Serial Motion Verb Constructions in Jiki Magayi: A Lexical Functional Grammar Analysis

Cite this article as: Isa, A. U. (2025). Serial motion verb constructions in JikiMagayi: A lexical functional grammar analysis. Sokoto Journal of Linguistics and Communication Studies (SOJOLICS), 1(2), 78–88. https://www.doi.org/10.36349/sojolics.2025.v01i02.009

SERIAL MOTION VERB CONSTRUCTIONS IN JIKI MAGAYI: A LEXICAL FUNCTIONAL GRAMMAR ANALYSIS

By

Adama Umar Isa

adamaumarisa@gmail.com

Department of Languages and Linguistics,

University of Maiduguri.

Abstract

This study investigates Serial Motion Verb Constructions (SMVCs) in the Hausa novel JikiMagayi within the framework of Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG). The research aims to identify, classify, and analyze the syntactic patterns that underlie Hausa serial verb constructions, focusing on how multiple verbs combine to express complex motion events within a single clause. Data were extracted from JikiMagayi and analyzed qualitatively using descriptive and analytical methods. Findings reveal that Hausa employs serial motion verbs as a productive syntactic device for encoding event sequences, direction, and causation without the use of overt conjunctions. The analysis identifies six major clusters; Sequential Motion, Multi-Action Physical Sequence, Motion plus Manipulative, Directional/Goal-Oriented, Iterative/Aspectual, and Complex Serial Constructions. Each cluster demonstrates monoclausal structure, shared tense/aspect marking, and subject control, confirming the high degree of syntactic cohesion typical of serializing languages. Within the LFG model, the serial verbs share a single f-structure with unified argument mapping, establishing Hausa as a language that uses functional control to encode multiple event predicates within one clause.The study concludes that serial motion verbs in Hausa are not merely stylistic devices but reflect a core grammatical process that links syntactic structure with event semantics. They enhance narrative flow and cohesion in JikiMagayi, illustrating how traditional Hausa narrative style exploits grammatical serialization for temporal and causal progression.

Keywords: Hausa language, Serial Motion Verbs, Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG), Syntax,JikiMagayi.

1.         Introduction

Being a universal concept, motion verbs, also known as verbs of movement or locomotion verbs, are a class of verbs that describe the movement or change in location of an entity. These verbs play a crucial role in conveying spatial information and depicting the dynamics of events and actions in language.

Talmy (2000) defined motion verbs as verbs that “encode the path of motion and may optionally combine with satelliteelements such as prepositions or particles that express manner, direction, or trajectory.”

Serial Verb Constructions (SVCs) are linguistic phenomena where two or more verbs occur within a single clause, sharing the same subject and tense, and expressing closely related actions or events. In Hausa, serial motion verbs (SMVs) are common in both spoken and written discourse, particularly in narrative texts such as JikiMagayi. These constructions express sequential, causal, or goal-oriented actions without the use of overt conjunctions. This study aims to analyze how SMVs are syntactically realized in JikiMagayi using the principles of Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG).

A literary text on the otherhand, is a written work that uses language in a creative and imaginative way to convey meaning, express ideas, and evoke emotions. It can take many forms, like novels, poems, plays, and short stories, frequently utilizing literary devices (metaphor, symbolism, imagery) and linguistics tools (various grammatical classes) to enrich its meaning and impact.

By paying attention to the serial motion verbs used in a literary text, readers can develop a deeper understanding of the narrative and its underlying dynamics. Therefore, this research will examine Hausa novel JikiMagayito collect relevant data.

Most previous studies have focused on the semantic aspects of Hausa motion verbs, with little attention paid to their syntactic structure. This research seeks to bridge that gap by conducting a syntactic analysis of serial motion verbs in R.M East’s and John TafidaWusasa’s “JikiMagayi” novel.

About the Novel JikiMagayi (JM)

In (1933), the Translation Bureau at Zaria, which used to translate the regulations and laws of the colonial administration into Hausa, conducted qualifying examinations for office posts and prepared school texts books, announced a literary competition for a prose work. Out of a number of works received, five were awarded prizes and published within a shortest possible time which, JikiMagayi (Henceforth, JM) happened to be among. Thus, created the first Hausa novels, from the very beginning marked by varying degrees of realism and fantasy.

The novel JM was first published in (1934). It was written by two authors; John UmaruTafidaWusasa and R. M. East. It consists of 51 pages. The story of the novel JMis about “a great and tragic love of hatred and the growth of a thirst for revenge”Pilaszewicz (1985: 220). Zainabu is betrothed to Abubakar, but before they marry, a rich man Shehu uses a charm to alienate her affections from Abubakar. Abubakar swears revenge and goes off in search of an equally potent charm with which to avenge him. His search takes him to a Fantastical Forest where he encountered so many obstacles and finally acquires the potion he is looking for. Meanwhile, Shehu and Zainabuhave had a child Kyauta to whom Abubakar administers the potion on his return. Kyauta is transformed from a well-behaved child into a thief and a liar. In order to get away from the shame of their son’s behavior, Shehu and Zainabu went to another town to settle. Kyauta having come by chance to that same town, broke into Shehu and Zainabu’s house not knowing who lives there and killed Shehu. On hearing from his mother that he has killed his father, Kyauta vows to find Abubakar and kill him. However, Abubakar dies moments before Kyauta can dispatch him. Furniss, G. (1996:32).

2.         Literature Review

Studies on Hausa motion verbs have generally focused on their semantic and functional dimensions, with less emphasis on their syntactic behavior.

Pawlak (2011) investigates the use of the motion verbs zo ‘come’ and je ‘go’ in various syntactic and semantic contexts. His study highlights how these verbs extend beyond literal meanings to express more general concepts, particularly in double-verb constructions. While this work provides important insights into the semantic versatility of motion verbs, it does not examine their internal syntactic composition in detail.

Askira (2014) explores Hausa motion verbs from a semantic-pragmatic perspective. She emphasizes the roles that context and discourse play in shaping the interpretation of motion events. However, the study does not provide a systematic syntactic account on serial motion verbs constructions in Hausa.

Abdoulaye (2018) contributes to the broader study of Hausa syntax by examining clause structure, argument distribution, and verb classification. Although motion verbs are included in his analysis, the focus remains largely on argument structure and functional categories rather than on the detailed syntactic behavior of serial motion verbs constructions.

Adamu and Almajiri (2022) investigates the cognitive and semantic aspects of Hausa motion verbs. Their research demonstrates how motion verbs evoke mental images and conceptual mappings, reflecting the influence of cognitive linguistics. Yet, their work, like earlier studies; pays little attention to the syntactic organization of serial motion verbs constructions.

Isa (2025)examines the syntactic structure of phrasal motion verbs in Hausa in Abubakar Imam’s RuwanBagajausing a descriptive syntactic approach, focusing on observable patterns of verb-complement relations. Her work pays no attention to serial motion verbs constructions.

However, Scholars such as Newman (2000) and Jaggar (2001) discusses verb serialization briefly in relation to verbal semantics.

The reviews of existing literature suggests that scholarship has paid considerable attention to the semantics, pragmatics, and cognitive aspects of Hausa motion verbs. However, there is a noticeable gap in the literature: the syntactic structure of serial motion verbs constructions remains underexplored.

The present study addresses this gap by adopting a Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG) syntactic approachto analyze serial motion verbs constructions in JikiMagayi. By doing so, it complements existing semantic and cognitive studies with a structural perspective that highlights how serial motion verbs function grammatically and interact with their complements in Hausa literary texts.

Previous studies on Hausa syntax have focused on verb agreement, aspect, and transitivity, but serial verb constructions remain underexplored. However, this study focuses on motion serial verbs using Lexical Functional Grammar (Henceforth LFG) which provides a functional mapping between constituent structure (c-structure) and functional structure (f-structure). The aim is to describe how SMVCs represent single or complex events in Hausa narrative syntax.

3.         Research Methodology

The data for this study were drawn from JikiMagayi, one of the five Hausa novels that won the 1933 Hausa Literary Competition organized by Dr. R. M. East. The novel was purposefully selected because of its rich narrative style and its extensive use of motion and action verbs, which provide suitable contexts for studying serial verb constructions. The researcher conducted a close textual reading of the entire novel, identifying and extracting sentences containing two or more consecutive verbs occurring within a single clause without an intervening conjunction. A total of twenty six (26) relevant examples of serial motion verb constructions were selected for analysis. The selection was guided by syntactic criteria such as shared subject, tense/aspect uniformity, and absence of overt coordinators. The examples were numbered, referenced by page and line, and transcribed in standard Hausa orthography. Each verb sequence was also translated into English for cross-linguistic clarity and syntactic illustration.

The extracted data were organized and presented according to syntactic and functional similarities. Each example was grouped into one of six clusters: Single-Agent Sequential Motion, Multi-Action Physical Sequence, Motion plus Manipulative/Transitive, Directional or Goal-Oriented Motion, Iterative/Aspectual, and Embedded or Complex Serial Constructions. Each cluster was introduced with a brief description of its syntactic and semantic characteristics, followed by Hausa examples, English translations, and schematic representations of their underlying syntactic structure. This method of data presentation allowed for systematic comparison of the structural patterns and functional relations among the different types of serial constructions.

The analysis employed Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG) as the theoretical framework. It is particularly suitable for analyzing serial verb constructions because it accounts for the mapping between syntactic positions and grammatical functions without requiring transformational movement. Each example was analyzed by identifying the syntactic configuration of the serial verbs, their shared grammatical features (subject, tense/aspect, argument structure), and their semantic relations (sequence, cause, direction, iteration). The analysis demonstrated how the verbs form a single predicate complex under one tense phrase, following LFG’s principle of functional control, in which all verbs share one subject and tense node. The functional equations (e.g., SUBJ = SUBJ, TNS = TNS) were used to explain argument and tense sharing within the serial constructions. The results were discussed cluster by cluster, emphasizing how Hausa uses serialization to express different types of motion and action events without clause coordination or subordination. The LFG analysis provided insights into the internal syntactic organization of Hausa serial motion verbs and their contribution to event structure and narrative cohesion.

3.1       Theoretical Framework

The theoretical framework adopted for this study is Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG), developed by Bresnan (1982), a non-transformational syntactic theory that distinguishes between constituent structure (c-structure) and functional structure (f-structure). C-structure represents phrase-level organization, while f-structure captures grammatical functions such as subject, object, and tense. In SMVCs, verbs share the same f-structure features such as tense, aspect, and subject. Thus, LFG accounts for how multiple verbs function as one clause syntactically and semantically. In Hausa, this manifests as verbs that occur in sequence without conjunctions but share subject and tense marking.

4.         Data Presentation andAnalysis

The data drawn from the Hausa novel JikiMagayi are presented and grouped into six clusters based on syntactic and functional similarities.

Cluster 1: Single-Agent Sequential Motion

These are sentences where one subject performs two or more actions sequentially; typically motion verbs showing successive actions by the same agent.

Examples 1: Yahauyatàfikilisa .  “He mounted and went to ride horse for fun.” (pg. 2, ln. 23)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ)=↓ │     ya └── VP (↑PRED)= 'hau, tàfi<SUBJ, OBLpurpose>'      ├── V1 (↑PRED)= ‘hau’      ├── V2 (↑PRED)= ‘tàfi’      └── NP (↑OBLpurpose)=↓ kilisa	[PRED ‘hau, tàfi<SUBJ,OBLpurpose>’ SUBJ  [PRED ‘pro’ PERS 3 NUM  SG TENSE PAST]OBLpurpose [PRED ‘kilisa’]  ASPECT PERF  MOOD   IND]

 

Example 2:Yataashìyatàfiɗakinsa. “He rose, and went to his room” (pg. 27, ln. 17)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ)=↓ │     ya └── VP(↑PRED)= 'taashì, tàfi<SUBJ, OBLLOC>'    ├── V1 (↑PRED)= taashì    ├── V2 (↑PRED)= tàfi          └── NP (↑OBLLOC)=↓ ɗakinsa	[PRED ‘taashì, tàfi’ <SUBJ, OBLLOC>’ SUBJ [PRED ‘pro’ PERS 3, NUM SG TENSE PAST ] OBLLOC[PRED ‘ɗakinsa’] ASPECT PERF. MOOD   IND]

 

Example 3:Yashìgayakwânta . “He entered and lay down.” (pg. 21, ln. 19)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ)=↓ │     ya └── VP (↑PRED)= ‘shìga,kwânta<SUBJ>’   ├── V1 (↑PRED)= shìga └── V2(↑PRED)= kwânta	[PRED ‘shìga,kwânta<SUBJ>’ SUBJ [PRED ‘pro’ PERS 3, NUM SG TENSE PAST ] ASPECT PERF. MOOD   IND]

 

Example 4:Yafitooyatsayàaƙofarrumfa . “He came out and stood at the shop’s door.” (pg. 21, ln. 21-22)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ)=↓ │     ya └── VP (↑PRED)= ‘fitoo, tsayàa<SUBJ, OBLLOC>’    ├── V1 (↑PRED)=fitoo     ├── V2 (↑PRED)= tsayàa          └── NP  (↑OBLLOC)=↓ ƙofarrumfa	[PRED ‘fitoo,tsayàa<SUBJ, OBLLOC>’ SUBJ [PRED ‘pro’ PERS 3, NUM SG TENSE PAST ] OBLLOC [PRED ‘ƙofarrumfa’]   ASPECT PERF. MOOD   IND]

 

Example 5:Na koomookasuwanakwânta. “I returned to the market and lay down.” (pg. 21, ln. 27)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ)=↓ │     na └── VP (↑PRED)= ‘koomoo, kwânta<SUBJ, OBLLOC>’    ├── V1(↑PRED)= koomoo    ├── NP  (↑OBLLOC)=↓ kasuwa          └── V2(↑PRED)= kwânta	[PRED ‘koomoo, kwânta<SUBJ, OBLLOC>’SUBJ [PRED ‘pro’ PERS 1, NUM SG,TENSE PAST] OBLLOC [PRED ‘kasuwa’] ASPECT PERF. MOOD   IND]

 

Example 6:Yataashìyakaamàahanya . “He rose and took the road.”(pg. 23, ln. 1)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ) =↓ │     ya └── VP (↑PRED)= ‘taashì, kaamàa<SUBJ, OBLPATH >’    ├── V1 (↑PRED)= taashì  ├── V2(↑PRED)= kaamàa ├── NP  (↑OBLPATH)=↓                                    hanya	[PRED ‘taashì, kaamàa<SUBJ, OBLPATH>’SUBJ [PRED  ‘pro’ PERS 3, NUM SG,TENSE PAST] OBLPATH [PRED ‘hanya’]] ASPECT PERF. MOOD   IND]

 

Example 7:Yataashìyatàfi . “He rose and went.” (pg. 25, ln. 33)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ) =↓ │     ya └── VP (↑PRED)= ‘taashì, tàfi<SUBJ>’    ├── V1 (↑PRED)= taashì   └── V2 (↑PRED)= tàfi	[PRED ‘taashì, tàfi<SUBJ>’ SUBJ [PRED  ‘pro’ PERS 3, NUM SG,TENSE PAST]  ASPECT PERF.  MOOD   IND]

 

Example 8:Yajeeyakoomoo.  “He went and returned.” (pg. 22, ln. 34)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ) =↓ │     ya └── VP (↑PRED)=‘jee, koomoo<SUBJ>’    ├── V1 (↑PRED)= jee   └── V2 (↑PRED)= koomoo	[PRED ‘jee, koomoo<SUBJ>'SUBJ [PRED ‘pro’ PERS 3, NUM SG,TENSE PAST] ASPECT PERF. MOOD   IND]

The above cluster represents simple serial constructions expressing sequential motion. Each clause is a monoclausal serial motion verb structure sharing: One subject (NP); ya / na,Coordinated motion verbs (V1 + V2) without conjunctions and shared tense/aspect marking only on the first verb (ya covers both verbs). The verbs are not separated by conjunctions (e.gda, kuma), showing that Hausa uses juxtaposition and shared tense to encode seriality. The constructions emphasize event continuity; he actions are perceived as one extended motion episode (e.g., mount → go → arrive).

 

Multi-Action Physical Sequence Cluster

These involve a chain of causal or physical actions in one continuous event.

Examples 9: Yaabàuceeyakaa da shiyatseerèe. “He lost control, threw him down, and ran away.” (pg. 2, ln. 24)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ) =↓ │     ya └── VP (↑PRED)= ‘abàucee,kaa,tseerèe<SUBJ, OBJ>’    ├── V1 (↑PRED)= ‘abàucee,kaa,tseerèe   └── V2 (↑PRED)= kaa ├── NP  (↑OBJ)=↓                                  dashi  ├── V3 (↑PRED)= tseerèe	[PRED ‘abàucee,kaa,tseerèe<SUBJ, OBJ>’ SUBJ [PRED ‘pro’ PERS 3, NUM SG,TENSE PAST] OBJ [PRED ‘shi’] ASPECT PERF. MOOD   IND.

 

Example 10:Yakafèeshi da mariyakifèe. “He slapped him hard and he fell.” (pg. 20, ln. 26)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ) =↓ │     ya └── VP (↑PRED)= ‘kafèe,kifèe<SUBJ, OBJ, OBLINST>’    ├── V1 (↑PRED)= kafèe ├── NP  (↑OBJ)=↓                                  shi ├── NP  (↑OBLIST)=↓                                  damari   └── V2 (↑PRED)= kifèe	[PRED ‘kafèe,kifèe<SUBJ, OBJ, OBLINST>’SUBJ [PRED ‘pro’ PERS 3, NUM SG,TENSE PAST] OBJ [PRED ‘shi’] OBLINST[PRED ‘mari’] ASPECT PERF. MOOD   IND]

 

 

Example 11:Yayankàa a gujeyakaamàdoki. “He cut while running and caught the horse.” (pg. 20, ln. 21)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ) =↓ │     ya └── VP (↑PRED)=‘yankàa, kaamà<SUBJ, OBLADV>’    ├── V1 (↑PRED)= ‘yankàa ├── NP  (↑OBLADV)=↓                                     a guje' └── V2 (↑PRED)= kaamà ├── NP  (↑OBJ)=↓             doki	[PRED ‘yankàa, kaamà<SUBJ, OBLADV, OBJ>’SUBJ [PRED‘pro’ PERS 3, NUM SG,TENSE PAST ] OBLADV[PRED ‘a guje'] OBJ [PRED ‘doki'] ASPECT PERF. MOOD   IND]

 

 

Example 12:Yayankoo a gujeyanufoogida . “He cut in a rush and headed home.” (pg. 28, ln. 24)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ) =↓ │     ya └── VP (↑PRED)=‘yankoo, nufoo<SUBJ, OBLADV, OBLLOC >’    ├── V1 (↑PRED)= yankoo ├── NP  (↑OBLADV)=↓                                     a guje' └── V2 (↑PRED)= nufoo ├── NP  (↑OBLLOC)=↓             gida	[PRED ‘yankoo, nufoo<SUBJ, OBLADV, OBLLOC >’ SUBJ [PRED ‘pro’ PERS 3, NUM SG,TENSE PAST] OBLADV[PRED ‘aguje’] OBLLOC [PRED ‘gida’] ASPECT PERF. MOOD   IND]

 

Example 13:Ta runtumoo a guje ta rùngùmeeshi. “She rushed and embraced him.”(pg. 28, ln. 13)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ) =↓ │     ta └── VP (↑PRED)= ‘ runtumoo, rùngùmee<SUBJ, OBLADV, OBLLOC >’    ├── V1 (↑PRED)= runtumoo ├── NP  (↑OBLADV)=↓                                     a guje' └── V2 (↑PRED)= rùngùmee ├── NP  (↑OBJ)=↓             shi	[PRED ‘ runtumoo, rùngùmee<SUBJ,OBLADV, OBJ >’SUBJ [PRED ‘pro’ PERS 3, NUM SG,TENSE PAST] OBLADV [PRED ‘aguje’] OBJ [PRED ‘shi’] ASPECT PERF. MOOD   IND]

This cluster shows action chaining, where one event triggersorleads into another. Each serial construction combines two or more verbs denoting physical actions. The aspect and subject agreement are marked only once. The motionor cause-result relationship is encoded syntactically without a conjunction. Hausa encodes such sequences through tight verb serialization. The lack of overt conjunctions implies a close semantic dependency; each verb is an integral part of a continuous motion or resultative chain.

 

Motion + Manipulative/Transitive Cluster

These combine verbs of movement with verbs of manipulation or transference (taking, putting, and carrying).

Example 14: Yasâahannuaaljihuyafitoo da laya.“He put his hand in his pocket and brought out an amulet.” (pg. 16, ln. 7)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ) =↓ │     ya └── VP (↑PRED)= ‘sâa,fitoo<SUBJ, OBJ, OBLLOC, OBLINST> ’    ├── V1 (↑PRED)= sâa ├── NP  (↑OBJ)=↓                                     hannu └── PP (↑OBLLOC)=↓ a aljihu' └── V2 (↑PRED)= fitoo ├── NP  (↑OBLINST)=↓             da laya	[PRED ‘sâa,fitoo<SUBJ, OBJ, OBLLOC, OBLINST>’SUBJ [PRED ‘pro’ PERS 3, NUM SG,TENSE PAST] OBJ [PRED ‘hannu’ ] OBLLOC [PRED ‘aljihu’] OBLINST [PRED ‘laya’]] ASPECT PERF. MOOD   IND.

                       

Example 15:Yaɗèebi ‘yankayansayakaiinuwa . “He picked his belongings and took them to the shade.” (pg. 19, ln. 31)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ) =↓ │     ya └── VP (↑PRED)=‘ɗèebi, kai<SUBJ, OBJ, OBLLOC>’    ├── V1 (↑PRED)=ɗèebi ├── NP  (↑OBJ)=↓                            ’yankayansa ├── NP  (↑OBLIST)=↓                                  damari   └── V2 (↑PRED)= kai ├── NP  (↑OBLLOC)=↓                         inuwa’	[PRED ‘ɗèebi, kai<SUBJ, OBJ, OBLLOC>’SUBJ [PRED ‘pro’ PERS 3, NUM SG,TENSE PAST] OBJ [PRED ‘’yankayansa’  OBLLOC [PRED ‘inuwa’]] ASPECT PERF. MOOD   IND]

 

Example 16: Yamiiƙàhannuyaɗaukà . “He stretched his hand and took it.” (pg. 25, ln. 30)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ) =↓ │     ya └── VP (↑PRED)=‘miiƙà, ɗaukà<SUBJ, OBJ>’    ├── V1 (↑PRED)=miiƙà ├── NP  (↑OBJ)=↓                            hannu   └── V2 (↑PRED)= ɗaukà	[PRED ‘miiƙà, ɗaukà<SUBJ, OBJ>’SUBJ [PRED ‘pro’ PERS 3, NUM SG,TENSE PAST] OBJ [PRED ‘hannu’] ASPECT PERF. MOOD   IND]

 

From the above examples, the first verb introduces a preparatory motion, the second completes the manipulation.The sharedtense and commonsubject make them a tightSVC rather than coordination. These constructions illustrate instrumental and transference serialization; movement verbs preceding object manipulation verbs.

 

Directional/Goal-Oriented Motion Cluster

These show movement toward or from a location, often combining verbs of going (tafi, zo, je) with other motion or posture verbs.

Example 17: Ka zoo mu tàfigidana . “Come, let’s go to my house.”(pg. 16, ln. 15-16)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── S1 │    ├── NP (↑SUBJ)=↓ │    │      ka │    └── VP (↑PRED)= ‘zoo<SUBJ>’ │           └── V1 (↑PRED)= ‘zoo’ └── S2      ├── NP (↑SUBJ)=↓      │      mu      └── VP (↑PRED)= ‘tàfi<SUBJ, OBLLOC>’            ├── V2 (↑PRED)= ‘tàfi’            └── NP (↑OBLLOC)=↓ gidana	[COORD    [PRED ‘zoo<SUBJ>’SUBJ [PRED ‘ka’ PERS 2 NUM SG] MOOD IMP] [PRED ‘tàfi<SUBJ, OBLLOC>’     SUBJ [PRED 'mu’ PERS 1 NUM PL]     OBLLOC [PRED ‘gidana’]     MOOD IMP] ]

 

Example 18: YaisooyatàfigidanTausayinka-da-sauƙi. “He arrived and went to the house of Tausayinka-da-sauƙi.”(pg. 26, ln. 34)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ) =↓ │     ya └── VP (↑PRED)= ‘isoo, tàfi<SUBJ, OBLLOC>’    ├── V1 (↑PRED)=isoo   └── V2 (↑PRED)= tàfi ├── NP  (↑OBLLOC)=↓                          gidanTausayinka-da -sauƙi	[PRED ‘isoo, tàfi<SUBJ, OBLLOC>’SUBJ [PRED ‘pro’ PERS 3F, NUM SG,TENSE PAST] OBLOC [PRED ‘gidanTausayinka-da-sauƙi’] ASPECT PERF. MOOD   IND]

 

Example 19: Yashìgadajiyafìtakarkara. “He entered the forest and went out to the countryside.”(pg. 25, ln. 35)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ) =↓ │     ya └── VP (↑PRED)=‘shìga, fìta<SUBJ, OBLLOC>’    ├── V1 (↑PRED)=shìga ├── NP  (↑OBLLOC)=↓                            karkara   └── V2 (↑PRED)= fìta ├── NP  (↑OBLLOC)=↓                            karkara	[PRED ‘shìga, fìta<SUBJ, OBLLOC>’ SUBJ [PRED ‘pro’ PERS 3, NUM SG,TENSE PAST] OBLLOC [PRED ‘daji’]  OBLLOC [PRED ‘karkara’] ASPECT PERF. MOOD   IND]

 

Example 20: Yazoowanigariyakwaana . “He came to a town and spent the night.”(pg. 22, ln. 29-30)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ) =↓ │     ya └── VP (↑PRED)= ‘zoo, kwaana<SUBJ, OBLLOC>’    ├── V1 (↑PRED)= zoo   └── V2 (↑PRED)= kwaana ├── NP  (↑OBLLOC)=↓                            wanigari	[PRED ‘zoo, kwaana<SUBJ, OBLLOC >’ SUBJ [PRED ‘pro’ PERS 3, NUM SG,TENSE PAST] OBLLOC[PREDwanigari] ASPECT PERF. MOOD   IND]

 

Example 21:Yamiiƙàa, yakwaanawannangari, yataashìyakwaanawancan. “He went on, stayed overnight in one town, rose, and spent the night in another.”(pg. 22, ln. 28-29)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ) =↓ │     ya └── VP (↑PRED)= ‘‘miiƙàa, kwaana, taashì, taashì<SUBJ, OBLOC >’    ├── V1 (↑PRED)=miiƙàa   └── V2 (↑PRED)= kwaana ├── NP  (↑OBLLOC)=↓                            wannangari ├── V3(↑PRED)=kwaana ├── NP  (↑OBLLOC)=↓                            wancan	[PRED ‘miiƙàa, kwaana, taashì, taashì<SUBJ, OBLOC >’SUBJ [PRED ‘pro’ PERS 3, NUM SG,TENSE PAST]  OBLLOC [PRED ‘wannangari’]  OBLLOC [PRED ‘wancan’] ASPECT PERF. MOOD   IND]

 

Here, V1 introduces arrivalorentry, and V2 indicates subsequentpostureorrest, both forming a locationalmotionchain. This cluster shows pathserialization, where the sequence of motion verbs describes phasalmovement (arrival → rest, entry → exit). Hausa uses this pattern to encode directionality, path, andendpoint of motion; a syntactic hallmark of motion serialization.

 

Iterative/Aspectual Cluster

Here, repetitionorhabitualmotion is encoded through serial repetition of motion verbs.

Examples 22: Kwàncetaashì. “Lie down and get up.”(pg. 21, ln. 16, pg. 22, ln.5)

1.      C-Structure	F-Structure
S └── VP (↑PRED)= ‘kwànce-taashì <SUBJ>’    ├── V1 (↑PRED)=kwànce   └── V2 (↑PRED)= taashì	[PRED ‘kwànce, taashì<SUBJ>’  SUBJ [PRED ‘pro'’, PER 3, NUM SG/PL]  MOOD IMP]

 

Example 23: Kwaanataashìsaigashi a ƙofarGalma. “After sleeping and rising, he appeared at Galma’s door.” (pg. 16, ln. 7)

C-Structure	F- Structure
S ├── S1 (Adjunct/Temporal) │    └── VP (↑= ‘kwaana, taashì<SUBJ>’) │         ├── V1 (↑PRED)= ‘kwaana’ │         └── V2 (↑PRED)= ‘taashì’ └── S2 (Matrix)      └── VP (↑PRED)= ‘sai, ga<OBJ, OBLLOC>’           ├── AdvP (↑PRED)= ‘sai’ ; sequence particle           ├── V (↑PRED)= ‘ga’           ├── NP (↑OBJ)=↓    ; pronoun shi           │     shi           └── PP (↑OBLLOC)=↓ aƙofarGalma	[PRED   ‘ga<OBJ, OBLLOC>’  ADJUNCT         [PRED ‘kwaana, taashì<SUBJ>’          SUBJ [PRED ‘pro'                PERS 3                NUM SG]]  OBJ    [PRED ‘shi’          PERS 3          NUM SG]  OBLLOC [PRED ‘aƙofarGalma’]  MOOD   IND  TENSE  PAST]

This cluster expresses aspectualsequencing; the verbs encode cyclicalorrepeatedactions (lie-rise, sleep-wake). The examples above have twobareverbstems forming iterative pairs under a single subject. They often lack overt subject and tense markers when generic or habitual especially in narratives. Hausa exploits SVCs to mark habitualaspectandtemporaliteration, not just event chaining.

 

Embedded or Complex Serial Constructions

These combine threeormoreverbs in one chain, often mixing motion, manipulation,andgoalverbs.

 

 

Example 24: Sukaɗooràashi a kanjakisukakaishiwanigarisukawucèe. “They placed him on a donkey, took him to another town, and left.” (pg. 21, ln. 6-7)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ) =↓ │     suka └── VP (↑PRED)=‘ɗooràa, kai, wucèe<SUBJ,OBJ, OBLLOC>'    ├── V1 (↑PRED)=ɗooràa ├── NP  (↑OBj)=↓                            shi ├── NP  (↑OBLLOC)=↓                            a kanjaki  └── V2 (↑PRED)= kai ├── NP  (↑OBJ)=↓                            shi ├── NP  (↑OBLLOC)=↓                            wanigari └── V3 (↑PRED)= wucèe	[PRED ‘ɗooràa, kai,wucèe<SUBJ,OBJ, OBLLOC>' SUBJ [PRED ‘pro’ PERS 3, NUM PL,TENSE PAST] OBJ [PRED 'shi'] OBLLOC [PRED 'a kanjaki,wanigari'] ASPECT PERF. MOOD   IND]

 

Example 25: Yashiryà ’yankayansayaɗaurèe, yataakàdokinsayahau.  “He packed his things, tied them, mounted his horse, and rode.” (pg. 19, ln. 16-17)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ) =↓ │     ya └── VP (↑PRED)=‘shiryà, ɗaurèe, taakà,hau<SUBJ, OBJ>’    ├── V1 (↑PRED)=shiryà   └── V2 (↑PRED)= ɗaurèe ├── NP  (↑OBJ)=↓ ’yankayansa]  └── V3(↑PRED)= taakà  └── V4(↑PRED)= hau ├── NP  (↑OBJ)=↓                            dokinsa	[PRED ‘shiryà, ɗaurèe, taakà,hau<SUBJ, OBJ>'SUBJ [PRED ‘pro’ PERS 3, NUM SG,TENSE PAST] OBJ1 [PRED ‘’yankayansa]'OBJ2[PRED 'dokinsa']  ASPECT PERF. MOOD   IND]

 

Example 26: Yasâamasalinzamiyajaawoo, yaɗauràsirdi.  “He put the bridle on it, pulled, and fastened the saddle.” (pg. 20, ln. 21-22)

C-Structure	F-Structure
S ├── NP (↑SUBJ) =↓ │     ya └── VP (↑PRED)= ‘sâa, jaawoo,ɗaurà<SUBJ, OBJ, OBLINST>’    ├── V1 (↑PRED)=sâa ├── NP  (↑OBJ)=↓                            masa ├── NP  (↑OBLINST)=↓                            linzami   └── V2 (↑PRED)= jaawoo  └── V2 (↑PRED)= jaawoo ├── NP  (↑OBJ)=↓                            sirdi	[PRED 'sâa, jaawoo,ɗaurà<SUBJ, OBJ, OBLINST>'SUBJ [PRED ‘pro’ PERS 3F, NUM SG,TENSE PAST] OBJ [PRED 'masa'] OBLINST [PRED 'linzami']  [PRED OBJ [PRED 'sirdi'] TENSE PAST ASPECT PERF. MOOD   IND]

The above examples are ComplexSerialMotionVerbConstructions(CSMVCs) showing hierarchicaleventcomposition. Each verb expresses a sub-event of one macro-event; all sharing tense/aspect and subject. The syntax demonstrates how Hausa serial verbs stack multiple verbs under one Tense Phrase, producing multi-event motion descriptions without subordination. They exemplify tight syntactic cohesionandsemantic integration; core features of serial verb typology. This cluster also demonstrates that Hausa uses serial verb syntax to express complex transitive and motion actions without introducing subordination or conjunctions.

5. Findings

The study reveals that Hausa employs serial verbs as a productive and systematic grammatical strategy for expressing complex motion and action sequences. The data indicate that these constructions function as unified predicate complexes in which two or more verbs share the same subject, tense, and aspect markers. Within the Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG) framework, each serial verb chain forms a single functional structure (f-structure) that represents a macro-event composed of several sub-events, rather than independent clauses. This means that Hausa serialization is fundamentally monoclausal and not a case of coordination or subordination.

The analysis further shows that the serial verbs operate under a shared grammatical domain where subject agreement and tense are marked only once, usually on the first verb in the series, while subsequent verbs remain uninflected. This pattern supports the LFG notion of functional control, where the arguments of the initial verb are shared across all verbs within the serial construction through feature equations such as SUBJ = SUBJ and TNS = TNS. The verbs are juxtaposed without overt conjunctions, which highlights the high degree of syntactic cohesion and semantic integration between them.

Across the six identified cluster; Sequential Motion, Multi-Action Physical Sequence, Motion with Manipulation, Directional or Goal-Oriented Motion, Iterative/Aspectual, and Complex Serial Constructions, the analysis demonstrates that Hausa differentiates motion events through syntactic configurations rather than morphological or lexical means. Sequential serial verbs express continuous or successive motion, while multi-action and manipulative types combine cause, motion, and transference in one event chain. Directional and iterative constructions reveal how Hausa encodes path, direction, and repetition through verb sequencing. Complex serial verbs, on the other hand, integrate multiple sub-events such as preparation, motion, and culmination within a single tense phrase, reflecting the hierarchical structuring of actions.

The findings also reveal that the use of serial motion verbs contributes significantly to the narrative texture of JikiMagayi. Through serial constructions, actions flow naturally and continuously, enhancing both the rhythm and vividness of narration. Hausa, therefore, uses serialization as a means of grammatical economy and narrative cohesion, allowing multiple related actions to be expressed without conjunctions or clause boundaries. These features confirm that Hausa serial verb constructions are a central aspect of its syntactic architecture, demonstrating how meaning and event structure are encoded through tightly bound verbal sequences.

6. Conclusion

This study examined serial motion verb constructions in JikiMagayi (JM) within the framework of Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG). The findings demonstrate that Hausa employs serial verb syntax as a core grammatical mechanism for expressing motion and event sequencing. Through structural analysis, the study identified six major serial verb clusters that reveal how multiple verbs share a single syntactic head and functional relations under one tense node.

LFG analysis confirms that Hausa SVCs are monoclausal constructions with unified argument structures. The verbs in each series operate under a shared subject and temporal domain, showing that serialization in Hausa is not coordination but a tight syntactic fusion of predicates contributing different facets of a single macro-event.

The results also underscore the narrative richness of JikiMagayi, where serial motion verbs enhance temporal flow, cohesion, and vividness of description. Hausa writers exploit serialization to present continuous and causally linked actions without interrupting discourse with conjunctions.

The study contributes to Hausa syntax by establishing serial motion verbs as a productive and systematic construction type, reinforcing the suitability of Lexical Functional Grammar for analyzing predicate sharing, argument control, and tense agreement in serializing languages.

The analysis demonstrates that Hausa serial motion verbs in JikiMagayi encode multiple actions within a single clause. LFG effectively captures their syntactic representation by mapping shared grammatical functions and tense features across verbs. This supports the view that Hausa employs serial verb constructions to express complex motion, causation, and aspect without overt coordination.

 

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