Dystopian Vision in George Orwell’s 1984 and Ngugi Wa Thiong’o’s Devil on the Cross

Cite this article: Ahmed, K. 2025. “Dystopian Vision in George Orwell’s 1984 and Ngugi Wa Thiong’o’s Devil on the Cross”. Sokoto Journal of History Vol. 13, Iss. 01. Pp. 14-26. www.doi.org/10.36349/sokotojh.2025.v13i01.002

DYSTOPIAN VISION IN GEORGE ORWELL’S 1984 AND NGUGI WA THIONG’O’S DEVIL ON THE CROSS

By

Kabir Ahmed

Institute of Legislative Council, House of Assembly, Abuja - Nigeria

Abstract: This study explores the dystopian visions in George Orwell's 1984 and Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s Devil on the Cross, focusing on the various dystopic control strategies such as language manipulation, historical revisionism, institutional dominance, propaganda, censorship, and psychological manipulation. It became clear that some of the implications of these strategies on the populace, include loss of individuality, emotional and psychological imprisonment, economic exploitation, and acts of resistance. Through this analysis, it became apparent that the pervasive and insidious nature of totalitarian regimes is not only hugely dehumanizing; it is also degrading, showing no respect to human beings who are under total control by repressive regimes. Ultimately, it reveals the resilience and inherent desire for freedom among oppressed individuals. The study discovers that Orwell’s focus on a totalitarian surveillance state and Ngugi’s critique of post-colonial corruption reveal that dystopian literature can effectively address and critique diverse socio-political issues, underscoring its versatility as a genre for social commentary.

Keywords: Dystopia, Orwell, Ngugi, Control, Masses

Introduction

I have always been fascinated by fiction which veers towards search for the ideal and creation of a utopian society. I have written several essays on that subject and suddenly it occurs to me that there is also a concept ‘Dystopia’, which is the opposite of a subject that fascinated me for so long.

Dystopian literature mirrors societal anxieties, with George Orwell’s 1984 (1949) and Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s Devil on the Cross (1982) offering profound depictions of oppressive systems. Despite differences in cultural backgrounds, both novels portray regimes stripping individuals of autonomy and humanity. Orwell’s 1984 depicts a totalitarian state where Big Brother's surveillance erases individuality, highlighting a society where freedom is an illusion. In a slightly different bend, Ngugi’s Devil on the Cross critiques post-colonial Kenya's neocolonial exploitation and corruption, reflecting the experiences of many in post-independent African nations, making its critique deeply resonant. According to Michael Bichi Green:

Dystopia is the opposite of Utopia: a state in which conditions of human life are extremely bad as from deprivation or oppressive terror (or all three). A dystopian society is characterized by human misery in the form of squalor, oppression, disease, overcrowding, environmental destruction, or war. (Michael Bodhi Green, NBC News Feb 14, 2021).

He further added that dystopian fiction’s common elements include societies engaged in endless wars, and characterized by extreme social and economic class divides, mass poverty, environmental devastation, anarchy, and loss of individuality.

In this study, the gaze is trailed on how the dystopic vision of existence is represented in the two novels. Both novels share the theme of lost individuality and freedom under oppressive regimes, though they manifest differently due to their distinct cultural and political contexts. In 1984, this loss is enforced by a centralized, technologically advanced state apparatus, with the Party controlling thought, language, and reality itself (Pankowski 2018, 90). Conversely, Devil on the Cross portrays oppression through political tyranny, economic exploitation, and cultural alienation, reflecting a society eroded by greed and corruption (Uskalis 1996, 290). Another popular dystopic novel, Aldous Huxley’s A Brave New World, provides a different perspective, where control is maintained through technological conditioning and commodification of happiness, using pleasure and distraction rather than fear. Huxley’s vision underscores how technology and consumerism can become tools of oppression, resonating with the themes in Orwell’s and Ngugi’s works.

Several studies have been conducted on George Orwell’s 1984 and Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s Devil on the Cross. Beginning with 1984, most of these interpretations centre on concepts like powerlessness, desperate radicalism, and utopia. Matthew Benjamin Cole re-examines Orwell’s ideas on power, socialism, and utopia by analysing 1984 and his other writings. The article explores the political significance of 1984, describing Orwell's final stance as urgently radical. It claims Orwell remained a committed socialist and utopian idealist, fearing totalitarianism would erase these ideals. The novel depicts a world where this threat is nearly realisedrealized, emphasisingemphasizing a choice between a future of equality and one of perpetual hierarchy (Cole 2022, 2). Despite observing the totalitarian principle operative in the story, the reading is silent on the strategies for dystopic control by the Party or Big Brother in the novel.

Ayana Mukherjee, on her part, argues that dystopian literature, from Orwell's 1984 to Huxley’s A Brave New World, highlights the dangers of politically motivated education. She connects these themes to contemporary issues like the Taliban’s ban on women’s education, curriculum changes in the United States of America, India’s New Education Policy, and discrimination in Indian schools (Mukherjee 2023, 243–44). This work links the rise of totalitarianism to current government trends, highlighting the enduring relevance of dystopian themes. Additionally, Gabriela Jakubcová also looked at 1984 from the angle of dystopia. The research compared dystopian elements in Aldous Huxley’s A Brave New World and George Orwell’s 1984, focusing on propaganda, surveillance, information manipulation, and individuality. It found that while both use these tools for control, A Brave New World employs pleasure and distraction to suppress individuality, whereas 1984 relies on fear and repression (Jakubcová 2023, 58–59).

Most research on Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s Devil on the Cross engages it as a political fiction, about capitalism, authority, and ideology. For Ahsan Magray, Devil on the Cross passionately advocates for a Kenya free from dictatorship and encourages African writers to use their local languages in writing (Magray 2019). Sandra Elma posits that loyalists supporting Western imperialism and capitalism are depicted with animal imagery and distant narration in Devil on the Cross. In contrast, proletarians linked to Mau Mau are described positively, with traits like heroism and strength (Elma 2010). Sara Tikhemirine examines the cultural identity dislocation resulting from neocolonial factors, and how resistance is necessary in the novel.

As seen from this review, there is a common concern about the corrupting and dehumanizing effects of power as represented in the novels. Despite their cultural differences, Orwell and Ngugi both caution against unchecked authority eroding individual freedom and societal values. In this essay, attention is particularly focused on the strategies by which the actors in the dystopic world render the masses weak and vulnerable, as well as the state and response of the subdued masses. These help to substantiate the dystopic vision of the two novels.

The Concept of Dystopia

Dystopia, a term derived from Greek which means “bad place,” refers to a fictional or theoretical society characterized by oppression, suffering, and often authoritarian control. In literature, dystopian visions frequently present a future where technological advancements or political ideologies have led to societal decay (Kumar 1987, 12). It illustrates the potential dangers of these developments when misused or unchecked. Dystopian literature often serves as a critique of contemporary societal issues, projecting current fears into exaggerated future scenarios (Booker 1994, 23). For instance, Orwell’s depiction of the Party’s absolute control over truth and history illustrates the dangers of totalitarianism.

Dystopian visions are thus potent tools for social commentary, using speculative settings to reflect and critique real-world issues (Booker 1994, 31). By projecting contemporary anxieties into future scenarios, these works encourage readers to confront and question existing social structures and ideologies. Through their depiction of bleak futures, dystopian narratives emphasize the need for vigilance and reform in contemporary societies.

This study focuses on the various control strategies in the dystopic world of the narratives, such as language manipulation, historical revision, institutional dominance, propaganda, censorship, and psychological manipulation. Through close reading and thematic analysis, the study will also investigate the implications of these strategies on the populace, including loss of individuality, emotional and psychological imprisonment, economic exploitation, and acts of resistance. Finally, the analysis will underscore the pervasive nature of totalitarian regimes and the resilience of individuals’ desire for freedom.

Strategies of Dystopic Control

George Orwell's 1984 and Ngugi wa Thiong'o's Devil on the Cross both explore the mechanisms of dystopian control through various strategies such as language, history, institutions, propaganda and censorship, and psychological manipulation. While Orwell's work is a canonical exploration of totalitarianism, Ngugi's novel provides an exploitative perspective rooted in post-colonial African society. Both texts reveal the insidious nature of these control strategies and their impact on individuals and society. In order to determine a people’s thought habit and cultural identity, language is primary. This is to say that an erosion of familiar, indigenous language is a viable means of uprooting one and leaving them at the mercy of the one who calls the tune of the new language. In 1984, Newspeak is designed to eliminate subversive thoughts and ensure complete loyalty to the Party. Syme, a character in the novel, explains, "Don't you understand that the entire purpose of Newspeak is to limit the scope of thought? Eventually, we will make thoughtcrime impossible because there won't be any words to express it" (Orwell 1949, 67). The Party thus uses Newspeak as a form of control, the goal being to limit everyone to speaking an exact same language.

To better understand the extent of cultural dictatorship enacted through language, one may think of Lacan’s idea that “the unconscious is structured like language” (Lacan 1998, 20). One way to understand this is that language determines consciousness; humans are introduced to the world, they relate to it, and reproduce it through the affordances of language. Hence, in eroding the language that gives subversion essence and introducing servile language, the Big Brother operates at the level of deep cognitive control. Ngugi understands this and creates characters who are caught up in this linguistic control, and those who resist it by proclaiming their indigenous linguistic identity. In 1984, Syme explains to Winston:

We’re getting the language into its final shape – the shape it’s going to have when nobody speaks anything else. When we’ve finished with it, people like you will have to learn it all over again. You think, I dare say, that our chief job is inventing new words. But not a bit of it! We’re destroying words – scores of them, hundreds of them, every day, (Orwell 1949, 65).

By reducing the language, the regime ensures that dissent and independent thinking become impossible, as there are no words left to articulate rebellious thoughts that have the potential of changing the status quo.

The reduction of language reshapes reality to fit the regime's ideology, ensuring only state-approved concepts are communicated and understood. Preventing people from learning new or foreign languages, as seen in 1984, isolates them and reinforces propaganda: “the average citizen of Oceania…is forbidden the knowledge of foreign languages” (Orwell 1949, 250). This isolation prevents citizens from recognizing their shared humanity and exposing the regime’s lies. Hence, the regime maintains control and perpetuates hate myths. Similarly, in Devil on the Cross, Ngugi uses Gikuyu to assert cultural identity and resist neocolonial influences. This linguistic choice is a form of rebellion against the cultural imperialism imposed by colonial powers. This is seen in the exposition of Gatuĩria. Gatuĩria, like many educated Kenyans, often struggled with his native Gĩkũyũ but spoke foreign languages fluently. Unlike others, he recognized that linguistic dependency reflects mental enslavement. Yet, in passionate discussions, Gatuĩria could speak Gĩkũyũ fluidly without hesitation or reverting to English (Ngugi 1982, 59). Gatuĩria further laments the deterioration of the Kenyan language and how it has affected the citizens of Kenya:

Let us now look about us. Where are our national languages now? Where are the books written in the alphabets of our national languages? Where is our own literature now? Where is the wisdom and knowledge of our fathers now? Where is the philosophy of our fathers now? (Ngugi 1982, 62).

This cultural annihilation ensures that the dominant capitalists’ ideology replaces traditional knowledge and philosophy, further consolidating its control over the populace.

By undermining a culture's framework, history, and philosophy, rich capitalists control the present and reshape collective memory, making resistance difficult. Over time, even common Kenyans begin to detest their own language: “When Kenyans conversed, they never used their national languages: they only conversed in foreign languages” (Ngugi 1982, 128). By prioritizing foreign languages, the ruling class enforces a cultural hegemony that supports their economic interests and diminishes the influence of indigenous languages and values.

In response to this, Ngugi, in Devil on the Cross, uses Gikuyu language and oral traditions to resist colonial and neo-colonial oppression. He argues that language is a crucial part of cultural identity and resistance. Ngugi states through the student leader, "The language of a people is at the heart of their culture, and they must defend it against those who seek to destroy it" (Ngugi 1982, 34). Mwangi supports this view, suggesting that Ngugi’s use of Gikuyu in Devil on the Cross is a form of linguistic defiance against the imperialistic tendencies that seek to erase African identities (Mwangi 2009, 78). This choice underscores the importance of preserving and reclaiming indigenous languages as a means of cultural resistance.

Closely related to the tool of linguistic control is the manipulation of truth and history. Orwell's Party constantly rewrites history to control the present. The Ministry of Truth alters past records to fit the current narrative and political order ensuring that the Party appears infallible. Orwell writes, "Who controls the past controls the future. Who controls the present controls the past" (Orwell 1949, 37). By manipulating the present, the regime can rewrite history to serve its current agenda, ensuring that its version of the past justifies its actions and maintains its authority. This cyclical control over history and the present consolidates the regime’s power and prevents any challenge to its dominance. This is exemplified in Winston’s confusion of historical events:

For several months during his childhood there had been confused street fighting in London itself, some of which he remembered vividly. But to trace out the history of the whole period, to say who was fighting whom at any given moment, would have been utterly impossible, since no written record, and no spoken word, ever made mention of any other alignment than the existing one (Orwell 1949, 42).

By eliminating evidence of historical complexity, the regime ensures that the official narrative remains unchallenged and maintains control over present perceptions and authority. This manipulation of history not only solidifies the regime’s control over the present but also stifles any potential for resistance by eliminating knowledge of past resistance movements and alternative viewpoints. As historian John Smith notes, "Orwell's depiction of historical revisionism highlights the dangers of allowing a single entity unchecked power over the historical narrative" (Smith 1995, 112).

In Devil on the Cross, Ngugi also addresses the manipulation of history. The colonial powers and the local bourgeoisie attempt to rewrite African history to justify and maintain their dominance. Through the character of Warĩĩnga, Ngugi shows how the true history of the people is suppressed. Warĩĩnga reflects, "They have turned our history upside down and made us strangers in our own land" (Ngugi 1982, 93). The greedy ruling class use the distortion of history to alienate people from their cultural heritage, making them feel disconnected and powerless, which in turn reinforces their dominance and control over societal values and norms. Warĩĩnga laments in another situation, “It is a tragedy that there is nowhere we can go to learn the history of our country” (Ngugi 1982, 63). By erasing accessible historical records, the elite ensure that people are deprived of knowledge about their own past, thereby maintaining control and preventing any challenge to their economic and social dominance.

This lack of historical knowledge keeps citizens disoriented and dependent, making it easier for the exploiting class to manipulate their perceptions and sustain their power without opposition. The capitalists further use this distortion of history in trying to convince the masses that they are justified in robbing them of their basic rights. Mwiweri addresses Wangari and the others thus, “History shows us that there has never been any civilization that was not built on the foundations of theft and robbery” (Ngugi 1982, 88). By presenting history as a continuous cycle of theft and robbery, the bourgeoisie justify their own exploitation and accumulation of wealth as part of an inevitable and historical process. This elite logic reinforces the idea that such practices are natural and unchangeable, discouraging any challenge to the existing economic and social structures. This is also shown in the testimony of Nditika wa Ngũũnji, “Let’s erase the past and dismiss the struggles for freedom as mere illusions. Instead, let’s focus on the three pillars of theft: grabbing, extorting money, and confiscating, ensuring we take anything belonging to the masses without hesitation” (Ngugi 1982, 210). By dismissing past struggles for freedom and promoting theft as a primary focus, the ruling elite use this redefined narrative to legitimize their exploitation and justify the systematic appropriation of resources from the ordinary people. In support of this, Odhiambo argues that Ngugi’s portrayal of historical manipulation underscores the importance of reclaiming and preserving African histories against colonial distortions (Odhiambo 1989, 67). By exposing and resisting these distortions, Ngugi advocates for a return to authentic cultural narratives and empowerment through self-knowledge.

As part of the strategies of containment, the dystopic actors create physical and hypothetical institutions that maintain and legitimize their machinations. In 1984, Orwell depicts a fictional society where institutions like the Thought Police and the Ministries of Truth, Peace, Love, and Plenty enforce the Party’s totalitarian control. These institutions not only maintain surveillance but also perpetuate propaganda and fear. Orwell writes, "The Thought Police plugged in on any individual wire was a fear that could never be wholly eradicated" (Orwell 1949, 3). This constant surveillance creates a culture of fear and compliance. In Orwell’s novel, institutions are pivotal in maintaining dystopian control through various means like the Ministry of Truth which constantly alters historical records to fit the Party’s current narrative, erasing and rewriting the past to ensure that the Party’s version of events is the only one that exists (Orwell 1949, 34). This control over information prevents dissent and keeps the populace aligned with the Party’s ever-changing policies. Also, the Ministry of Love is responsible for enforcing loyalty and punishing dissent through brutal interrogation and torture. It maintains control by terrorizing citizens into submission and ensuring that any acts of rebellion are met with severe consequences, thereby deterring any form of resistance (Orwell 1949, 35).

In addition, the Thought Police is the major institution used to enforce loyalty, obedience, and submission in the novel. The Thought Police enforces ideological conformity by monitoring and suppressing any signs of rebellious thoughts or behavior. This institution instils fear and ensures that even private thoughts are controlled, preventing any potential resistance to the Party’s rule (Orwell 1949, 36). The fear of the Thought Police is also revealed by Winston:

…the Thought Police plugged in on any individual wire was guesswork. It was even conceivable that they watched everybody all the time. But at any rate they could plug in your wire whenever they wanted to. You had to live – did live, from habit that became instinct – in the assumption that every sound you made was overheard, and, except in darkness, every movement scrutinised. (Orwell 1949, 5)

This pervasive surveillance enforces self-censorship and obedience, as individuals are conditioned to assume that any deviation from conformity will be detected and punished. According to Peter Marks, “Orwell’s institutions represent the extreme consolidation of power, where every aspect of life is monitored and controlled" (Marks 2011, 89). These institutions collectively maintain the Party’s dominance by manipulating truth, monitoring thoughts, and enforcing obedience, thus sustaining the dystopian control over every aspect of life.

Ngugi, on the other hand, uncovers the institutions that perpetuate corruption and exploitation in post-colonial Kenya. Devil on the Cross shows how institutions like the police and judiciary are complicit in maintaining the status quo. The protagonist Warĩĩnga faces systemic oppression from these institutions. Warĩĩnga laments, "The police, the courts, the banks—they all serve the interests of the oppressors" (Ngugi 1982, 121). These institutions are manipulated by the ruling class to uphold and reinforce their hold on power and economic interests. This institutional alignment ensures that systemic inequality is maintained, preventing any challenge to capitalist dominance and preserving the status quo. Even when workers decide that they have had enough and decide to strike, the police is used to suppress them: “On the day of his report, he returned with armed policemen. The employer, bitterly announcing a presidential decree banning strikes, told anyone tired of working to leave, as many unemployed men wanted jobs. He then dismissed the strike’s ringleaders” (Ngugi 1982, 80). Wanjala observes, "Ngugi’s critique of institutions in post-colonial Kenya highlights the continuity of exploitation from colonial to neo-colonial rule" (Wanjala 1984, 54). This exposes the deep-seated systemic issues that prevent true independence and equitable development.

Propaganda and censorship are also seen as convenient means of controlling narratives and consequently the masses. Orwell’s 1984 is rich with examples of propaganda and censorship. The Party uses slogans like "War is Peace, Freedom is Slavery, Ignorance is Strength" to indoctrinate citizens (Orwell 1949, 6). The constant stream of propaganda ensures that the populace remains loyal to the Party. Orwell illustrates this through the Two Minutes Hate, where citizens are compelled to express their hatred for the Party's enemies. Orwell writes, "The horrible thing about the Two Minutes Hate was not that one was obliged to act a part, but that it was impossible to avoid joining in" (Orwell 1949, 16). The Party uses the Two Minutes Hate to enforce collective participation, making it impossible for individuals to resist or abstain without drawing suspicion. This intense, orchestrated propaganda session ensures that even reluctant participants are swept up in the frenzy, reinforcing conformity and suppressing any dissenting thoughts. The narrator provides that:

Winston reads more of this use of censorship and propaganda from Goldstein’s book: “Significant citizens were subjected to round-the-clock surveillance and constant propaganda, with all other communication channels shut down. This control enforced total obedience and uniformity of thought, making absolute conformity in actions and opinions possible for the first time” (Orwell 1949, 258).

The Party employs constant surveillance and pervasive propaganda to ensure that all significant citizens are continuously monitored and influenced, while cutting off all alternative communication channels. This strategy enforces complete obedience and uniformity of thought, making absolute conformity in actions and opinions possible for the first time. Mark Poster notes that Orwell's depiction of propaganda demonstrates the power of repetitive messaging in shaping public opinion and suppressing dissent (Poster 1980, 102). By constantly bombarding citizens with the Party’s narrative, propaganda eliminates critical thinking and reinforces the regime’s control.

In Devil on the Cross, Ngugi portrays the use of propaganda by the neo-colonial elite to maintain control. The elite uses media and education to promote a narrative that justifies their exploitation of the masses. Ngugi describes how the elite "control the newspapers, the radios, the schools—to feed lies to the people" (Ngugi 1982, 58). By monopolising these channels, these capitalists effectively use propaganda and censorship to suppress dissent and perpetuate their power over society. Ngugi also depicts the elite’s control over media and educational institutions to propagate their own agenda and suppress dissent. For example, Warĩĩnga observes that the media constantly glorifies the capitalist elite and their enterprises while omitting or distorting information about exploitation and resistance (Ngugi 1982, 62). This manipulation ensures that the public remains ignorant of the true nature of their oppression.

The novel describes how the capitalists suppress any form of dissent or criticism. Warĩĩnga’s experiences at the university reveal how academic freedom is curtailed, with lecturers and students being silenced if they challenge the capitalist status quo (Ngugi 1982, 254). This suppression of free expression reinforces capitalist control by eliminating voices that could inspire resistance or reveal the injustices of the system. According to Micere Mugo, Ngugi’s critique of propaganda in Devil on the Cross exposes the ideological battles fought through cultural and educational institutions in post-colonial societies (Mugo 1989, 91). In illustrating how the elite manipulate these institutions to reinforce capitalist dominance, Ngugi critiques the ways in which power dynamics perpetuate inequality and suppress dissent.

Orwell’s 1984 represents deeply psychological manipulation as a way of reducing the humanity of the masses and achieving absolute control. The Party uses techniques like doublethink, where citizens are expected to hold two contradictory beliefs simultaneously, to control thought. Orwell describes doublethink as "the power of holding two contradictory beliefs in one’s mind simultaneously, and accepting both of them" (Orwell 1949, 35). The constant surveillance and fear of punishment also contribute to a sense of helplessness and inevitability among the populace. Room 101 represents the ultimate form of psychological torture, where individuals are subjected to their deepest fears. This form of torture is used to break down resistance and force complete submission by exploiting personal phobias and anxieties. Every prisoner dreads this room as we see from the skull-faced man:

Do whatever you want to me!” he screamed. “You’ve been starving me for weeks. Kill me, hang me, sentence me to twenty-five years—I’ll betray anyone you ask. I don’t care what happens to me or my family; you can even kill them in front of me. But not Room 101, (Orwell 1949, 297).

The prisoners have been put in such a psychological situation that they don’t mind revealing anything to the Party.

Even Winston is not left out of this manipulation. At first, he hates Big Brother and clearly writes in his diary, “Down with Big Brother, down with Big Brother…” (Orwell 1949, 23). However, at the end of his ordeal with the Thought Police, he falls in love with Big Brother: “He had won a victory over himself. He loved Big Brother” (Orwell 1949, 374). Even Winston is shocked at this change in himself. As George Kateb notes, Orwell's exploration of psychological manipulation reveals how totalitarian regimes seek to break down individual autonomy and self-worth (Kateb 1998, 77). This systematic erosion of personal identity ensures that resistance becomes nearly impossible.

In Devil on the Cross, psychological manipulation is evident in the way the characters internalize their oppression. Warĩĩnga struggles with self-worth and unstable identity due to the constant psychological pressure from the neo-colonial elite. Ngugi writes, “They have made us hate ourselves and love our oppressors” (Ngugi 1982, 45). The ruling class uses psychological manipulation to instil self-loathing in individuals while promoting adoration for their oppressors. This tactic ensures that people internalize their own subjugation and remain loyal to the very system that exploits them, effectively neutralizing any resistance and maintaining control.

These capitalists also succeed in making it clear that with money and power, they can manipulate anyone to do their bidding.

One of the henchmen tossed a piece of paper at the girl, on which was written: “We are the Devil’s Angels: Private Businessmen. Make the slightest move to take this matter to the authorities, and we shall issue you with a single ticket to God’s kingdom or Satan’s—a one-way ticket to Heaven or Hell” (Ngugi 1982, 4).

The bourgeoisie employs psychological manipulation by threatening extreme violence and invoking fear of death or eternal punishment to intimidate and control dissent, ensuring compliance and subjugation. Gikandi argues that Ngugi’s portrayal of psychological manipulation shows how deeply colonial and neo-colonial ideologies can infiltrate the minds of the oppressed, leading to a cycle of self-deprecation and compliance (Gikandi 2000, 82). By reshaping values and perceptions through propaganda and social conditioning, these ideologies ensure that the oppressed internalize their subjugation and remain passive under continued exploitation.

Both 1984 and Devil on the Cross provide powerful critiques of dystopian control through their exploration of language, history, institutions, propaganda and censorship, and psychological manipulation. Orwell's work focuses on the mechanisms of totalitarian control in a fictional future, while Ngugi addresses the real and ongoing struggles of post-colonial African societies. Together, these novels highlight the pervasive and insidious nature of control and the importance of resistance through cultural and historical reclamation.

A Conquered People?

What is the condition of the dystopic masses? What is their fate? Do they have any hope of salvation, even if utopian? In George Orwell's 1984 and Ngugi wa Thiong'o's Devil on the Cross, both authors present visions of societies conquered by oppressive regimes, where systemic control results in profound implications for the people. The themes of loss of individuality, emotional and psychological imprisonment, economic exploitation, and resistance and rebellion are prevalent in both texts.

As a consequence of the dystopic control through the various strategies observed above, in 1984, Orwell vividly portrays a world where individuality is systematically eradicated. The omnipresent surveillance by the Party ensures that personal thoughts and actions are constantly monitored. The protagonist, Winston Smith, struggles with maintaining his sense of self in a world that demands absolute conformity. Orwell writes, "Nothing was your own except the few cubic centimeters inside your skull" (Orwell 1949, 27). This illustrates the extreme measures taken to suppress any form of individuality, reducing people to mere extensions of the Party’s will. In reality (of the novel), this “few cubic centimeters” is shared by the narrative of Big Brother and the Thought Police. Hence, it is not really owned by the individual. Michael Yeo notes that the Party's ability to impose uniformity and stifle individuality is crucial for its totalitarian control (Yeo 2010, 89). By erasing personal identities and enforcing collective thought, the Party eliminates any potential sources of dissent and maintains a monolithic and compliant society. This suppression of individuality ensures that the Party’s ideology remains uncontested and that any challenge to its authority is systematically eroded.

Similarly, in Devil on the Cross, Ngugi explores how neo-colonial exploitation strips individuals of their unique identities. Warĩĩnga represents the plight of many young women who are forced into compromising positions due to economic desperation. Ngugi writes, "Warĩĩnga, the girl of my dreams, whose body had been the battleground for the powerful and the rich, for imperialists and their native servants" (Ngugi 1982, 16). This loss of individuality is a direct result of systemic control that prioritizes economic exploitation over human dignity. Simon Gikandi observes that Ngugi’s narrative exposes the dehumanizing effects of neocolonialism on the individual's identity and sense of self (Gikandi 2000, 112). This degradation of individual identity not only perpetuates exploitation but also distorts self-perception, reinforcing the power dynamics of the neocolonial system.

Orwell’s depiction of emotional and psychological imprisonment as a condition of the masses is starkly illustrated through the Party’s manipulation of reality and truth. The concept of doublethink, the act of simultaneously accepting two mutually contradictory beliefs, exemplifies this control. Orwell describes, "The power of holding two contradictory beliefs in one's mind simultaneously, and accepting both of them" (Orwell 1949, 35). This mental manipulation traps individuals in a constant state of cognitive dissonance, crippling their ability to think freely. John Rodden asserts, "The psychological control exerted by the Party is perhaps its most insidious weapon, as it not only restricts actions but also thoughts and emotions" (Rodden 2012, 67). This manipulation ensures that individuals are unable to challenge or even question the Party’s ideology, effectively maintaining a total and unquestioning allegiance.

In Devil on the Cross, emotional and psychological imprisonment is depicted through the pervasive fear and hopelessness experienced by the oppressed. Warĩĩnga’s journey reveals the psychological scars left by systemic exploitation and abuse. Ngugi writes, "She felt as if she was moving through a vast and desolate wilderness, with nothing but despair all around her" (Ngugi 1982, 120). This illustrates the profound emotional toll of living under a regime that values profit over people. Carol Sicherman notes that Ngugi captures the psychological impact of neocolonial exploitation, where the pervasive sense of powerlessness leads to deep emotional and psychological scars (Sicherman 1989, 134). This chronic oppression not only diminishes personal agency but also cultivates a pervasive sense of inferiority and self-doubt among the oppressed.

The characters in both 1984 and Devil on the Cross also experience extreme economic exploitation and deprivation. In Orwell’s dystopia, the Party maintains economic control by keeping the populace in a state of perpetual poverty and forced labour. Winston observes the dire economic conditions faced by the people, who live in poverty while the Party elite enjoy a life of luxury (Orwell 1949, 75). The economic disparity highlights how the Party exploits the working class, maintaining their subjugation and reinforcing their status as a conquered and disenfranchised segment of society. The Party’s manipulation of resources is evident as they constantly alter the supply of goods to control and demoralise the populace. Even to get a razor blade becomes difficult. “‘I wanted to ask you whether you’d got any razor blades,’ he said. ‘Not one!’ said Winston with a sort of guilty haste. ‘I’ve tried all over the place. They don’t exist any longer’” (Orwell 1949, 62). By managing scarcity and abundance strategically, the Party keeps the people dependent and under control, showcasing how economic exploitation consolidates their dominance.

Winston further reflects on how the Party deliberately keeps the populace in a state of economic frustration to prevent them from rising up. By maintaining a controlled level of deprivation and discontent, the Party ensures that economic grievances are a tool for keeping the people subdued and compliant. Daphne Patai highlights that the Party’s economic manipulation ensures that the masses are too preoccupied with survival to challenge their oppression (Patai 1984, 44). Through the act of keeping the populace in a constant state of scarcity and struggle, the Party effectively stifles any potential dissent or organised resistance, maintaining their grip on power.

Ngugi's Devil on the Cross addresses economic exploitation through the lens of neocolonialism, where foreign interests with their local collaborators collude to exploit the Kenyan ordinary people. The Devil's Feast, a grotesque competition among businessmen to devise the most exploitative economic schemes, symbolises this exploitation. Ngugi writes, "We have sharpened our fangs and our claws. We are ready to devour the fruits of our people's labour" (Ngugi 1982, 78). This vivid imagery underscores the voracious greed that drives economic exploitation. Carol Sicherman observes that Ngugi’s portrayal of economic exploitation is a powerful indictment of neocolonial practices that impoverish the many for the benefit of the few (Sicherman 1990, 98). This depiction reveals how systemic economic disparities are engineered to perpetuate inequality and disenfranchisement, reinforcing the power of the elite while suppressing the majority.

Despite the overwhelming control and oppression, both texts depict acts of resistance and rebellion. The people are not perpetually dormant, neither do they automatically resign to fate; they put up a little fight in expression of their agency and in view of emancipation. In 1984, Winston's rebellion, though ultimately futile, represents a flicker of hope against the monolithic power of the Party. Orwell writes, "If there is hope, it lies in the proles" (Orwell 1949, 60). This belief in the potential for collective resistance among the proletariat underscores the enduring human spirit. M. Keith Booker notes, "Winston's resistance, though crushed, symbolizes the indomitable will to freedom that cannot be entirely extinguished" (Booker 1994, 87).

In Devil on the Cross, Warĩĩnga’s journey culminates in her transformation from a victim to a symbol of resistance. Her decision to confront the oppressive forces head-on signifies a powerful act of defiance. Ngugi writes, "She knew that her battle was just beginning, and she was ready to fight" (Ngugi 1982, 201). This transformation reflects the potential for resistance and rebellion even in the face of overwhelming odds. Ngugi wa Thiong’o himself states, "The character of Warĩĩnga embodies the spirit of resistance against neocolonial oppression, representing the hope for a better future" (Ngugi 1982, 179). Although none of the novels shows a successful and complete resistance, there are actions that gesture at it, and promise a possible revolution, even if its beginnings seem quelled.

Both George Orwell's 1984 and Ngugi wa Thiong'o's Devil on the Cross present stark visions of societies under systemic control, exploring the devastating implications of such control on individuality, psychological and emotional well-being, economic conditions, social structures, and the potential for resistance. Through their narratives, Orwell and Ngugi illuminate the insidious nature of totalitarian and neocolonial systems, offering a powerful critique of the mechanisms of oppression and a call to recognise and resist such forces. The enduring relevance of these themes highlights the ongoing struggle for freedom and dignity in the face of systemic control.

Conclusion

George Orwell’s 1984 and Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s Devil on the Cross offer a compelling examination of dystopian control through various strategies such as language manipulation, historical revisionism, institutional dominance, propaganda, censorship, and psychological manipulation. Both novels reveal how these methods systematically strip the common people of their autonomy and suppress dissent. In Orwell’s 1984, the relentless alteration of language and history ensures the Party’s unchallenged supremacy, while Ngugi’s work highlights the corruption and exploitation inherent in post-colonial Kenya’s institutions. The consequences of systemic control are stark: individuals lose their sense of self, becoming emotionally and psychologically imprisoned; economic exploitation exacerbates the populace's plight, making them subservient and disconnected from their communities. Despite overwhelming oppression, both novels depict resistance as an inherent human response to tyranny. Orwell and Ngugi’s works remind us of the devastating impact of authoritarian regimes and the indomitable spirit of resistance among the oppressed.

Both novels depict chilling pictures of society that predict the trajectory of modern life.  In the final analysis, Ngugi’s novel depicts an exploitative system and neo-colonial oppression in independent Kenya. Similarly Orwell’s 1984 predicts a world dominated by surveillance and thought control, prophesizing the emergence of authoritarian regimes that do not accept opposition. Both novels unite in their depiction of a dehumanized society where an alternative “way of seeing” (George Lamming) is suppressed, the common people are manipulated and alienated. Looking at modern society characterized today as it is with digital surveillance, psychological manipulation, zero tolerance on dissent, the two writers although coming from different climes, were able to accurately depict the future.

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