Citation: Iwuji, U.O. & Kelechi-Ejingini, A.C. (2025). Revolutionary Aesthetics in Toni Duruaku’s Thorns on Liberty Road. Tasambo Journal of Language, Literature, and Culture, 4(2), 142-150. www.doi.org/10.36349/tjllc.2025.v04i02.016.
REVOLUTIONARY
AESTHETICS IN TONI DURUAKU’S THORNS ON
LIBERTY ROAD
By
Dr. Ugochukwu Ogechi Iwuji
Department of Humanities, Federal Polytechnic Nekede, Imo
State, Nigeria, ugoiwuji@gmail.com, +234(0)8068781712
Amarachi Christiana Kelechi-Ejingini
Department of Humanities, Federal Polytechnic Nekede, Imo
Abstract
This paper seeks to expand discourse on revolutionary
aesthetics, a historically inevitable phenomenon that naturally sprouts out in
a world of deprivation and marginalization. The enablers of this philosophy are
the bourgeoisie and the insensitive ruling class that treat the masses with
disdain. Essentially, the study investigates Revolutionary aesthetics in Toni
Duruaku’s Thorns on Liberty Road as a typical and timely political allegory
that mirrors the agitations of the various disgruntled and marginalized
sections of the African continent, which demand justice and self-determination,
as a result of a prolonged condition of deprivation and frustration. The play
drips with Revolutionary aesthetics as the protagonist, Obiagu, struggles with
the contradictions of a state-captured society and the various “thorns” on the
path of liberty to champion the cause of liberation for his people. His
Ndichukwu community is the economic capital of Obiala, having abundant
resources and paying the highest taxes to the authorities, yet it is
marginalized politically, thereby giving them a sense of alienation and
estrangement. Consequently, this creates a binary of the overfed, rich marginal
group and the repressed, poor marginalized side. The paper makes crucial
findings hinged on the fact that injustice and marginalization of any kind are
catalysts of underdevelopment. Since literature offers pathways to social
development and reforms, the study prescribes a non-violent revolution driven
by engagement, dialogue, sensitization, and protest, identifying them as a sustainable
panacea for social change and reform. The methodology deployed in the study is
qualitative as relevant aspects of setting, theme and characterization from the
primary text of Thorns on Liberty Road and excerpts from various critical texts
are explored and interrogated in light of the Revolutionary aesthetics embedded
in them.
Keywords: Revolutionary
aesthetics, Political allegory, Marginalized, Marginal group, Non-violent
resistance
Introduction
Udenta (1993, p. xv) gives an epistemic
overview of the term, Revolutionary Aesthetics:
Revolutionary
aesthetics is a reactive aesthetic philosophy, being deterministic outgrowth of
a historically inevitable process. It is a realism of protest of alternative
tradition as its rise is predicated on the crisis of bourgeois and semi-feudal
societies and the need to not only critically examine their moribund values but
also posit an alternative that is clearly people-oriented.
What is glaring
about Revolutionary aesthetics is its inevitability in the face of repression, marginalization
and injustice. It is an ideational reaction given verve by maladministration
and insensitive leadership. Ultimately, it is a necessary protest against the
bourgeois of a society whose ideology is to perpetually keep the people
subservient and economically lame.
Udenta traces the
evolution of Revolutionary Aesthetics to the Russian Revolution of 1917, leading
to the adoption of Revolutionary Aesthetics in 1934 as the guiding philosophy
of soviet art. Gyorgy Lukacs (1885 – 1917), a Hungarian Marxist philosopher,
laid the foundation, Critical Realism, upon which revolutionary aesthetics
thrived. Lukacs, born into a Jewish family in Budapest, has his Doctorate in
Sociology with an interest in Marxian ideology. Indeed, he rose to be a
prominent Marxist proponent.
According to Habib
(2005, p. 545) “At the centre of Lukacs’s concept of realism is precisely the
category of totality expressed in History
and Class Consciousness. This category is based on Hegel’s notion of the
concrete universal whereby the universal is not separate from but immanent in
its particular expressions.” Lukacs, thus, advocates a reflectionist theory
where art is a representation of forces of history rather than the mechanistic
details of the world.
Revolutionary
aesthetics, a theoretical offshoot of Marxism, is vital in the interrogation of
Toni Duruaku’s Thorns on Liberty Road,
a political allegory that defines the power play, contradictions, and struggles
of marginalized societies of the world seeking self-determination from their
oppressors. An allegory is a literary device – an artistic form in narratives
or visual representation that bears symbolic significations of real-life
situations. Abrams and Harphan (2012, 9p.7) put it thus:
An
allegory is a narrative whether in prose or verse in which the agents and
actions and setting as well, are contrived by the author to make coherent sense
on the literal or primary level of signification, and at the same time to
communicate a second correlated order of signification.
Embedded in the
foregoing are the basic features of an allegory. In the main, an allegory
embodies a representational meaning. The setting and characterization are
symbolic. There may be historical and political allegories. In the one, actions
and characters symbolize historical personages and events, while the latter
depicts the setting, plot and characters that represent a certain political
development.
Duruaku’s Thorns on
Liberty Road and Revolutionary Aesthetics
As a political
allegory replete with revolutionary aesthetics, Duruaku’s Thorns on Liberty Road narrates the typical plight of a marginalized
society and the ensuing struggle for emancipation. In the world of the
playwright, the marginalized society is Ndichukwu in Obiala local government
area. The community seeks the government’s referendum to be allowed to become part
of Anyigbo, where it claims historical and cultural ties. But this move is fiercely
contested and resisted by the bourgeoisie of Obiala LGA, who feel Ndichukwu’s affiliation
to another local government area will deny them of the community’s natural
resources. However, the leaders of Ndichukwu, led by a young Cuban-trained
returnee, Obiagu, insist that if stakeholders in Obiala LGA could come together
to outline ways of demarginalising them, then they could shelve their
agitation.
The character,
Akirika (Chief Ogwe), is the face of oppression and repression in the play. He
is a political “godfather” who boasts of ‘producing’ the local government
chairman and the governor of the state. He vows to mobilize his wealth,
connections and goons to resist the legitimate agitation of Ndichukwu. He
maintains a rigid stance on the issue: “Ndichukwu is struck in Obiala Local Government
Area. They don’t have to like it” (p. 10). The foregoing is symbolic of power
and impunity. The camp of Akirika, representing the rest of Obiala in the
statement, expresses its resoluteness in forcefully keeping Ndichukwu from
moving to another LGA. The tone of impunity is sustained in all the expressions
coming from Chief Ogwe (Akirika). When
he meets the chairman, Idewuike, in his office, he speaks tough to him about
the need to resist the agitation of Ndichukwu:
Akirika:
Obiagu and his stupid pocket of agitators cannot dictate what will happen, how
can you negotiate with a man who wants to dump you for a second rate LGA?
Remember that Ndichukwu produces more palm-oil, more cassava and pay more taxes
than all other five communities put together. You cannot afford to lose that
community (p. 15).
Akirika is a
symbol of oppression and impunity. The tone of his speech makes him an
insensitive bourgeois. He does not want the Ndichukwu community to exit Obiala LGA
for selfish reasons. Ndichukwu is a symbol of abundant natural resources. The mention
of palm oil and cassava in the foregoing excerpt points to the wealth of the
land. Out of the six communities that make up Obiala LGA, Ndichukwu is the
richest, hence it pays the highest taxes. It is ironic, however, that this
“goose that lays the golden egg” is marginalized by the rest of the LGA.
Akrirka loathes Obiagu, the champion of the agitation, because he does not want
Ndichukwu to exit Obiala LGA. He uses an abusive epithet on Obiagu and his
group: “stupid pocket of agitators.” He sees them as flies that need to be
eliminated to end the agitation. In the course of the discussion with Chairman
Idewuike, Akirika asks him to “Cut off the head of the snake and the body goes
limp” (p. 17). The tone of the foregoing is violent and depicts Akirika as a
purveyor of violence. The snake is a metaphor referring to Obiagu and his
agitating group. In another instance, he characterizes Obiagu thus: “Obiagu is
a fly in my pot of palm wine” (p. 18). Again, this drips with violence as the
fate of a fly perching on a palm wine jar is death. The fly is a metaphor for
Obiagu for daring to oppose his sinister plan. Akirika does not pretend to be a
violent man. In fact, he tells the chairman about his dark side: “You haven’t
seen my dark side. The devil resides there” (p. 19). This is an epiphany
symbolizing the satanic nature of Akirika’s heart. He claims identity with the
devil brazenly and shamelessly, having been blinded by greed and hubris. Even
when Chairman Idewuike tries to be neutral and civil in the matter, he reminds
him of his position as a stooge to him:
Akirika:
I see you have a short memory. I put you on that seat for a reason, Chairman
Idewuike. I have major business in Ndichukwu. If you want to go for a second
term, you should begin to listen to me. Otherwise, I’ll shut the tap and you
can kiss your political future goodbye (p. 190)
The foregoing
illustrates some of the contradictions of postcolonial Africa, where a man
makes himself a political godfather over a system and demands patronage from
his stooges. These self-acclaimed godfathers sponsor elections at heavy costs.
They see elections as lucrative investments and the territories as their
economic and political empire. In a brash tone, Akirika reminds Idewuike of the
history surrounding his political ascendancy. He threatens to deny him a second
term if he does not do his bidding. Akirika, like other political lords, are
petty bourgeoisie who do not mean well for the rank and file of society. Their
sole interest lies in the expansion and perpetuity of their economic empire. Thus,
Akirika vehemently opposes the session of Ndichukwu as it would affect his business
interests there. It is essential to posit that the foregoing excerpt is a
satire on the political development of third-world countries, where clueless
and pliable leaders are installed by self-serving political lords for selfish
aggrandizement. This is a factor hampering national development. Onuekwusi
(2013, p. 12) defines national development as “that aspiration of a nation to
reach a point of sufficiency in several indices of good life for its citizens
and even exceed this.”
In an
underdeveloped country, its leadership only takes actions that negate the
aspiration of “sufficiency in several indices” of life. In a developed nation,
continues Onuekwusi (2013, p. 130), “justice can be obtained and is not denied
anyone due to poverty, race, gender, or creed.” It bears stating that nations
that are developed do not have political godfathers who tele-guide their
leaders to achieve a set agenda inimical to growth and development. The likes
of Akirika and his ilk in the play build political empires simply for
self-enrichment. This is a development that can potentially instigate a
revolution.
In defence of
their political and economic interests, political lords like Akririka easily
resort to violence as a means of intimidating or eliminating perceived enemies.
First, he sends assassins who disguise themselves as policemen extorting
motorists on the road. These killers ambush Obiagu and his partner on a lonely
road, shooting them in the process. However, luck prevails as they run to
safety. On another occasion, Akirika conspires with the police to scuttle a
peaceful rally organized by Obiagu and his group. They aim to take advantage of
a projected fracas to assassinate Obiagu. This nearly happens as planned. On
the day of the rally, policemen and paid thugs acting on phantom orders “from
above” barricade the venue of the event. As predicted, a rumpus ensues and the
policemen open fire on the people amid yells of pain. And on the orders of
Akirika, Obiagu is arrested. Next, a violent Akirika, a civilian political lord,
orders the law enforcement agency: “What are you waiting for? Beat him to
death.” (p. 56). This is an indictment of critical state institutions, which
are compromised for the selfish gains of politicians. Ironically, a non-state
actor like Akirika could order state actors about. As if the earlier order is
not enough, an angry Akirika yells a fresh command: “Kill him! Kill him! I
warned him, the rat. Kill him! Idiot! (p. 56). The tone of the command is a
violent one. Chief Akirika is a bourgeois who is single-minded about
eliminating perceived enemies or opposition. He characterizes Obiagu, a Cuban-trained
professional, as both a “rat” and “an idiot” who needs to be killed. The
foregoing underscores the tribulation that agitators undergo in developing
nations where leaders are ruthless and despotic.
In another
development, Obiagu and his team are attacked at a petrol station, where one
person loses his life. This is all in a bid to stop Obiagu and end the
agitation. Obiagu is however, undeterred by the verbal and physical assaults on
him and his team. He sees the agitation he leads as legitimate and timely for
his people. All genuine revolutionaries are focused and courageous. Even when
the first meeting with the chairman of Obiala LGA fails, Obiagu expresses optimism
in addressing his team:
Obiagu:
Sit down… sit down. Now that the meeting didn’t go so well, we must actualize
our dream through some other kind of pressure (p. 22).
The foregoing is illustrative
of a courageous revolutionary, whose eyes are on the “ball.” His revolutionary
tactics are not built on the deployment of destructive arsenals. This is why he
cautions Obioma, who suggests that the referendum they seek should be fought
“…with everything in your arsenal” (p. 22). Indeed, Obiagu further makes
clarifications on the principles of the revolution he leads:
Obiagu:
No violence. I don’t stand for it. I believe in peaceful protest and demand of
our right-of-choice.
The foregoing
suggests that the revolution led by Obiagu is predicated on ideology. It is
based on the merits of a plethora of issues affecting the people of Ndichukwu,
at the core of which is deprivation. Thus, the revolution championed in the
foregoing is not a violent one that requires the bearing of arms against the
enemy camp. Udenta (1993, p. xix) posits that revolutionary literature
advocates “a radical break” with the past and “a revolutionary replacement of
its structures with genuinely oriented ones.” The “past” is the unwarranted
marginalization and frustration suffered by the people of the Ndichukwu
community. The “genuine-oriented” course for the people is to secede and align
with where they would be valued. The revolutionary weapons of Obiagu in the
play are logic, sensitization and protest. He brings to light a more
sustainable revolutionary trajectory that is productive:
Obiagu:
Patience, gentlemen. The road to liberty is paved with thorns. But violence
will get us nowhere. It may be more macho but the truth is that war has not
solved any problem. We just need to talk our adversaries into the ground and
wear them out. They will continue to provoke is but we must show restraint
without looking weak…” (p. 23).
Genuine
revolutionaries are philosophers – they deploy logic to interrogate the facts
of life to espouse a possible solution or truth about it. The foregoing is
replete with the aesthetics of revolution. There is the acknowledgement of the
onerous or tedious task of revolution. Indeed, Obiagu views it as a road “paved
with thorns,” a metaphor for the stumbling blocks and oppositions faced by
freedom fighters. He, however, advocates restraint in the face of provocation,
identifying logic as an essential weapon that can “wear out” the adversaries.
In this regard, he philosophizes about the futility of violence and war, as its
cost far outweighs peaceful engagement and protest. The foregoing aptly
illustrates the role of a writer as a philosopher who is engaged in
nation-building and development. Adeoti (2015, p.3) states that “a writer sees
aberrations of social norms and creatively addresses it.” Sometimes “s/he may
point out alternatives which may involve reform or revolution, depending on
his/her ideological preferences.” Thus, Duruaku creatively addresses not only
the social aberrations in his society but also the right way of engaging in
social reforms and revolution. The revolution so advocated in Thorns on Liberty Road is one without
extremist tendencies. It is rather a revolution that is ideologically based and
people-oriented. For one cannot claim to
be a revolutionary when the blood of one’s kinsmen flows on the altar of a
violent reactive action. This is, therefore, a commentary against the violent
revolution, which at its best is driven by personal interests.
Obiagu tailors his
revolutionary stance after the Indian Mahatma Gandhi and the South African
Nelson Mandela. He espouses further on his style of revolution:
Obiagu:
Mandela was a man of peace. It wasn’t the violence that killed apartheid. It
was the pressure from outside and inside. It’s not the burning of houses and
the killings, it’s the boycotts at home and abroad (p. 23).
The allusion to
Mandela in the excerpt stems from his disposition to peace to the extent that
he accommodated even his jailers and haters in his government. In line with
this, the drama reveals that the path to a genuine and people-oriented
revolution is free from violence and arson.
Duruaku’s Thorns on Liberty Road advocates
engagement as the route to a sustainable revolution. Obiagu, the protagonist of
the play, is clear about this:
Obiagu:
Our petitions are receiving attention at the highest levels of government. Our
prominent sons and daughters are mobilizing. Our people in federal capital
territory are doing a great job and insist on non-violence too … (p. 23).
The foregoing
excerpt reinforces the power of logical engagement in a revolutionary process.
Obiagu engages high-level stakeholders through petitions and various channels of
communication. It is instructive that engaging relevant stakeholders easily
attracts the support of everyone more than resorting to violence, which is
cheap and unattractive. The message of engagement sinks into the subconscious
of Obiagu’s team as Chinonso, a member of the team, engages Eucharia, a non-sympathizer
of his cause. Eucharia is the former’s fiancée who threatens to call off the
wedding engagement should he go ahead with the revolutionary cause he is
pursuing. Chinonso’s response is revealing:
Chinonso:
I’m not a political activist. I’m only trying to do what is right by my people.
Obiala has long rejected us in the scheme of things using leadership and
appointees that were handpicked to do a hatchet job. We cannot be producing
everything of note in this local government and be treated as second class
citizens. (p. 25).
Beyond its tone of
enlightenment and engagement, the excerpt presents some ironies. Ndichukwu is
the economic capital of Obiala, having notable resources and paying the highest
taxes to the authorities. Yet, the community is marginalized politically,
thereby giving them a sense of alienation and estrangement. Thus, this creates
a binary of the overfed, rich marginal group and the repressed, poor
marginalized side.
The binary of the
oppressors and the oppressed is further reinforced in Obiagu’s speech at the
community square, where he recounts the plight of Ndichukwu in the local
council:
Obiagu:
This land produces the greatest quantity of palm oil, palm kernel and the largest
revenue from farm proceeds. But what can we show for it?
Everyone:
Nothing.
Obiagu:
Nothing indeed because we are not deep enough in politics to manage the affairs
of our land. The biggest revenue-earning community in the local government has
no good roads, no water, no electricity, no health centre, things that are enjoyed
in some other communities. Yet any resource that develops other parts of this
local government is from our land. Why is this? What we are saying is: Allow us
to go over to our neigbouring Anyigbo Local Government with which we have
negotiated; with which we relate better. What does Obiala Local Government say:
“No you cannot.” We cannot go? We cannot decide our destiny? While we were
working our sweat off to improve the land, others were busy scheming and
occupying political offices to call the shots (p. 29).
The tone of the
excerpt above is pathetic. It is a presentation of the repression and denial
suffered by people who should be in privileged positions. It is a satire of a
nation where regions that contribute nothing to the Gross Domestic Product are
the lords of the land. They constitute the power schemers of the land. They
equally deploy the arsenal of power to their advantage in suppressing other
regions. The excerpt presents ironies as the “revenue-earning community” lacks
essential amenities that enhance living standards. However, their non-revenue
producing counterparts corner all the developmental projects – good roads, potable
water, electricity, and health care centres. This is the foundation of
injustice that fuels most separatist agitations. There is catharsis in the excerpt
as a productive section of a country is denied good living conditions while
those who contribute little or nothing are favoured with the resources of the
nation. Furthermore, it is dramatic that the oppressors do not want the
oppressed of the land to have a reprieve. The political leaders in Duruaku’s
Obiala Local Government Area do not want Ndichukwu to align with another local
council where there is an equitable distribution of resources, and their
happiness is guaranteed. Finally, there is the imagery of a people working
patriotically to develop the land, yet they are not allowed into sensitive
posts in government. The people of Ndichukwu “sweat off to improve the land,”
but are taken for granted by people who are “busy scheming and occupying
political offices.” Here comes a binary of the long-suffering patriotic and
wealthy, influential unpatriotic of the country. The former are single-minded
in nation-building, while the latter are preoccupied with politics and its
perks. This is an allegorical representation of the plight of most African
countries, as people suffer when politics takes precedence over governance.
Toni Duruaku’s Thorns on Liberty Road deplores the
impunity of political lords to intimidate and marginalize sections of society
who try to resist their high-handedness. The case of Ndichukwu in the play is a
typical scenario of political insensitivity. The people are vehemently rebuffed
when they make overtures for negotiation. They are blatantly told to shelve the
idea of negotiation:
Obiagu:
If they say: Let us negotiate; let us remedy the wrong, that would be
different. But they say: you will hunger; you will provide; you will remain.
Ah! Ah! Enough is enough! We are not their slaves! (p. 29)
The excerpt bears
a tone of impunity and insensitivity. The power players look at the people
condescendingly. They view them as inconsequential beings whose opinions do not
matter. These are political lords who are primarily after their selfish interests
and not about national cohesion and development. They do not want to negotiate
with the people despite their “being resource-producers of the land. Against
the will of the people, they are told to “hunger” in a land where they hold
major stakes in food production and pay the highest taxes. They are also told
to “remain” in a land that ill-treats them. This is the lot of the masses in
the hands of the ruling class. Sustained repression and injustice are potent
precursors of a strategic revolution. Thus, Obiagu speaks with greater
conviction and resoluteness of a revolutionary: “Enough is enough! We are not
their slaves!” This is the beginning of a revolution by the marginalized people
of Ndichukwu.
The road to
revolution is fraught with “thorns”, a metaphor for obstacles and strictures.
Many times, Obiagu and his team are faced with danger instigated by the
self-acclaimed godfather of Nkata State politics, who boasts of installing the
governor and Obiala LGA chairman. He uses brute force on the revolutionaries –
deploying assassins and even killer-policemen. Yet, Obiagu, the prime target,
is able to escape from the diabolic traps.
Revolutionaries
are courageous in dire circumstances. Obiagu displays unusual courage when he
attends a Senate Committee special hearing on public complaints, uninvited. He
deftly beats protocol at the venue of the hearing and gets accredited as a
delegate. When Senator Joshua Bamba, chairman of the hearing, calls for
questions from delegates, Obiagu takes advantage of the opportunity to present
the case of the Ndichukwu community, a presentation which rouses instant
interest and gets national acclaim:
Obiagu:
We represent Ndichukwu community in Nkata State. We are asking to be moved out
of Obiala LGA to Anyigbo LGA. Our state givernor has blatantly refused to
listen to our extremely good reasons simply because, as he wrongly claims, we
did not vote for his party in the last elections and the House of Assembly … is
in a coma over our matter. Our complaints are clearly stated in the document
being distributed. Come over to Ndichukwu and help us. I’m sure … (p. 67).
The foregoing
excerpt is revolutionary as it drips with the courage of a man committed to a
positive change. He courageously indicts the “thorns” on the road to the
people’s liberty. First, he implicates the governor of Nkata state, whose petty
reason for not acting on their demands is that Ndichukwu did not vote for his
party at the last election. This is a touch of sarcasm on the political class,
which hinges critical decisions on political consideration rather than the interest
of the masses. Ironically, the political class begs the people for votes during
elections, only to turn to indifferent dictators when elected. Second, the
legislature is indicted as it abdicates its critical responsibility of checking
the excesses of the executive arm. It is indeed the legislature that has
enabled executive rascality and impunity in matters of state importance. The
Nkata State House of Assembly is a symbol of the lame legislature in most
nations struggling with development. Remarkably, a valiant Obiagu is not deterred
by weak state institutions. He remains unfazed even when Senator Bamba
interrupts his speech to know if he is an accredited delegate:
Obiagu:
This forum is for all citizens with a grudge. We have a large one. We are being
marginalized and brutalized in Ndichukwu. The Senate must intervene now, before
… (p. 68).
The tone of the
foregoing is an angry one. It bears the mood of a typical revolutionary crying
for justice for his marginalized people. It is a satire as the political class
is indicted in the injustice meted out to the people. The tropes of
“marginalized” and “brutalized” symbolize oppression by the ruling class. The
trend of repression is reinforced with the interruption of Governor Umunna of
Nkata State, who asks that Obiagu be arrested: “Mr Chairman, that is a mad man.
There is no such thing in my state. The man should be arrested at once” (p. 68).
The abusive epithet “madman” in the text
symbolizes the disdain that the ruling class has for perceived opponents. It is
also a mirror of the despotic id of the ruling class, which brooks no
opposition. The excerpt shows how the political class lives in utter denial of reality.
Suddenly, Governor Umunna denies knowledge of the agitation of the Ndichukwu
community. He goes ahead to label Obiagu and his compatriots as “political
turncoats and guttersnipes,” epithets symbolizing deep-seated disdain of the
ruling class for the opposition, or courageous patriots who speak truth to
them.
Obiagu’s
successful outing at the Senate Committee hearing gives a fillip to Ndichukwu’s
agitation. For one, it attracts a measure of national attention. Indeed,
Senator Bamba fears that “the press and civil society groups will be on his
case by now” (p. 70). Thus, he advises Governor Umunna to allow the town of
Ndichukwu to move to the local government of their choice. The presentation to
the Senate puts adequate pressure on the authorities to consider the weighty
issues raised by Obiagu. It also bolsters the public sympathy of critical
stakeholders for their cause. It further strengthens the resolve of Chief
Okaomee (Odogwu), an influential figure in Anyigbo, to openly join the noble
cause of liberating Ndichukwu from the “sharks” at Obiala LGA.
In the end, the
revolutionary cause becomes successful. Ndichukwu is liberated through a
referendum. The will of the people prevails, and the marginalized of the land
are saved from the savagery of the ruling class. It is noteworthy that the
“thorns on liberty road” are subdued not by destructive weapons and gunfire but
by words of reason and truth.
Conclusion
Revolutionary
aesthetics in African literature will continue to gather steam so long as
despotic leadership holds sway on the continent. There is bound to be a
character like Obiagu who is determined to rouse the people from myopia and
inaction to challenge the ruling class. Revolutionary aesthetics, a reactive
philosophy, is inevitable in a world of injustice, impunity, and
marginalization. The enablers of this philosophy are the bourgeoisie, the
insensitive ruling class that treats the people with spite. All said, it bears
repeating that Toni Duruaku’s Thorns on
Liberty Road is a typical and timely allegory that mirrors the agitations
of the various disgruntled and marginalized sections of the African continent,
which demand justice and self-determination as a result of a prolonged
condition of deprivation and frustration. It is remarkable that the playwright,
as a visionary writer, does not advocate a violent revolution where the
marginalized majority carry arms against their marginal tormentors. The writer
rather prescribes a non-violent revolution driven by engagement, dialogue,
sensitization, and protest, identifying them as a sustainable panacea for
social change and reform.
References
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Head in His Absence. (Inaugural Lecture Series 275). Obafemi Awolowo University
Press.
Duruaku, T. (2024). Thorns
on Liberty Road. Cherry Bren Ltd.
Dobie, A.B. (2012). Theory into Practice: An Introduction to Literary Criticism.
Cengage Learning.
Habib, M. A. R. (2005).
A History of Literary Criticism: From Plato to the Present. Blackwell
Publishing.
Onuekwusi, J (2013). A
Nation and Her Stories (An Inaugural Lecture). Imo State University Press.
Udenta, O. U. (1993). Revolutionary
Aesthetics & the African Literary Process. Fourth Dimensions Publishing
Co. Ltd.
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