Citation: Muhammad DAHIRU, Ph.D. and Mohammed Alhaji MODU, Ph.D. (2022). Moralising for the Ideal Wife in Folk Wedding Songs: A Thematic Functional Analysis of Bornobe Fulɓe Epithalamium. Yobe Journal of Language, Literature and Culture (YOJOLLAC), Vol. 10, Number 1. Department of African Languages and Linguistics, Yobe State University, Damaturu, Nigeria. ISSN 2449-0660
MORALISING
FOR THE IDEAL WIFE IN FOLK WEDDING SONGS: A THEMATIC FUNCTIONAL ANALYSIS OF
BORNOBE FULƁE EPITHALAMIUM
By
Muhammad DAHIRU,
Ph.D.
Mohammed Alhaji MODU,
Ph.D.
Abstract
This paper examines the thematic
composition and functions of the wedding songs of Bornobe Fulɓe
found in Borno and Yobe states. The study adopts a functionalist approach as a
theoretical framework to discuss the didactic aspects of the songs conducted
during marriage ceremonies. A qualitative method is adopted to collect data for
the analysis. Older women and young girls were interviewed during and after
performing the songs at a wedding. The paper found out that the songs have
deeper, more philosophical messages that are meant to socialise and moralise
the bride about married life. The paper concludes that there is interdependence and correlation between the wedding songs
and the Fulani wife’s socio-cultural functions in society; and the songs don’t
merely
entertain but educate, enlighten and pass
important social, moral, and religious ideologies to prospective couples.
Introduction
Oral songs, generally, are an essential part of
people’s cultural lives and identities across the world (Jaimini
& Raghav, 2022; Shandi,
2020; Theophile,
1956). African folk songs,
in particular, treat the relation between man and his social, economic,
cultural, and religious environments (Koelle, 1854). They’re part of the popular culture of
the Hausa, Kanuri, Fulani, and other tribes and people in northern Nigeria, and
make a greater part of the people’s oral poetry as panegyrics and praises, and
occupational, such as for hunters, farmers, blacksmiths, barbers, or play songs
for girls, women, boys, and rites of passage. They serve as repositories of
society’s cultural codes, knowledge, history, and the forms of their verbal art
that propagate the manners, customs, and beliefs of the people (Modu, 2001;
Yusuf, 2019; Adamu, 2015; Haruna, 1998;
Furniss, 1996, Dangambo, 1975, Finnigan, 1970;
Okpewho, (1978 and 1992).
This paper examines the relevance of the
epithalamium or wedding song among the Bornobe Fulani of Borno and Yobe states
in the northern Nigerian region. The aim is to disclose some of the opaque
ideologemes enshrined in the songs.
Methodology and Framework
The data for the study is made up of the wedding
songs specifically sung by women from the time the groom proposes to the bride up to the final
occasion of the wedding. The study adopted the
interview and experiential methods to collect the data for the study. In the
absence of available secondary materials specifically on the Borno Fulani
wedding songs in the form of documented books, essays, and paper articles, the
researcher has to record the songs through a face-to-face interview and by
directly watching and listening to the songs, and recording them as the women
in the marriage processing sung them.
The population for the interview included
five (5) elderly women between 65 to 70 years and five (5) young girls between
16 to 20 years as the primary targets. The singers and chorus who sang the
songs to be recorded and transcribed during marriage ceremonies served as the
secondary source. The primary targets offered interpretations of the lines of
the songs, explaining the morals and philosophy behind them through the
interview.
In the course of transcribing and translating
the songs recorded, literal and modulation translations were adopted. The
literal was used to maintain the syntactic structure of the songs rendered in
Fulfulde language directly into the English language. The modulation
translation, however, was adopted to bring out the meaning as expected to be in
English by ignoring the structural patterns of the original Fulfulde version.
All these are presented while analysing and interpreting the songs. The
discussion is restricted to the theme of moralising the bride as part of the
wedding songs of the specific Bornobe Fulani, which may be different from other
Fulani clans and tribal groups across Nigeria and West Africa.
The paper adopts a functional approach or
functionalism to the study of oral literature as a frame to examine and discuss
the significance of the epithalamium in the sociological lives of a married
couple as well as in the lives of other members of the Bornobe Fulɓe society.
Functionalism is related to the study of wedding songs because the success of
marriage as an institution in the family means the success and existence of
society (Haralambos & Holborn, 2004). As an organ, if the family through
the subset or institution of marriage fails, the family fails as well and
eventually the whole society does.
Functionalism, therefore, becomes a valid and appropriate framework for
the study and analysis of Epithalamium or the wedding song of the Bornobe Fulɓe in this paper.
Marriage among the Bornobe Fulɓe
The Bornobe Fulɓe, or the Borno Fulani, are found
within the precolonial Bornu Empire or the postcolony of Borno province.
Different legends account for their identification as Bornobe. The first accounted that a Kanuri king and warrior went
out for a battle. After suffering defeat and losing his men, he resettled
somewhere with a concentration of Fulɓes. The settlement
gradually metamorphosed into an amalgam of Fulani and Kanuri cultures and
norms. Gradually those people became the Bornobes. Another version recounted
that the Bornobes were émigrés from Jahun, a precolonial Kano province,
presently in Jigawa state. They were called Jahunawas
then, a name they are also identified presently, and live in the Borno
province. All these legends about the background of the Bornobes point to one
thing: they are found in the land of Bornu and they speak Fulfulde.
Like other Fulani across West Africa, the
Bornobe Fulani have their ways of conducting marriages. There are two ways to
courtship: (1) when a boy sees a girl he wants to marry, he informs his
parents, or (2) his parents may decide to seek a girl’s hand for their son on
the day she was born. Both approaches observe traditional requirements and
demands. The first of such requirements is giving presents and asking for the
union by the boy’s male party. When consent is given by the girl’s parents
about the marriage, the womenfolk would then take over, and continue with the
rites. Engagement ceremony, wedding ceremony, and other marriage rituals are
conducted to make the marriage formal. The ceremony for the wedding begins with
the application of lalle henna on the
palms and feet of the bride-to-be. The party of the groom-to-be has to send the
henna for the occasion. A day after the application of the henna, the
groom-to-be party would go to the bride-to-be’s house with dates or kola nuts
for the wedding solemnization. On that day, the bride price or dowry is paid,
which ranges from a substantial amount of money to herds of cattle – depending
on the strength of the groom, and the marriage is solemnised. It’s on that day
also that the bride’s party would accompany her to the groom’s home, carrying
her trousseau and dowry amidst songs. Later the trousseau of the bride would be
arranged in her room. Songs are sung during all these occasions up to the final
day the wedding ceremony is concluded.
Presentation and
Functional Interpretation of the Songs
The various songs during the marriage
procession are transcribed and discussed below. Each song has a specific
occasion and different forms of rites are performed as it is sung.
Use-Use, Kaya Yattuki, Gadde, and Ombade
songs
These are songs performed during taking
different forms of presents from the boy’s parents to the girl’s parents before
the marriage. The presents consist of items available and prevalent at the
period to entertain, such as dates, kola nuts, sweets, sugar, chewing gum, etc.
These presents are taken amidst songs by the womenfolk.
On the way to take Use-Use presents
The women from the boy’s side would take the
first major present known as Kaya yattuki
or use-use (Thank you present or
Thank you-Thank you visit) to the girl’s house. This consists of items like
pieces of cloth, packets of sugar, dozens of toilet soap, shoes, dresses,
headscarves, skirts, earrings, eye pencils, lipstick, mirror, chewing gums,
sweets, and so on. These items are taken amidst song sung by women whose number
ranges between 20 and 50 depending on the women in attendance. No musical
instrument accompanies the singing rather the women only clap their hands to
the rhythm of the song:
Jehere here The refrain Jehere here has no direct meaning)
Hamma ma Jebu Hamma
of Jebu
Jehere here
Wammi ma Gogo Wammi
of Gogo
Jehere here
Jehere here
Jehere here
Buba ma Danejo Buba versus Danajo
Jehere here
Mamman ma Tine Mamman and Tine
Jehere here etc
The song has the lead singer singing the
lines while the refrain is chorused by other women in the procession. The
refrain jehere yere has no direct
meaning of its own. It is a chorus similar to lalalalalala in English rhymes. It only helps the rhythm of the
song. The lead singer is not, in a way a professional singer per se but any volunteer among the women
can lead the rest in the song. The lines are repeated as much as possible
depending on the distance between the boy’s (groom-to-be) house and the girl’s
(bride-to-be) house. This song is interspersed with nasal howling (guɗa) and ululations (sowa)
and is sung with varying tones that one line differs from the other in tone and
modulation. As much as possible, all the girls and the married women present
are called along with their spouses/fiancés’ names, thereby making the songs as
long as the number of those in the procession. Even those not present but known
or related by kinship or friendship are mentioned in the song.
The significance of the song is beyond mere
singing the names of persons, a boy or a girl, man or a woman, but it is a kind
of reminder to the would-be-couple and those unmarried that one-to-one has
always been the tradition. The new couple is not the first to get married but
is part of general practice. Those already married showed pride in being
associated with their spouse; while the girls yet to be married get the pride
of being loved or hooked to a one they will eventually get married to. In
short, marriage, like life, is about a good relationship.
When arrived with Gadde and Ombade
Gadde song is sung while
the marriage trousseau and a special present is taken to the girl’s mother to
literarily repay her for all those things she spent or suffered in bringing up
the girl as a child. The items consist of eleven very large enamel bowls, four
dozens of toilet soap, five pieces of fabric cloths, two beads of necklaces, a
tin of baby/talcum powder, four bottles of pomade or body cream, two pairs of
expensive shoes, a pair of slippers, five packets of chewing gums, five packets
of sugar, a packet of sewing needles, sets of cosmetics, five pieces of mirror,
packets of biscuits, as many pairs of earrings, a lamp or a lantern, a sieve, a
calabash for bath, a ladle, a wooden stool, a pot, a mat, drinking cup and
dishes, a levy of money for the mother and the grandparents, a calabash full of
millet grains and another full calabash of steaming fresh milk.
Upon reaching the groom’s house, the bride’s
party would stop at the entrance or threshold and refuse to enter. They would
begin to chant a different song interspersed with ululations and nasal howling.
They would remain outside singing until the groom’s party present them with
packets of sugar, a large morsel of cooked millet food, some cooked rice, and
boiled millet flour known as nyamri - all
presented on a faifai mat tray. The
following song is sung at the gate/front of the bride’s house:
Jehe lale jehi lale
yere (The Chorus refrain has no direct meaning)
Emin shilmino ngo wuro We say peace be upon this house
Jehe lale jehi lale
yere
Koɗo shilmin jaɓɓaɗun A
visitor that salaams should be welcomed
Jehe lale jehi lale
yere
Inna ɗaiɗo min jaalata Only
to a mother that bore a child we come to
Jehe lale jehi lale
yere
Mo da-nyayi sai ‘einamin The one who did not will only glare at us
Jehe lale jehi lale
yere
The song being sung at the door of the girl’s
(bride-to-be) house signified the end of the journey for the sojourners. Here
the song’s refrain becomes jehe lale jehe
lale yere, which also has no direct meaning. Still, the lead singer leads
in the song, and the others follow with the refrain. The first two lines carry
some moral lessons. Those lines imply that a stranger has come and should be
received with respect. It is, by extension, signifying the eventual arrival of
the bride, married to the house. The song is, in a way, reminding the members
of the household of their imminent responsibility of receiving a new face from
this time on. It is also reminding the household that a stranger is like an
angel and should be treated as such. The last two lines show some elements of
satire or humour. It is saying kudos to those who bore daughters and raised
them ‘by the hand’ to a marriageable age. It is also showing the respect and
dignity of a mother who builds her daughter into a girl worthy of marriage. The
opposite is the mother who has not given birth – literarily – or who has
metaphorically given birth to a daughter not worthy of marriage. So they say it
is to the good mother that they come, those that are not mothers will only
glimpse at their passing to the good house!
The message is strong: character counts even
where the girl is beautiful. A mother is not only a ‘giver of birth’ but also a
‘builder of good character’ to a worthy of praise daughter. It is not only
showing the blessing of marriage through having a daughter but also how to
raise the child by the book.
Ndaruki Kaya Gadde and Ombude
When the boy’s party enters the girl’s house,
the girl’s party would be waiting for them and would welcome them with food –
prepared chicken stew, rice, milk, and plenty of gitabaje. After a presumptuous meal and feasting, the gadde present brought would be presented
for scrutiny by the girl’s party. This process is rendered in songs, as well,
known as Ndaruke Kaya gadde. This is a ceremony showcasing the items
the bride comes with and what the groom and his family can offer them as dowry
and exchange of presents. Each item would be raised and loudly announced,
including its quantity, for all to hear The ceremony is companied by itemising
each item presented in another song:
Wo wudare dresses
Joye go’o six
Wo tasowa dishes
Saffo e ɗiɗi a
dozen
Wo sabuluyel soap
Saffo noyi e joye tati forty eight
Wo fodawa powder
Didi two
Wo tsakiyare beads
Didi two
Wo nebban pomade
Nayi four
Wo faɗe shoes
Nayi four
Wo tummugel calabash
Ngo’o one
etc
The song is sung in a less lyrical form being
a process of counting. Each of the items picked and identified is counted. The
name of the item is announced by the lead after counting it and the number is
chorused. This is followed by ululation and nasal howling. The pause in-between
the counting and announcing gives the song a kind of unique staccato rhythm.
The name of the item is announced in a rising tone, while the number is
chorused in a falling tone. Here also, no musical instrument is used. There is
even no clapping of hand but only modulation of voice.
The significance of the song is not about
morality but pride. The boy’s parents want to show how much they valued the
bride and the girl’s parents. On their part, the girl’s party wants to show the
worth of their daughter, so the more the items the more the pride from both
sides. When the girl’s party accepted the presents, the engagement for the
marriage has been officially concluded.
A present for the groom’s party, known as ombude, is also presented by the girl’s party. The presents consist
of clothes and other home appliances and a ride - a donkey, horse, bicycle or
motorcycle. A few days later, the groom-to-be party, now menfolk, would meet
the girl’s party for fixing the wedding date. They would go with presents
consisting of a large calabash filled with husked millet and another filled
with soup ingredients such as salt, pepper, spices, and other seasonings as
well as kola nuts. The groom’s party would leave with the knowledge of the
wedding day.
Lotuki songs
The marriage ceremony is held amidst feasts
and songs. A Lotuki song is sung
while the wedding feast commences and continues all through the night. This
song is in two parts:
Spraying of Milk on girls
Two little girls would be brought as part of
the bride’s purification rite. Those girls should be below the age of ten and
would function as ‘flower girls’. One of these two girls should be the younger
sister or a close sibling of the bride while the other one should be the same
for the groom. They would stand as surrogate to the bride who would be hiding
somewhere. A woman of proven integrity, who had exhibited a high degree of
patience and tolerance in her matrimonial home, would be the one to carry out the
‘baptism’. The hope is that her blessing and good character would touch the
newly married through the two innocent girls. The ritual is rendered along with
a special songs for the occasion:
Yawuro The
elder of the house 3 x
Minanayi Say it loud, I can’t hear you OR
OR
Jidiɗo The
one who comes with blessings 3 x
Minanayi Say it loud, I can’t hear you
OR
Wauranam The
one that takes care of the babies 3 x
Minanayi Say it loud, I can’t hear you
OR
Ndanyowa The
producer of children 3 x
Minanayi Say it loud, I can’t hear you
OR
Sukayel The
one that fills the house with mails 3x
Minanayi Say it loud, I can’t hear you
OR
Hibbini The
seal of the house
3 x
Minanayi Say it loud, I can’t hear you
etc
This song is initiating the bride to her
family name and position. The ‘pure’ woman that presides over the rite would
take a mouthful of milk, then spurts it over the two little innocent girls
sitting closed together. As she does so, she would call the name of the bride
based on her (the bride’s) position in the house. By position, it refers to the
position of the groom, whether the eldest, youngest, or born after girls, and
so on. Special names are assigned to each position the bride occupies based on that
of her groom. If the groom is the eldest son, the bride is addressed as Yawuro. If the husband is the second
child, the bride is addressed as Jidido.
If he is the third, the bride is called Wauranam,
followed by Nda’yowo, Sukayel up to
the youngest, Hibbini. The spurting
of the milk and calling the appropriate name would be repeated three times.
Each time the woman calls the family name of the bride in a song, other women
around would chorus minanayi! This song teaches the bride to brace up for
her role in the house; it is like she is being initiated into it.
Spraying Content of the Gourd
The second part of the lotuki is the blessing ritual. The presiding woman would collect a
gourd used in skimming butter from milk. She would collect coins of money and
lumps of sugar which she would put in the empty gourd and begin to shake it
rhythmically singing a song for the occasion. At a point, she would stop and
pour the contents of the gourd on the young girls. At that instant the contents
fall on the girls, other unmarried girls would jostle to possess any of the
content sprayed. Though very rowdy and dangerous scramble, the aim is to get
the blessings as well and live like the presiding woman when they eventually
get married. It is similar to the throwing of flowers during the English church
weddings. The song is also rendered with a lead singer whose lines are repeated
by the other women around as the chorus:
Munyare Munyoɗa With
patience, remain Patient
Allah waune joɗaɗa May
Allah ordain your stay
To ɗi musini ta woyu If they drunk all, don’t cry
To ɗi koɗɗi ta woyu If
they weaned all, don’t cry
Ɓira sorna min nga-nyi
To milk and hide is what we hate
To ɓe nokki ta nyora If they collected it all, don’t get annoyed
The song is sung as the content of the gourd
is being shaken, and the rhythm, as is used in skimming butter, provides the
music to the song. The philosophy in this song is very deep. It teaches the
virtue of patience n marriage. The girl is blessed by the woman with the hope
that she imbibes the same character of the pure and patient woman in marriage.
The first two lines talk about the girl now a person with patience;
Munyare Munyoɗa
Alla waune joɗaɗa
Now that the girl has been blessed by the
patient woman, she is addressed as munyare
(the patient). Then a prayer follows that Allah should decree it she becomes
enduring and stays in the house. The milk being sprayed also symbolises purity.
There is nothing purer than milk among the Fulɓes. Its whiteness and freshness make
it the best-untainted object among them. Together with the prayers, the milk is
a kind of libation for the bride. Remember, however, that
the bride is blessed and purified in absentia
through the surrogacy of the two innocent girls. In a way, then it is not
ritual but a kind of imploring. Then the message to the bride follows in the
third and the fourth lines:
To ɗi musini to woyu
To ɗi koɗɗi ta woyu
The bride is urged not to be angry and
disheartened when the young calves drink up all the milk in their other’s (cow)
udder. Milk as explained earlier is very important in the lives of the Fulɓes. Their livelihood
depends on it. It is the milk that they use to turn into sour milk, churn out
butter and mix it with various dishes for food. It is also what they sell to
buy the necessary items in the house. It is the responsibility of the wife to carry
out all these uses of the milk. If there is no milk left in the cow’s udder
then life will be miserable. In that case, the bride is urged to be patient in
such a situation. In other words, she should brace up and accept all kinds of
difficulties she might encounter in the house, calmly and maturely, patiently
as a good wife. The fourth line to ɗi koɗɗi to woyu is related to the
third. If cows wean their calves, there will be no milk again in the udders.
That signifies impoverishment in the family. Still, the bride should persevere
through any hardship that may set in with fortitude. Life is always not a bed of
a rose; its tears are of constant quantity – as one starts crying, another one
stops.
The fifth line Ɓira sorna min nga-nyi is a kind of warning
or admonishment to the bride. This talks about character building and a warning
to her that she should never milk the cows and hide the milk from other members
of the family. The message is against treachery and unfaithfulness. One of the
bad habits of women in the community is to hide what the husband provides in
the house. Some hide foodstuff and sell it and use the proceeds for their
personal needs while others divert the food to their poor homes. Others do not treat
the husband’s relatives well and even deny them what was provided by the
husband. The bride is advised to be of good character; she should never milk
the cows and hide the milk or divert it to any use other than that of the
family.
Jebu[1], an
interviewee in the course of data collection, provided another perspective on
the meaning of this line. She pointed out that the line talks about the
connubial duty of a wife to her husband. The wife should never be selfish
regarding her conjugal rights and not take what is her husband’s to another man
by cuckolding him. In any way, all perspectives point to good moral behaviour,
patience, and faithfulness.
The last line, To ɓe nokki ta njora, sums up everything. That is if the milk is
available, she can see it, but she is denied, she should still not lose heart.
This is the highest of being tolerant. In any way, it is saying, if she is
denied everything that she legally has the right to, whether gastronomical or
loin, she should still be uncomplaining. That is the essence of being a good
wife! The philosophical message and the poetic density of the song are so much
that the song says a lot in just a few lines.
The bride is admonished to consider marriage
for better or worse an act of worship. The bride is reminded that despite any
difficulty she may face in the marriage she should endure and stay in and would
be rewarded for it in the end. As Yusuf (2019) emphasised, the Qur’an states
that “Men are
the maintainers of women because Allah has made some of them excel others and
because they spend out of their property; the good women are therefore obedient
guarding the unseen as Allah has guarded…”[2] So, a bride should guard her
husband’s property faithfully. This is found in Hausa, Kanuri, Bura and other
cultures’ wedding songs as well, which emphasise that the paradise of the wife
is under the feet of her husband (Yusuf, 2019; Modu, 2001; Gusau, 2014; Haruna, 1998)
After the Lotuki
songs, the rest of the wedding
night would be spent with performances from professional singers entertaining
the guests. At midnight during the festival, the bride would be secretly
sneaked into her room, which is already furnished and waiting for her. The
groom would not enter the house until after two nights from the day the bride
enters. Three days after the consummation of the marriage, the bride would run
back to her parents. This is part of the fulaku
culture, in which the bride has to demonstrate that she likes her parents’
house more than her husband’s, even if that is not the case. It’s not a sign of
hatred but rather part of the paraphernalia of the tradition. The bride’s
parents would return her to her in-laws a day later. Again, few days after that,
she would return to her parents. The running away from and returning to her
husband’s house would continue until she gets pregnant. From then on, she would
accept the matrimonial home permanently as her own.
Conclusion
The study has revealed that the Borno Fulani
Epithalamium has such functional roles and significance to society. Besides
entertaining and educating, the wedding songs moralise the bride, pass wisdom
from one generation to another, and admonish couples about how they should
maintain themselves as good members of society. On a general note, the songs
provide a chance for the young ones to inherit their traditional literature or
lore, and a young bride learns what she is supposed to do when she joins her husband
in matrimony. It could be concluded that Bornobe Fulɓe wedding songs carry
a profound message for married life. It is a kind of counselling and training,
particularly for the new wife to interact and function effectively within the
family and the society. Such songs control behaviours and they act as agents of
socialisation. They prescribe such matrimonial behaviours capable of creating a
solid family foundation in a remarkable way.
Therefore, the claims by the early colonial
interpreters of African culture that there is no merit in African traditional
songs (Vincent and Senanu, 1995) have been debased by the functional nature of
Bornobe Fulɓe wedding songs.
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