A Sociolinguistic Study of Selected Toponyms in the Metropolitan Sokoto

Cite this article as: Sajo, M. A. (2025). A sociolinguistic study of selected toponyms in the metropolitan Sokoto. Sokoto Journal of Linguistics and Communication Studies (SOJOLICS), 1(1), 282–289. https://www.doi.org/10.36349/sojolics.2025.v01i01.033

A SOCIOLINGUISTIC STUDY OF SELECTED TOPONYMS IN THE METROPOLITAN SOKOTO

By

Prof. Muhammad Aliyu SAJO

sajomuhammad@gmail.com

Department of English and Literary Studies

UsmanuDanfodiyo University, Sokoto, Nigeria

Abstract

Understanding the meaning of place names (toponyms) from the way their words are encoded at times pose a problem to the reader or hearer. A study of toponyms is important because, such study gives clues about linguistic evolution of the toponyms, provides insight into the place’s past as well as act as historical and cultural artifacts. The aim of this study is, to conduct a sociolinguistic study of toponyms in the Sokoto metropolis. The objectives of the study are to: Identify the types of toponyms in Sokoto metropolis, classify the toponyms in relation to their linguistic encoding, and to examine how the toponyms are encoded to communicate messages to the audience. Interview, observation, descriptive and analytical methods were used in the data collection and analysis. Among the major findings of the study are that, Associative, Commemorative, Descriptive, and Religious toponyms are the types identified. Associative toponyms which portray occupational skills of the people are the most prominent ones identified. They are, Alkanci,Asarakkawa, Maɗunka, Magina, Majema, Marina, Masaƙa, Masassaƙa. It was also gathered that, except for Asarakkawaand Alkanci, almost all the place names depicting occupation or trade of the people are derived using the same prefix ma- added to the root word (as in majema, maƙera, marina, masaƙa, masassaƙa, maɗunka, etc.). The sociolinguistic analysis of the toponyms showcases socio-economic and socio-historical background of the people inhabited at the places. The paper concludes that, sociolinguistic study of toponyms appears effective in disecting the sociolinguistic features of place names for better understanding of their communicative effects.

Keywords: Sociolinguistics, Morphology, Toponym, Sokoto metropolis, language and context

1. Introduction

At the level of language, toponyms give certain clues about a place or region’s history, linguistic development, and cultural heritage. Place names also portray social, economic, political and environmental conditions of places. This therefore preserves history about a people in terms of their ancestral origin and their socio-economic and political life. Savage (2020) posits that the study of toponyms enables researchers to determine the original date of a place, the varied meaning of place names, the topography of the place, and how such place name was derived as well as the originator of the place name. This implies that toponyms can be categorised based on their origin and meaning such as descriptive toponyms (which describe some features of a place or its characteristics), associative toponyms (which related to human activity or an event), commemorative toponyms (referring to naming a place after its founder), and religious toponyms (place names derived from religious beliefs, figures or events). These factors underscore the importance of the linguistic study of toponyms.

Studies have indicated thatcommunities tend to name their places based on the tradition of history, environmental factors, social and economic dynamics (see Isa 2013, Uzoagba et. al., 2022). Toponyms are therefore obtained from important geographical features, historical figures, significant events taking place or that took place at the place, as well as water or animal and plants inhabited at the place. Such practices serve as socio-cultural, socio-economic and socio-political identifiers, thereby preserving history and cultural heritage. The measures also reflect communities' relationship with their environment. The aim of this study is, to carryout a sociolinguistic study of toponyms in the Sokoto metropolis. The objectives of the study are to, identify the types of toponyms in the metropolis, classify the toponyms in relation to their linguistic encoding, and to examine how the toponyms are encoded to communicate messages to the audience. The study employed interview, close reading and observation as methods of data collection. Descriptive and analytical methods were used in the data analysis. The study incorporated aspects of morphology and word formation, semantics and contextual variables of meaning under the Halliday and Matthiessen’s Systemic Functional Grammar (henceforth SFG) as a theoretical framework.

2. Review of Related Literature

This literature review examines existing scholarship on the relationship between language and society, with particular attention to sociolinguistics, morphology, word formation, semantics, and context as they relate to place names (toponyms). The review situates place naming as a social practice through which language encodes history, culture, power relations, and socio-economic realities of a community.

Sociolinguistics, as a field, is concerned with the systematic study of the relationship between language and society. It explores how social variables such as class, gender, ethnicity, region, and historical experience influence language use and variation. Hudson (2003) explains that sociolinguistics examines how patterns of language use both reflect and construct social identities. Within this framework, place names are not viewed as arbitrary labels but as socially meaningful linguistic forms that emerge from specific historical and cultural contexts. In sociolinguistic studies of toponyms, emphasis is often placed on understanding the social, historical, and institutional circumstances surrounding the naming of places. Such analysis reveals how language interacts with culture, migration, power, and collective memory to produce names that encode community identity, social values, and historical events. In this regard, place names function as linguistic records of social experience and communal history.

Closely related to sociolinguistics is morphology and word formation, which provide the tools for analysing the internal structure of words and how meanings are built from smaller linguistic units. Hudson (2003) argues that the social functions of language are reflected in how speakers use linguistic forms to express relationships and social meanings. While morphology traditionally focuses on word structure independent of meaning, studies of place names require attention to the interaction between form and meaning. This naturally brings semantics into focus, particularly the ways in which linguistic forms are used to represent social structures and experiences. Morphology is defined as the branch of linguistics that studies word formation processes and the structure of words (Syal & Jindal, 2007). Central to morphology is the concept of the morpheme, which is the smallest unit of grammatical relevance or meaning. Morphemes may be free, capable of standing alone as independent words, or bound, which must attach to other morphemes to form complete words (Oiry, 2009).

Bound morphemes, commonly referred to as affixes, include prefixes and suffixes. Prefixes occur at the beginning of a word, while suffixes are attached to the end and often change grammatical category or function. Free morphemes, also known as roots, carry the core meaning of a word (Oiry, 2009). Syal and Jindal (2007) further distinguish between derivational morphemes, which create new words or change word class, and inflectional morphemes, which express grammatical relationships such as number or tense without creating new lexical items. Word formation processes such as derivation, compounding, and clipping are therefore essential for understanding how place names are formed and how they acquire meaning within specific linguistic communities.

Clipping is one such word formation process in which a longer word is shortened without altering its meaning or grammatical category. This process is attested in English, as seen in forms such as exam from examination or lab from laboratory. Similar processes are observed in Hausa, where names and nouns are often shortened in everyday usage. Scholars such as Baner (1991), Abdulhamid (2001), Sani (2002), and Buhari (2011) document both back clipping and front clipping in Hausa, as seen in examples like Abubakar shortened to Bukar or Khadija to Dija. Such processes are relevant to the study of toponyms, as shortened or modified forms may become conventionalised as official or widely recognised place names over time.

Hausa morphology, in particular, is characterised by a rich system of derivation, infixation, and suffixation. Newman (2022) notes that Hausa employs a wider range of morphological processes than English, especially infixation, which is rare in English. Derivation in Hausa involves the creation of new lexical items through affixation or through changes in morphological class without changes in form (Abubakar, 2001). For instance, the verb gina ‘to build’ yields the noun magini ‘builder’ through the addition of the prefix ma-. Similarly, reda ‘to grind’ becomes maredi ‘grinder’, while tankaɗe ‘to sieve’ produces matankaɗi ‘sieve’. Infixation is also observed in gender marking, as in bawa ‘male slave’ and baiwa ‘female slave’. Plural formation through suffixation is common, as in ɗaki ‘room’ becoming ɗakuna ‘rooms’, or gida ‘house’ forming gidaje ‘houses’. These morphological processes are relevant to place naming practices, as many Hausa toponyms are formed through similar derivational patterns.

Field-based observations further suggest that many Hausa place names are semantically motivated by socio-economic activities. Interviews with elders in Sokoto metropolis indicate that numerous toponyms are derived from the dominant trades, professions, or commercial activities of particular communities. Balarabe (2025) notes that historical accounts of certain Sokoto toponyms reveal direct connections between place names and the occupational identities of their inhabitants. Such names fall under what may be described as associative toponyms, where locations are named after human activities, professions, or economic functions. These names provide insight into the socio-economic history and cultural organisation of the communities they represent.

Beyond morphology, semantic analysis plays a crucial role in understanding place names. Yule (2007) distinguishes between conceptual meaning and associative meaning. Conceptual meaning refers to the basic, literal components of meaning conveyed by a word, and it is the aspect of meaning most commonly examined by linguists. Many Hausa toponyms reflect this type of meaning, where the name directly describes a physical or observable feature of the place. For example, the place name Gada biyu in Gusau evokes the literal meaning ‘two bridges’, pointing to a defining physical feature of the location. Associative meaning, on the other hand, arises from cultural, historical, or emotional associations that go beyond literal definitions. Such meanings are shaped by shared social knowledge and are not strictly part of the word’s conceptual content. In place naming, associative meaning often reflects collective memory, cultural practices, or historical events linked to a location.

The interpretation of place names is also deeply tied to context. Halliday and Matthiessen (2014) argue that language always operates within context and should be analysed as part of an ecological system of meanings. Their ecological theory of language emphasises that linguistic forms cannot be fully understood outside their social and cultural environments. This perspective is particularly relevant to toponymy, as place names derive much of their significance from the social, political, and cultural contexts in which they are created and used. In Hausa-speaking communities, place names often encode historical narratives, power relations, and socio-cultural identities that can only be interpreted through contextual analysis.

Empirical studies on toponyms further support the view that place names are socially embedded linguistic forms. Khatova (2020), in a study of British and American toponyms, examined principles of place name classification and concluded that it is difficult to develop a single classification system capable of capturing the multidimensional nature of toponymic vocabulary. Radding (2008) similarly argues that place names are more than arbitrary words, as their forms carry socially grounded meanings. According to Radding, the study of toponyms is essentially the study of human societies, revealing how names are connected to people, how they are interpreted, and how they can be shaped to serve social goals. This perspective aligns closely with the present study, which examines how Hausa toponyms reflect socio-economic and socio-cultural realities.

Further evidence comes from Flyuza et al. (2022), whose study of toponyms in the Republic of Bashkortostan demonstrated that many place names are linked to mythological beliefs and regional cultural traditions. Although their study is situated in a different geographical and cultural context, it reinforces the idea that toponyms function as carriers of cultural meaning. The present study differs in scope and setting by focusing on Hausa toponyms in North-Western Nigeria, with particular emphasis on morpho-stylistic features and socio-economic associations.

Finally, Abdulmalik (2019) provides a comparative analysis of derivational morphology in Hausa and Fulfulde using a word-based hypothesis. The study highlights how morphological typology influences theoretical choices in linguistic analysis. While Abdulmalik’s work focuses on general word formation processes across two languages, the present study applies morphological insights specifically to the analysis of Hausa toponyms, examining how linguistic form, meaning, and social context interact in place naming practices.

The reviewed literature demonstrates that place names are best understood at the intersection of sociolinguistics, morphology, semantics, and context. They are linguistic artefacts shaped by social life, economic activities, cultural beliefs, and historical experience. This study builds on existing scholarship by focusing on the morpho-stylistic and socio-cultural dimensions of Hausa toponyms, particularly associative place names that reflect the lived realities of the communities they represent.

3.      Theoretical Framework

Halliday and Matthiessen’s (2014) aspect of the Systemic Functional Grammar (henceforth SFG) dwelling on the ecological theory of language has been employed as the theoretical framework for the study. The theory suggests that “language is always theorized, described and analysed within an environment of meanings” (p.32). The theory highlights that “the contextual potential of a community is its culture – what we call context of culture” (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2014, pp.32-33). The context of culture refers to what the members of a community can mean in cultural terms, i.e. culture refers to a system of higher-level meanings – as environment of meanings in which various semiotic systems operate, including language, paralanguage (such as gesture, facial expression, voice vocality, etc.). This theoretical framework is employed in this study based on its nature of recognizing the context of culture and context of situation which are yardsticks in encoding place names in Sokoto, a Hausa-dominated society hosting people of diverse ethnic groups in Nigeria.

 

4.      Data Presentation and Analysis

Table Illustrating some Toponyms in Sokoto Metropolis

S/No.	Toponym	Gloss (Toponym)		Root word/Base	Bound morpheme (prefix/suffix)
1.	Alkammawa	A place/community for the descendants of a historical figure, Umaru Mu’alkammu		Alkammu -name of a settlement outside Sokoto from which the historical figiru originates	-wa
2.	Alkanci or Alkanchi (clipped form of Alƙalanci)	Judiciary/Adjudication		Alkali (or alƙali) judge (n)	-nci
3.	Alkammawa	Named after the historical figure/originator of the community, “Umaru Mu’alkammu”:		Umaru Mu’alkamu	-wa
	Asarakkawa	Sarkawa – Fishing/fishermen		Sarkawa -Fishermen	-wa
4.	Magina	Builders/Building industry		gina/gini build (v)	Ma-
	Helele	Hili/Fili field		bone-setting (for human and animal/orthopaedic(ɗori)	-le
	Hubbare	A Fulɓeword for “a blessed spot or tomb”		Original residence/tomb of Sheikh Usman Ɗanfodiyo, the originator of Sokoto Caliphate
5.	Hungumawa	From the originator of the community Hungumi		Hungumi (n)	-awa
6.	Marina	Dyers		Rini Dyeing (v)	Ma-
7.	Kanwuri	Sultan Palace area The place houses the Sultan and his family		Kai means“head” (n) Wuri refers to  place (n)	Kan-
8.	Ƙofar Aliyu Jeɗo	Gate of Aliyu Jedo Named after a historical figure –Aliyu Jeɗo		Ƙofa means “gate” or “door” (n)	-r
9.	Ƙofar Atiku	Named after a historical figure –Atiku		Ƙofa means “gate” or “door” (n)	-r
10.	Ƙofar Kaɗe	Gate of Kaɗe Named after a historical tree at the place – Kaɗe		Ƙofa means “gate” or “door” (n)	-r
11.	Ƙofar Rini (or Rimi in Kano dialect)	Gate of Rini Named after a historical tree at the place – Rini		Ƙofa means “gate” or “door” (n)	-r
12.	Ƙofar Taramniya	Named after the tree Taramniya at the place		Ƙofa means “gate” or “door” (n)	-r
	Ƙwanni/Ƙonni	Name imitated from the one in Niger Republic based of migration		Birnin Ƙwanni/Ƙonni
13.	Majema	Tanners/Tannery		jima tanning (v)	Ma-
14.	Masaƙa	Weavers/textile industry		saƙa weaving (v)	Ma-
15.	Masassaƙaor ‘Yar-sakke		Carvers (wood carving)	sassaƙa carving (v)	Ma-
16.	Maɗunka	Sewing: cloth and leather works, makers/designers of leather (from animal skins)		ɗunki/ɗinki, sewing (v), of human clothing and leather works designing)	-ka
17.	Takalmawa	Shoe makers/shoe industry		Takalmi shoe (singular n), Takalma (shoes, plural n)	-wa
18.	Majema	Tanners/Tannery		Jima tanning (v)	Ma-
	AnguwarMakafi	Blindmen’s quarters		Makafo – blindman Makafi - blindmen	-fi
19.	Anguwar Malammai	Community of scholars/Area for scholars		Anguwameans Area/location Malammaistands for scholars/teachers	-r

5.      Discussion of Findings 

From the data outlined, categories of toponyms identified are, associative (linked to events or activities), commemorative (honoring historical feagures), descriptive (based on physical features), and religious (depicting a religious belief).The data  on the toponyms therefore highlight not only the socio-economic,socio-political and cultural life of the people in the places but also, reveal the morphological features and peculiarities of each place name hence the sociolinguistic study.The toponyms also portray the social structure of the ancient Sokoto city by depicting the people’s socio-economic, political cultural and historical life. This is observed in terms of their professional dealings defined by trades, leadership, religious belief, etc.From the results, the most prominent toponyms are the associative which denote the occupational class of the people. The toponyms are, Alkanci,Asarakkawa, Maɗunka, Magina, Majema, Marina, Masaƙa, and Masassaƙa. The place names depict the socio-economic and socio-historical life of the communities domiciled there. Those that fall under commemorative toponyms depicting names of historical figures who either founded the place or their names are used in commemoration of their statuses and lineages are,AlkammawaandHungumawa.Toponyms that fall under descriptive, i.e. those based on structural features are mostly the names indicating the historic Sokoto city gates such as Ƙofar Aliyu Jeɗo, Ƙofar Atiku, ƘofarTaramniya, ƘofarMarke, ƘofarKaɗe, Ƙofar Rini.Those on religious belief are Anguwar Malammaiand Hubbare with only one toponym depicting a place for the power or the royalty, Kanwurisignifying the palace which houses the Sultan and his family or descendants.

The findings are in tandem with the Halliday and Matthiessen’s (2014) theoretical concept on context of culture and context of situation. The toponyms also portray the sociolinguistic underpinnings of the communities they are encoded to represent. Although place names fall in various categories, associative toponyms appear more pronounced in the corpus followed by the descriptive toponyms. The associative toponyms portray various commercial occupation of the people from the way each place name is encoded to give a hint of one form of trade or another. The following associative toponyms are explained in relation to the morphological, social and communicative effect each place name portrays.

Marina 

The three-syllabic word, Marina emanates from the word rini, a verb form in Hausa which denotes“dyeing”. When the prefix-ma is added, it becomes Marina, a nominal form, meaning people who engage in dyeing as a trade; it can also mean a place, an industry where dyeing of clothing materials take place. Its singular form becomes marini meaning a dyer. The term Marina therefore, tells the inhabitants of Sokoto and visitors who understand Hausa language that, this is a community whose ancestral profession is dyeing of clothes as a trade. It also means a dyeing industry.The toponym implies a place where different  clothing materials are dyed in different colours for male and female wears.

Magina

The three-syllabic word, magina means builders. The first syllable of the word starts with a prefix –ma which pluralizes the basegina; gina denotes "building" or, “to build”. Therefore, in Hausa, especially the Sokoto dialect, magina denotes builders. The singular form magini stands for "builder". In the historical account of the trade in Sokoto, mud is the actual material used for building. The building trade covers those for residential dwellings, the sailors as well as pottery. Therefore, the toponym Maginaconceptually depicts a community of builders and potters. This is despite the fact that the area is mostly occupied by residential buildings with little portion left withs the original dyeing pits for the ancestral trade.

Masaƙa

The three-syllable word masaƙa is derived from the base, saƙa. Simply put, saƙa in Hausa translates to weaving or knitting, depending on the context. When the prefixma is introduced to the base saƙa, the toponymmasaƙa is derived; it means those who partake in such weaving or knitting as a skill to produce clothing materials. It can also mean a place where such skill of weaving or knitting takes place for commercial purposes. The singular form is masaƙi (for masculine gender) and masaƙiya (for feminine gender).

Masassaƙa

The toponym masassaƙa is derived from thebase, sassaƙa which is a verb form for “carving”. It denotes a place where carving takes place. Another term related is sakkeA person, (mostly a male gender) who partakes in the skill is called masassaƙi meaninga carver in wood. The toponym Masaƙa when used in linguistic context (i.e., in sentences or utterances), or on billboards and signposts in Sokoto, has a stylistic communicative effect on the average hearer or reader that, it is a place where carving of wood for different purposes takes place. It is an area whose original inhabitants were predominantly carvers. It is an industry of carvers. They are the makers of pestle and mortars, makers of handles of hoes, shovels, and rakes, horse saddles, wooden bowls, wooden doors, etc.

Majema 

Like Masaƙa, the toponymMajemais derived from the root wordjima, meaning tanning or tannery. The term can function as a noun or verb. The act of preparing animal skin to remove the fur and prepare it for different uses through a process is known as tanning in the context of Sokoto ancestral skill of animals skin preparation. When the prefixma is introduced with a slight modification of the rootwordjima, the word majema as a noun results. Therefore, majema refers to the place where tanning takes place. It can also refer to tanners, meaning those skilled in tanning as a trade or business. In view of the fact that the trade is mostly for the male sex, the term majemi is peculiar to one who is skilled in tanning.

Maɗunka

The toponym Madunka denotes sewing. Conceptually, the term refers to sewing for cloth or animal skin. Although the place name originally refers to all areas where tailoring or sewing of human clothing takes place, Maɗunka at present conceptually tells about a community of leather skin designers. The place name originates from the root word dunki (or ɗinki) which means “sewing”. It tells about the area serving as leather works industry where the people are highly skilled usung the treated animal skins (leather) to beaitify them for various purposes ranging from carpets to bags, puff, car seat clothings, wall decorations, etc. The prefix -ma when placed before the base (i.e. root word) dunki results in maɗunki (“sewer” for singular), maɗunka (“sewers” for plural), fata means animal skin. Therefore, literally, Maɗunka fata means sewers of animal skin. The place name Maɗunka fata impliedly means leather work designing industry. It is often shortened to Maɗunka. Most of the household in the community perform one form of leather design or another manually with needle or using different types of sewing machine. It has been their trade since time immemorial. In Sokoto metropolitant city, any time the term Maɗunka is mentioned, its communicative effect to the hearer is, the area skilled in leather work designs for commercial purposes.

Alkanci

The place name Alkanci in Sokoto refers to a community who are peculiar with judiciary. It is an area whose people are trained as judges, lawyers or related judicial services such as court registrars, court clerks, bailiffs, etc. The toponym is formed by derivation and clipping. It was derived from the root word alkali meaning a “judge”. The practice is known as alkalanci. Therefore, clipping occurs at the centre of the word alkalanci when the prefix la is removed to arrive at Alkanci. This is unlike the back or front clipping. In the context of the toponym Alkanci of Sokoto metropolis, judges are classified into those trained in civil law and those trained under the conventional Islamic legal system known as alkali. Etymologically, alkali is a word borrowed from the Arabic term al-khadi meaning a judge. They are the judges who man the alkali courts which are synonymous to the customary courts obtained in the southern states of Nigeria. The toponym Alkanci  is therefore the clipped form of the main noun  Alkalanci (adjudication or judiciary). The toponym has historical leaning of being an area where the chief judge (grand khadi) regarded as leader of judges of the Sokoto Caliphate resides. The toponym falls in the category of associative toponyms.

Morphologyof the toponym alkanci reveals certain derivations in terms of prefixation and suffixation which take place to arrive at each toponym. The stylistic effect of each toponym lies in the meaning it conveys. For instance, the toponym Takalmawa is derived from the root word in the nominal group, takalmi meaning “shoe”. Therefore, one’s knowledge of the word takalmi gives possible clues to arriving at “a place for making shoes”. The place name does not only give the semantic interpretation of the term but also a historical clue that, such a place has been inhabited by people who are skilled in shoe making.

The overall study however does not dwell on providing a detailed historical account of the place names. Neither does it also give a clear description or guide to tracing the location of each toponym in Sokoto metropolis. The work’s focus is on the linguistic study of the toponyms in the aspects of morpho-stylistic  mystries of the place names.

6.      Conclusion

This study conducted a sociolinguistic study of selected toponyms in Sokoto metropolis. From the objective of identifying the types of toponym in Sokoto metropolis, it was found that associative, descriptive, commemorative and religious toponyms are the types identified. On the most prominent toponyms in the Sokoto metropolis, it was found that the associative toponyms which portray the occupational class of the people are the most prominent. Such toponyms showcase the socio-economic (i.e. professional) callings of people of the palces identified despite the fact that each area serves as residential dwelling in addition to serving as an industry for a particular trade or skill.The places are Alkanci, Asarakkawa, Maɗunka, Magina, Majema, Marina, Masaƙa, and Masassaƙa.

On the sociolinguistic analysis of the place names, it was found that the identified toponyms (the associative) contain derivations with inflection at the beginning or at the end of each word (prefix and suffix). It was also found that, almost all the toponyms derived their forms by using the same prefix –ma, except Alkanci which is derived by clipping of the infix –la- at the third syllable of Alkalanci to arrive at the toponym; and Asarakkawawhich has a morpheme “a” at word initial and a repetition another morpheme “k” at the middle of the word.

On the sociolinguistic effect of the identified toponyms based how they convey messages to the audience, this relates to the ideational metafunction of the Halliday and Matthiessen’s (2014) SFGas well as the context of culture and situation which dwell on how linguistic codes are used to form ideas in the mind. From the results of the data and the analysis of the toponyms, it can be seen that, the way each toponym is encoded gives a conceptual view that makes individuals to generate, develop and communicate abstract thoughts about its meaning. Each toponym therefore convey not only its linguistic form, but also the societal impression that offers insights into the history, habitat and certain perceptions of culture of the people (See Jett, 1997). The toponyms also give a structural societal arrangement of people of the metropolitan Sokoto in terms of their social class covering occupation, administration, history and religious belief.

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