kani, “The Rise and Influence of Scholars in Hausaland…
[10] AHA/1/5/42/ Borno and Tripoli in the 16th and
17th Centuries.
[11] A.M. Bunza, “Ajami Heritage: Its Role and Relevance in the
Preservation and Conservation…
[12] In the later period, there has been growing literature in
Hausaland written in both Ajami and Roman characters (boko) with some works
written in arabic translated into Hausa by some notable Hausa scholars such as
Sheikh Abubakar Mahmud Gummi. See, J.O. Hunwick, Arabic Literature of
Africa, Vol. II: The writings of Central Sudanic Africa, E.J. Brill, New
York, 1995, P.6.
[13] Ibid.
[14] A.M. Kani, “The place of Katsina in the intellectual history of
Bilad Al-Sudan up to 1800”. In: I.A. Tsiga & A.U. Adamu (eds), Islam
and the history of learning in Katsina. Ibadan: Spectrum Books, 1997, pp.
28-31
[15] Nehemia Levtzion,
“Islam in the Bilad al-Sudan to 1800”, N. Levtzion and Randall L. Pouwels
(eds.) The History of Islam in Africa (Athens, Ohio University Press) 2000, p.
63-65.
[16] .He is known as Abu
Abdallah Muhammad Abd al-Karim al-Maghili al-Tlemsani/Tilmisani (d. 1504) was
born of Berber parents at Tlemsani, Tuat region, Northwest Algeria. He was a
contemporary of a well known Egyptian scholar Al-Suyuti. Al-Maghili was a
reformist scholar who claimed to be a Mujaddid during his time. He was opposed
to the policies of the rulers of his locality, a trading terminus where the
Jewish seemed to be favoured at the expense of the Muslim populace of the area.
He was instrumental for the political reforms in Songhay and Hausaland.
[17] B.M. Barkindo, “The
Role of al-Maghii in the reforms of Sarki Muhammadu Rumfa (1463-1499) of Kano:
a re-examination” in Kano Studies New Series, vol. 3, no. 1, 1987/88, pp.
85-110.
[18] J. Hunwick,
‘Songhay, Borno and Hausaland in the sixteenth century’, in J.F.A. Ajayi and M.
Crowder (eds.) History of West Africa op cit, p.279
[19] .The Ilm Schools
became specialized centres of Islamic learning which attracted the attention of
students who travelled to selected cities for specialization. In addition to
Kano, Katsina was also a famous centre for the study of Islamic jurisprudence
while Zaria was an important centre for study of Arabic language and
literature. See M.S. Zahradeen, “Islamic Calligraphy in West Africa: the
Qur’ans of Northern Nigeria” in the Journal of General Studies, vol.2, no.1
(1981) p. 8
[20] John Hunwick,
‘Songhay, Borno and Hausaland in the sixteenth century’, in J.F.A. Ajayi and M.
Crowder (eds.) History of West Africa op cit, p.279
[21] R.T. Ware III (2014), Walking Qur’an. Univ. of North
Carolina Press. Pp.22-23
[22] I. Umara (2020), “Sangaya in Contemporary Nigeria”. Northern
Reporters
[23] K.A.Y. Gazali & A. Mohammed (2023), p.2
[24] Ibid; U. Dahiru (1995); R.T. Ware III (2014); A. Yahya,
(2018)
[25] Gazali & Mohammed (2023), p.4
[26] K.A.Y. Gazali (2005), The Kanuri in Diaspora: The
Contribution of Kanem Borno Ulama to Islamic Education in Nupe and Yorubaland. Lagos.
CSS Bookshops Ltd. P.45
[27] K.A.Y. Gazali (2014), p.6
[28] Hunwick, p. 330.
[29] A.M. Gada, A short history of early Islamic
scholarship in Hausaland…
[30] A.U. Adamu, ‘Islamic education in African countries: the
evolution of non-formal Al-muhajirun Education in Nigeria’, BUK, Nigeria, June,
2010, P.6
27
The literal Meaning of "Yawo” is journey and Bindi means
tail. Joined together gives the literal meaning of “Tail Journey” technically
it refers to the long journeys which the mobile teachers undertake after
leaving their homes.
[32] H. Hoechner, Searching for Knowledge and
Recognition: Traditional Qur‟anic Students (Almajirai) in Kano, Nigeria,
French Institute for Research in Africa/IFRA, 2013.
[33] An important Arabic source material on the subject matter
is Al-fara’id al-jalilah wasa’it al-fawa’id al-jamilah fi ‘ulum
al-qur’an written by Abdullah Bn Fodiyo Abdullahi Bn. Fodiyo, Al-fara’id
al-jalilah wasa’it al-fawa’id al-jamilah fi ‘ulum al-qur’an…
[34] Ahmad M. Kani, “The Place of Katsina in the
Intellectual History of Bilad Al-Sudan”, 28-31.
[35] Ibid., 28.
[36] Ahmad Muhammad Kani, “The Place of Katsina in the
Intellectual History of Bilad al-Sudan”, 28.
[37] Misbahu Na’iya Katsina, “A Discourse on the Intellectual
Legacies of Some Pre-Jihad Muslim Scholars of Katsina” in History of
Learning in Katsina, eds. Isma”il A. Tsiga and Abdalla U.
Adamu (Ibadan: Spectrum, 1997), 37.
[38] For instance, it
was reported that the great-grandfather of Sheikh Isyaku Rabi’u Kano was a
famous Islamic scholar popularly known as Abubakar Gwani, who migrated to
Kukawa in Kanem-Bornu Empire. It was also reported that he was part of the
Islamic scholars of Birnin Ngazargamu, who later moved to Kukawa during the
reign of Mai Rabi’u. From Kukawa, he later migrated to Yerwa (the present-day
Maiduguri) in 1695 AD. The family further relocated to different directions to
as far as Hadejiya, Danbatta, Bichi and Gaya to the west. After
settling at Yerwa, students from different places flocked to Gwani Abubakar to
pursue further Islamic education from his fountain of knowledge.
[39] Kani, “The Place of Katsina in the Intellectual History
of Bilad al-Sudan”, 31.
[40] Ahmed M. Kani, “The Place of Katsina in the
Intellectual History of Bilad al-Sudan”, 31.
[41] Ibid
[42] Ibid., 36.
[43] . Bazz Lecocq, ‘The Hajj From West Africa From a Global
Historical Perspective (19th and 20th Centuries)’, (African Diaspora 5, Brill:
2012): 187.
[44] Gada, A
Short History of Early Islamic Scholarship in Hausaland.
[45] Ahmed M. Kani, The place of Katsina in the intellectual
history of Bilad Al-Sudan…P.31
[46] Ahmad M. Kani, The place of Katsina in the Intellectual
History of Bilad Al-Sudan…P.32
[47] Shuaibu Shehu Aliyu, Khalifa Isyaku Rabiu: Biography of a Merchant-Scholar, 1925-2018, Forthcoming.
0 Comments