Cite this article as: Mamoudou M. A. (2025). Influence of the Northern States of Nigeria on the Northern Part of Cameroon. Zamfara International Journal of Humanities, 3(1), 7-23. www.doi.org/10.36349/zamijoh.2025.v03i01.002.
INFLUENCE OF THE NORTHERN STATES OF NIGERIA ON THE NORTHERN PART OF CAMEROON
Mouhamadou Aminou Mamoudou
Department
of Historical, Archeological and Heritage Sciences, University of Maroua, Cameroon
Abstract: Cameroon
and Nigeria are two neighboring countries -Cameroon in Central Africa and Nigeria
in West Africa-with historical ties across cultural, economic, and social domains.
Although these ties were officially established in 1960, their roots extend deep
into the pre-colonial era. Today, these connections have grown significantly, particularly
in the border regions, with the northern parts of Cameroon sharing boundaries with
the Arewa states of Nigeria, namely Borno, Adamawa, and Taraba. This has fostered
close relationships that are pivotal for both nations. This study aims to examine
the cultural and economic influence of the Arewa states on the three northern regions
of Cameroon. It will follow a detailed plan, beginning with an introduction that
situates the historical context, followed by an analysis of cultural exchanges,
and a study of economic integration. The final section will address the challenges
and perspectives of these bilateral relations. The problem under consideration is
the complexity of cross-border influences between Nigeria's Arewa states and Cameroon's
northern regions, and how these interactions impact cultural identity and economic
practices. The main question guiding this research is: How do the Arewa states culturally
and economically influence the three northern regions of Cameroon? The objectives
are to assess the extent of cultural influence, understand economic ties, and evaluate
the outcomes of these interactions. The hypotheses suggest that cultural exchanges
are reinforced by shared ethnic groups and that economic interactions are influenced
by market integration between these regions. An empirical approach was used, inving
fieldwork in Borno, Adamawa, and Taraba states of Nigeria. Oral, visual, and written
sources were gathered from traditional, religious, and administrative leaders. Additionally,
extensive surveys were conducted in northern Cameroon (Far North, North and Adamawa),
and data was collected from libraries and archival centers. The results of this
study highlight significant cultural continuity and economic interdependence, demonstrating
that these cross-border influences are crucial to understanding the broader regional
dynamics between Cameroon and Nigeria.
Keywords: Influence,
Relationship, Soft Power, State, North-Cameroon, North-Nigeria
1.0
Introduction
Cameroon and Nigeria are territories with shared
historical experiences, as well as similar economic and cultural characteristics.
Relations between the communities on both sides of their borders underwent significant
changes during the colonial period. The linear borders imposed by Europeans at the
Berlin Conference of 1884-1885 disrupted many of the pre-existing connections
between the peoples of these two countries, especially in their northern
regions. Despite these arbitrary boundaries, the
people of these regions have maintained their relationships. Political, economic,
and cultural interactions continue to connect these communities, although they are shaped by various norms and principles.
However, these interactions often inve a desire for hegemony and self-interest,
at times overshadowing cultural ties. The self-interest at play in these international
relations brings to mind Bentham's assertion that "no interest, no action"
exists between states. This idea reflects the pursuit of profit that drives relations
between the northern regions of these countries. Despite this, strong economic,
cultural, and political influence is still evident between Cameroon and Nigeria,
especially in their northern regions, highlighting the concept of "soft power."
According to American scholar Joseph Nye in his book “Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics”, soft power contrasts
with hard power, relying on a country's culture, political values, and foreign policies
to achieve international influence (Munoz, 2019: 1). This paper aims first to describe the means of
influence employed by Northern Nigeria, second to examine the areas in which this
soft power is applied, and third to highlight its impact on Northern Cameroon.
Map Showing the Study Area
Realization: Manga Pierre. October 2023.
From this map, we observe that Northern Cameroon is
composed of three regions: Adamawa, the Far North, and the North. On the
Nigerian side, the northern part is made up of nineteen federal states, three
of which border Northern Cameroon: Borno, Adamawa, and Taraba.
1. Cultural and Economic Instruments of Soft
Power in Northern Nigeria
Nigeria, particularly the northern
states, comprises numerous communities rich in cultural, economic, and political
resources. This part of Nigeria, known as Arewa,
uses its diverse assets to exert influence on neighboring countries, especially
on Northern Cameroon.
1.1. Cultural resources
Culture,
as Nye noted, is a significant asset for soft power and is often one of the primary
tools used by states to establish hegemony[1]
beyond their borders (Nye, 2004). The northern states of Nigeria are no exception.
Elements such as Kannywood, language, music, and the media make up the cultural
soft power of these states and are used as tools of cultural diplomacy. Kannywood
is a film industry originating from northern Nigeria in the early 1990s, which gained
prominence in the early 2000s. The term "Kannywood" was coined by Shehu Sanusi Daneji, an editor of “Tauraruwa”, a Hausa magazine. Inspired by
Hollywood, Daneji named this budding industry after it. Notably, Kannywood was established
before Nollywood, which is based in
southern Nigeria[2].
This film industry[3] became
a source of pride for communities in northern Nigeria and serves as a means of cultural
influence in the region, particularly in Kano State. As Nye observed, the media
plays a crucial role in disseminating a nation's values. From an influence perspective,
Blet also emphasizes its importance.
International media help shape foreign
opinion by being financed by public powers and disseminating information across
borders. This makes them an essential tool of public diplomacy, which aims to influence
foreign populations rather than engage in direct government-to-government interactions.
The term "public diplomacy" serves as an alternative to the negatively
connoted "propaganda." Media, therefore, becomes instrumental in attracting
foreign audiences, serving as a means for a country to project its influence abroad
(Cyril, 2010: 119-120).
In the northern states of Nigeria,
this media soft power can be seen in border towns like Kolofata. For instance, Suna Radio, popular for its programs that
resonate with Kanuri culture, serves as a tool of influence for Borno State, helping
it maintain a connection with its former territories. Adamawa State also plays a
similar role, using its FM Gotol radio
station to attract communities near the Cameroon border. The Fulani pastoralists
are particularly drawn to the "Waynabe"
program on FM Gotol, as it is broadcast
in Fulfulde, their native language. One Fulani pastoralist described FM Gotol as an ongoing source of enrichment
for them, reflecting how Adamawa State uses language to exert influence over neighboring
Northern Cameroonian villages[4].
This illustrates how Northern Nigeria exerts its cultural influence over Northern
Cameroon. According to an informant[5],
businessmen and political elites from Northern Nigeria finance these media channels
to extend their influence. One such well-funded station is BBC Hausa, with a significant
presence in Kano State, broadcasting across Hausa-speaking regions. These radio
and television programs aim to establish the soft power of the Hausa-Fulani states
of Northern Nigeria, extending their cultural influence across sub-Saharan Africa,
particularly in Northern Cameroon. Barr (2022) highlights that:
"The success of soft power depends
on the reputation of the actor within the community and the flow of information
between actors." This is a significant reason for the increased focus on soft
power in recent decades, facilitated by globalization. Popular culture and media,
alongside the spread of a national language, are identified as key sources of soft
power. These can target both elites ("high" sources) and wider audiences
(Barr, 2022)".
Thus, soft power plays a crucial role,
particularly in a globalized world. Oral and written sources from Northern Nigeria
demonstrate that Hausa-Fulani media function as tools of cultural dominance over
Northern Cameroon. Despite this, administrative, political, and traditional elites
have made minimal efforts to finance these media. The northern states of Nigeria
use their media outlets, especially two main radio stations, to influence Northern
Cameroon. The appeal of these programs lies in the shared language, which facilitates
cultural affinity and dominance. Language plays a crucial role in establishing the
influence of a state, nation, or region within a particular area, as is evident
in the Hausa states of northern Nigeria. Hausa has been a central language in Hausa
society for centuries, serving as the language of administration and commerce. Learning
Hausa is essential for engaging in trade with the Hausa states, making it one of
the most significant languages in West Africa, with a large number of
speakers. It is described as "the
most important autonomous lingua franca in West and Central Africa, spoken as a
first or second language by approximately 40 to 50 million people." For a Hausa
trader from Kano, Hausa is indispensable for commercial activities, and trading
demands activities, and trading demands. [6]
Through its widespread use among communities
in northern Nigeria and northern Cameroon, Hausa serves as a key instrument of soft
power for the Hausa states in this part of Nigeria. In addition to its role in commerce,
Hausa is also the primary language of the Kannywood music industry. As a powerful
instrument for state influence, music has always attracted people through the messages
it conveys. In the White Paper on French Foreign Policy (2008-2020), Pistome
asserts that the influence of music lies in "the ideas that shape international
policy." Music can play a crucial role in spreading ideas and shaping "global
public opinion" within this informal framework (Pistome, 2013 as cited by Psathas,
2016:36). From this perspective, the significance of music is evident. This is comparable
to the Hausa music enjoyed in North Cameroon. Psathas notes that shared music can
foster friendly diplomacy by bringing neighboring countries closer together.
In the context of Hausa music consumed
in North Cameroon, this music helps bring the Hausa people of these countries together.
One of the most popular Kannywood songs in North Cameroon, which also symbolizes
Hausa culture, is titled "Rayuwata"
meaning "my life" in Hausa. This song serves as a soft power tool for
the Hausa film industry, which resonates strongly in North Cameroon, particularly
at weddings and christenings. Nigeria has long used music as a form of soft power.
Before the establishment of the Kannywood industry, numerous griots, storytellers,
and artists from this region were celebrated in North Cameroon from the 1960s to
the 1990s. Among these were Musa Dankwairo, Maman Shata, Ibrahim Nahabu, Amina Rawaram,
and Barmani Choge. These cultural icons of Northern Nigerian music were widely listened
to in the northern regions of Cameroon. Since the early 2000s, however, the Kannywood
industry has contributed to the democratization of Hausa-Fulani music, which has
further strengthened Hausa cultural influence in North Cameroon through music[7].
Surveys conducted in North Cameroon,
especially in border areas like Belel in the Adamaoua region, confirm that Hausa
music is widely consumed there. Hausa music particularly that of Muhammadu Shareef,
is played frequently at all weddings held in this village. Having attended three
Bankwana[8]
in the three northern regions of Cameroon, it is evident that Hausa cultural influence
through this music is profound. Nevertheless, during the 1980s, it was music performed
by Hausa griots that had a significant influence on this part of Cameroon, and it
is still occasionally played during major ceremonies. One such type of music is
Shantu.
Shantu music is a tradition dedicated entirely to women,
a rare feature in both Hausa music and Islamic cultures in general. Traditionally,
it is performed by women during female-only wedding celebrations. The ensemble includes
six Shantu, two calabash drums (made from
two half-calabashes placed upside-down on the ground and struck with sticks), and
a water drum. The musicians' movements are both masterful and graceful. The deep,
resonant sound of the Shantu contrasts
with the clear, nasal, and perfectly unified voices of the women. The melodies are
straightforward, yet the frequent changes of keynote prevent monotony. The rhythms
are fast and dance-like, while the interplay between the soloist and the other singers
exemplifies successful homophony enriched with responsorial and antiphonal elements
(Deletere, 2006: 296). The particularities of Shantu music[9]
provide insight into its distinct characteristics[10].
It is mainly performed by Hausa women, though some Fulani women also sing it. One
such example is the late Nigerian actress Maryam Umar[11],
who grew up in a Hausa environment[12]
and became a Shantu icon in the early
2000s. Until her passing in 2011, she was highly celebrated for her contributions
to Shantu music, which remains widely
sold in the towns and villages of North Cameroon. The enthusiasm for this music
in North Cameroon[13]
underscores its powerful influence. From this perspective, Hausa music serves as
a tool of soft power for the Hausa states of Nigeria over northern Nigeria. Several
Hausa-Fulani musical traditions have also influenced the culture of the northern
populations of Cameroon. Alongside these cultural influences, the Arewa states are deploying economic resources
as well.
1.2.
Economic Assets
The northern states of Nigeria also
employ economic strategies to influence neighboring countries, including Cameroon,
particularly its three northern regions, which are not exempt from this economic
dominance. This sphere of influence pertains to the various trading hubs (markets)
located in different states of northern Nigeria. In the context of economic cooperation
between the communities of these two regions, markets like Kurmi, Dawano, Sabongari, Mubi, Jimeta, and Jigawa play an essential role. Cooperation between Cameroon and Nigeria
is not a recent development; it dates back to the pre-colonial era and continued
through the colonial period and beyond. This led Oyeb and Harre to state that:
"Merchant exchanges between Cameroon
and Nigeria are based primarily on a certain geographical rootedness, specifically
the long border they share. They also rely on the shared experiences of both countries,
but, above all, on the existence of dynamic trade networks" (Oyeb and Harre,
1992:5
Based on this argument, it is understood that economic exchanges between these countries are anchored in their historical and geographical ties. Considering that economic tools are often used in soft power to exert influence, as emphasized by Nye (2004), the northern Nigerian states are similarly inved. Adamawa State, with its daily market in Mubi, serves as the principal soft power hub in this region. Located near the North Cameroon region, with Garoua as its capital, the Mubi market attracts many Cameroonian merchants, especially from the three northern regions bordering Nigeria. Idrissmhighlights that the Mubi market is very close to Cameroon, making it the preferred destination for French-speaking traders from Garoua, Maroua, Ngaoundere, Sahuda, Gumo, Gidar, Boukoula, Mbaiboum, and others[14].
The soft power exerted by the Mubi
market over the northern regions of Cameroon is largely attributed to its geographical
proximity and favorable product prices. Drawing from both oral and written sources,
it is evident that the Mubi market is a critical trading hub attracting merchants
from the northern parts of Cameroon. Its geographic and economic appeal, with goods
being more affordable compared to those in Cameroon, makes it highly attractive
for communities in the North Cameroon regions. Consequently, the market generates
significant revenue for Mubi Local Government
and Adamawa State. Beyond the Mubi
market, the Kurmi market in Kano State
also stands out in terms of economic influence. Kurmi is the oldest market in Hausa cities (Kano, Kaduna, Katsina, Zamfara,
Jigawa…), established in the 14th century by Sarkin Rumfa of Kano. He used this market to strengthen the Hausa people's
economic power. Since its establishment, Kurmi
has maintained its prominence, continuing to attract buyers and sellers from Europe,
Asia, and Africa. Due to the immense benefits this market brings to Kano State,
successive Governors from the 1970s through to 2022 have allocated substantial annual
funds to ensure its effective operation and infrastructural development[15].
Buyers and sellers from North Cameroon
have access to a wide variety of goods. Ousmanou, a trader from Maroua, mentioned
that he has been purchasing manufactured goods and exporting tanned hides from Kurmi since 1990. The market is particularly
significant for tanned skin exporters, with many individuals in North Cameroon having
amassed wealth through this export trade. The quality of the products is the main
draw for traders from North Cameroon[16].
From this perspective, it is evident that the Kurmi market exerts substantial influence on traders in North Cameroon,
thereby showcasing its economic soft power over the region. Although the main products
imported through the Kurmi market are
manufactured goods, it should also be noted that the soft power of these Arewa states is partly grounded in energy
resources, particularly oil.
The energy (Zoua-Zoua) imported by consumers in North Cameroon is predominantly
purchased from Borno State. This energy (Zoua-Zoua)
holds significant influence in North Cameroon. Given that most of these consumers
are in the North, lacking access to this fuel would have detrimental effects on
the region's economy. One of the most evident indicators of this energy dependence
occurred when borders were closed, both due to the security situation triggered
by Boko Haram and during the health crisis of Covid-19. During these times, the
economy in the northern region of Cameroon experienced severe difficulties. The
reliance on energy (petrol) from Mubi and Banki highlights the extent of Northern
Nigeria's energy soft power over Cameroon's northern regions. As Kissinger once
said, "Control oil and you control nations" (Engdahl, 2007). This underscores the influence exerted
by Borno and Adamawa States through their fuel supply, enabling economic control
over northern Cameroon on a daily basis. The petrol imported from northern Nigeria
is colloquially known as "Zoua-Zoua"
a term used to describe the adulterated fuel found along various roads in the region
(Mamoudou et al, 2020). Due to its low
price and the proximity to Banki and Mubi,
numerous vendors have profited from this trade. One notable Mora-based trader has
been benefiting from the export of this fuel through Banki since 1991[17].
Energy, and petrol in particular, provides a mechanism for a country or state to
exert influence over its neighboring nations. This energy supply serves as a critical
asset for the economy of these Arewa States,
granting them the power to influence their neighbors. The economic dependence on
this resource explains the substantial reach of Arewa's soft power in North Cameroon,
particularly affecting the education system.
2. Scope
of Arewa's State Soft Power
Education is one of the most powerful
tools a country can use to extend its influence. Using education to influence territories
is not a recent phenomenon; it was practiced informally by African empires, kingdoms,
and lamidates. However, it wasn't until 1990 that the term "soft power"
was officially introduced, thanks to research by the American geopolitical scholar
(Nye, 2004). Since then, this strategy has been widely adopted, particularly by
Nigeria. The country's nineteen states have utilized their educational systems to
exert influence over neighboring countries, especially Cameroon.
2.1.
In Quranic Schools and Churches
The training of talibe and seminarians from Northern Cameroon
in Quranic schools and churches of Northern Nigeria represents a form of cultural
influence. This partly explains the substantial influx of Cameroonians seeking to
pursue studies in these Quranic schools and churches. The history of Quranic education
that connects Northern Cameroon and Northern Nigeria predates the modern states
of Cameroon and Nigeria, established in 1960. A Quranic school is defined as "primarily
devoted to the study of the Quran (Tourneux, 2003).
Thus, all Islamic educational structures
can be categorized as Quranic schools. Because Northern Nigeria adopted Islam much
earlier than Northern Cameroon, states like Bornu and Kano were able to establish
Quranic schools. These schools initially trained the local population, but following
the jihad of 1804, Quranic schools proliferated
throughout the region. Today, the Quranic schools in Sokoto, Katsina, Kano, and
Borno are the most sought after, offering the highest quality education and being
among the oldest. Many students from sub-Saharan Africa have benefited from this
superior education. Goni Yeya, for example,
attended the Bama and Yerwa Quranic Schools
in present-day Borno State, which are recognized as centers of excellence in Quranic
education. In 1967, his father enrolled him at the Bama Quranic School under Mallam Modu Ali, and later, in 1980, with
Goni Brahim Garba in Yerwa. Upon arriving
at these schools, he became an almajiri,
dependent on the generosity of others for his survival and sustenance, including
providing food for his teacher. He spent 13 years in Bama, and after completing
his Quran memorization, he proceeded to Yerwa
to study jurisprudence (Fiqh). Many scholars
from the Hausa, Fulani, Kanuri, and Mandara communities in Northern Cameroon received
their education at Quranic schools in Maiduguri, Yola, Kano, and Sokoto. The reputation
of these schools is primarily due to the quality of teaching and the expertise of
their instructors, such as Goni and Mallam[18].
To become a Goni[19],
one must attend schools in Yerwa, Bama, and Damaturu, as these places have
long been home to Koranic education. He who has not studied at one of these institutions
cannot be regarded as a true Goni, which
is why all religious leaders in Maroua
attended these schools between 1970 and 1980. These schools serve as the foundation
of Koranic knowledge. Oral testimonies collected from various religious leaders
in Maroua and Maiduguri indicate that Koranic schools have existed in the Northern
States of Nigeria since the 11th and 12th centuries. Despite the impacts of colonization,
these institutions have withstood the changes imposed by the British colonial administration
and continue to provide quality education to residents of North-Cameroon, particularly
the Kanouri and Mandara communities.[20]
Teachers from Koranic schools in Maiduguri,
Damaturu and Government Local Area of Bama sometimes travel to Cameroon, especially
to border areas, to establish Koranic schools. In towns like Mora, Kolofata, and
Banki, many Goni have successfully set
up Koranic institutions and trained mallams.
This illustrates the Islamic soft power exerted by Borno and Yobe states over Mora
and Kolofata. According to Lacroix, Islamic soft power encompasses "all strategies
of influence based on the Muslim religious referent. Influence pertains to passive
actions, reflecting the image projected by a country, while influence itself is
more active, inving the creation of networks and even bordering on clientelism"(Lacroix,
2022: 6-9). We can observe that Islamic soft power
is employed by various states, particularly those with Muslim populations, to extend
their influence on the international stage. The northern states of Nigeria are no
exception. From a Marxist perspective, one might argue that religion often conceals
deeper socio-economic or political motives, with the discourse of religion serving
merely as a facade. The undeniable impact of North-Nigerian Koranic schools on the
northern regions of North-Cameroon reflects the significant Islamic presence in
these states, which extends its influence to neighboring countries. Hamadou Adama
points out that "in comparison to Nigeria or Chad, Islam is relatively recent
in Cameroon" (Hamadou Adama, 2004).
Consequently, the communities most affected by these Koranic schools in northern
Nigeria are the Hausa and Kanuri. The Kanuri, having embraced Islam early on, recognize
the value of these institutions, which explains their attraction to them. Most scholars
from these communities received their education in the schools of northern Nigeria,
particularly in Maiduguri and Government Local Area of Bama.
Additionally, the dominance of northern
Nigerian educational institutions can be understood through the training provided
to Northern Cameroonian seminarians in the churches of this region. The churches
in Northern Nigeria play a vital role in educating seminarians from Northern Cameroon
due to their geographical proximity, historical connections, and the quality of
Nigerian theological institutions. For instance, the Catholic Church in Nigeria is renowned for its well-established seminaries,
such as St. Augustine's Major Seminary in Jos and Good Shepherd Major Seminary in Kaduna, which
regularly accommodate Cameroonian seminarians. These institutions are acclaimed
for their academic rigor and pastoral focus, equipping Cameroonian seminarians with
a comprehensive theological education and practical skills for pastoral ministry.
According to Theological Education in Africa, Nigerian seminaries significantly
enhance the training of priests across West Africa, including in Cameroon (Kwame
Bediako, 2010).
The Evangelical Church of West Africa (ECWA) and the Church of Christ in Sudan (COCIN) play vital
roles in the cross-border dynamics (because of religious interactions) of the region.
These denominations, through institutions like the ECWA Theological Seminary in Jos, provide theological training that harmonizes
traditional values with modern approaches, equipping seminarians to tackle contemporary
issues while honoring local religious customs. Cameroonian seminarians educated
at these institutions often return home with expanded perspectives and enhanced
pastoral methods to benefit their communities. As noted in Christianity and Social Change in Africa, Nigerian seminaries significantly
influence the dissemination of modern pastoral practices across Africa (Gifford,
1998), particularly impacting seminarians from Northern Cameroon.
Moreover, training Cameroonian seminarians
in Nigeria, fosters increased collaboration between the Christian communities of
both nations. After completing their education, these seminarians are frequently
assigned to cross-border parishes, where they play essential roles in promoting
intercommunity and religious harmony. Reports from international Christian organizations,
including those published by Christianity today, highlight the positive effects
of this cross-border training in strengthening cultural and religious bonds between
Cameroon and Nigeria. These findings indicate that educational collaboration between
Nigerian and Cameroonian churches not only develops skilled religious leaders but
also bolsters networks of solidarity and regional cooperation in a region often
characterized by ethnic and religious tensions. Thus, the states of Northern Nigeria
utilize cultural institutions such as Quranic schools and seminaries to train Mallam, Goni, Modibbe, pastors, and
priests from Northern Cameroon. These educational centers exemplify the soft power
of this northern region of Nigeria, a sentiment that is also applicable to the universities
in the area.
2.2.
In the realm of Classic Schools
Universities serve as crucial tools
for establishing a country's soft power both domestically and internationally. When
soft power fosters peace and influence through non-coercive means, education becomes
a significant component, granting the country that harnesses it considerable sway.
Furthermore, education is a vital element for peace and acts as a valuable asset
for fostering integration among a nation’s diverse populations. On September 20,
2017, during a high-level parallel event at the 72nd session of the United
Nations General Assembly, the Director-General emphasized that "education is
a fundamental human asset that ensures the sustainability of all development.[21]
In the early 1960s, Cameroon, particularly
its northern region, had only one state university, the University of Yaoundé I
(University of Ngoa-Ekelle). This scarcity of higher education institutions in North
Cameroon led to a limited number of students from the area attending Ngoa-Ekelle
in the early 1960s. However, due to its proximity to Nigeria, many North Cameroonian
students began enrolling in Nigerian universities by the early 1980s, as Nigeria
boasted several major universities with extensive infrastructures. By the late 1980s
and early 1990s, a notable influx of students from North Cameroon sought education
in Nigerian universities. (They are mostly in the field of social sciences, with
a few in natural sciences, economics, as well as other disciplines related to humanities
and applied science) The most attractive institutions in Nigeria s northern states
included those in Zaria (Kaduna State), Ado Bayero (Kano State), Maiduguri (Borno
State), and Yola (Adamawa State), all of which continuously drew students from North
Cameroon. This trend granted significant influence to these Nigerian universities.
This perspective highlights how enrolling
students in foreign universities prepares them to become skilled workers. For instance,
delegates in livestock[22]
management were trained at Ado Bayero University and the University of Zaria, which
attracted numerous students from Northern Cameroon. The educational opportunities
provided by these universities have turned Northern Nigeria into a hub for aspiring
students. Halidou Demba[23]
recalls his experience at the University of Maiduguri in the early 1990s, where
he was impressed by the infrastructure and quality of education. Additionally, being
of Kanuri descent allowed him to adapt quickly to the culture of Maiduguri, which
closely mirrors that of the Kanuri people in Cameroon. This attraction stems from
the quality of education at the university, as "the educational attractiveness
of a country is fundamentally based on the excellence of the training it offers".
A country's influence is also reliant on its soft power[24].
The international recognition of a country's universities enhances its global influence,
as seen with Nigeria's Northern universities. These institutions not only educate
foreign students but also bolster the country's diplomatic clout. Recognition is
intrinsically linked to knowledge and power. The relationship between knowledge
and power is particularly relevant in higher education, where "the international
recognition of a country's universities contributes to its influence on the international
scene"(Conway-Mourret, 2016: 1-2).
Consequently, it is evident that universities
function as mechanisms of soft power for states, which leverage these institutions
to assert their cultural and economic dominance. This is especially true for Nigeria
s northern universities, which offer superior quality education compared to that
available in North Cameroon[25],
particularly in scientific disciplines. Equipped with modern laboratories and experienced
faculty, these universities attract students who believe they offer the best educational
training. One student[26]
from Gombe, who enrolled in the Faculty of Pharmaceutical Sciences when the university
opened in 2006, noted that the medical facilities were among the best in the world,
reinforcing the notion that higher education in Nigeria's northern states is a tool
of soft power. The establishment of numerous universities in these states reflects
their commitment to this strategy, with each northern Nigerian state hosting at
least five to eight universities and training colleges. Bliek and Giordano assert
that "In a world where states are trying to assert their influence, higher
education must be seen as a prime instrument of soft power and cultural diplomacy"
(Bliek and Giordano, 2023: 1).
Thus, the educational influence of universities enables entire states to
exercise their soft power. Similarly, Haccoun and Langlois contend that "offering
high-quality higher education has become a power issue for states, as the international
recognition of a country's universities enhances its influence on the global stage"[27].
Therefore, having reputable institutions is synonymous with attraction and recognition
for each state internationally. Despite each region of Cameroon having a university,
the cultural influence
of Nigeria, particularly its northern
regions, is undeniable and significantly impacts the communities in the three regions
of North Cameroon.
3. Impact
of Arewa's Cultural and Economic Soft
Power on North-Cameroon
Soft power serves as a strategic approach
for states seeking to enhance their international standing through cultural and
economic influence. In the context of Cameroon, the country faces significant cultural
and economic impacts from the soft power wielded by its powerful neighbor, Nigeria,
particularly in its northern regions[28].
3.1.
Cultural impact
Language plays a crucial role in the
cultural influence that northern Nigeria exerts on northern Cameroon. The most significant
language in this dynamic is Hausa, which has permeated communities in northern Cameroon,
overshadowing indigenous languages. As the principal language of trade and social
interaction, Hausa has become dominant, particularly in northern Cameroonian towns,
often at the expense of local languages. Border communities are the most affected
by this linguistic shift, as highlighted by an informant's observations[29].
For instance, in Kontcha[30],
it is exceedingly rare to find anyone speaking Fulani without incorporating Hausa
terms. Many residents of this town have become proficient in Hausa, with some speakers
of Kanuri and Fulani relying solely on Hausa. This trend can largely be attributed
to the region's proximity to Nigeria's Adamawa State, which wields substantial cultural
influence in Kontcha. A long-time resident from Maroua, who has lived in Kontcha
for thirty years, remarked, "We’ve lost our original languages because of Hausa.
To navigate the markets, you must speak Hausa. The Fulani and Kanuri people here
all communicate in Hausa[31]."
The implications of this linguistic
influence extend to a broader loss of identity among the populations of northern
Cameroon. For instance, the Kanuri people in Banyo have also been affected by Hausa,
with instances of Kanuri speakers using Hausa as their primary mode of communication.
This linguistic shift has even transformed Hausa into a de facto administrative
language. A teacher in Kontcha noted that upon his arrival, he found most teachers
and students communicating solely in Hausa, compelling him to learn the language
for effective integration[32].
This trend demonstrates the pervasive influence of Hausa on the educational system
in border towns, with some instructors utilizing Hausa for lesson delivery. The
imposition of Hausa dates back to the pre-colonial era when it was adopted by the
northern Nigerian administration and subsequently disseminated to the local administrations
in northern Cameroon. As noted by Garon, the indirect rule strategy facilitated
the establishment of Hausa as the administrative and cultural language in northern
Nigeria, which subsequently permeated northern Cameroon (Garon, 2000:93). Consequently, certain border communities
in northern Cameroon have lost their native languages, contributing to a marked
decline in cultural identity. This phenomenon is evident among drivers who frequent
northern Nigeria, where proficiency in Hausa is essential. One informant, a member
of the Mandara ethnic group, expressed concern over the impact of his interactions
with Hausa speakers in Tibati on his children, who now exclusively speak Hausa and
have neglected their Mandara heritage. This linguistic transition signifies a cultural
identity shift, where Hausa
cultural identity supplants that of
the Mandara[33]. In
discussing cultural identity, Agier emphasizes that:
It has become a central theme in global
discourse. Cultural identity is invoked in various contexts, including social and
political rights for marginalized populations, reflecting an inherent desire for
recognition and participation in societal structures. Today, the urgency of identity-related
demands has intensified due to escalating competition for resources and opportunities,
further exacerbated by a context of economic tribalism and diminished state engagement
(Agier, 2004).
The cultural identity of a people transcends
borders and is crucial in various aspects of life, although it can sometimes lead
to social issues related to racism. In particular, the Hausa cultural identity,
expressed through its language, has significantly influenced the linguistic acculturation
of the border communities in northern Nigeria. This linguistic impact of Hausa in
northern Cameroon is growing increasingly largely due to the cross-border movements
of people from both regions. In addition to linguistic influences, there has been
a notable adoption of Hausa-Fulani fashion in northern Cameroon. This fashion trend
has greatly affected the local communities, with Hausa-Fulani culture exerting a
substantial influence, resulting in significant changes in traditional attire across
towns in northern Cameroon. Before the Hausa-Fulani presence, indigenous peoples
primarily relied on tanned animal skins for clothing. However, following Cameroon
s independence in the early 1970s, these communities transitioned away from animal
skins[34],
as noted by a Fulani pastoralist[35].
By the early 1960s, the indigenous peoples began to favor Hausa-crafted garments
like Babban Riga over their traditional coverings.
The production of Babban Riga is primarily carried out by local
embroiderers. As Oussoumanou Adama explains, "the Hausa of northern Nigeria
have long been recognized for their production of uminous gandouras known as Babban Riga, which are hand-embroidered using
various stitches, materials (mainly cotton and silk), styles, and designs."
The rise of the Kannywood film industry in northern Nigeria has further increased
the popularity of Hausa clothing, culinary art and business art in northern Cameroon.
Hausa and Kanuri woven bonnets have become ubiquitous, with local communities embracing
these bonnets as traditional attire. While the people of this region initially made
bonnets using their indigenous techniques, the designs influenced by Hausa and Kanuri
aesthetics have become predominant (Oussoumanou Adama, 2016). These bonnets, referred
to as "Zanna Bukar," are named
after a former Borno State politician from the 1960s and 1970s, Abubakar Zanna. They are often worn with a tunic called
a "zouane," which follows a
specific Hausa-Fulani design. This garment can be tailored to various lengths and
typically features embroidery that matches the bonnet. This fashion transformation
has reshaped dress styles in northern Cameroon, where it is common to encounter
individuals wearing these garments[36].
The Zanna Bukar bonnets are particularly
favored among the mallam in the region.
On the women's side, the impact of
Hausa fashion is deeply embedded in the cultural practices of northern Cameroon,
especially during weddings, christenings, and other celebrations.
Women's attire often incorporates Hausa
styles, with the "arewa" design
prominently featured on their bazins. Women in northern Cameroon are particularly
drawn to the arewa pattern, which symbolizes the Hausa heritage. The "arewa knot" represents an essential
cultural symbol and has been associated with the political identity of northern
Nigerian leaders, particularly Alhadji Ahmadu Bello, the first Prime Minister of
Northern Nigeria (Oussoumanou Adama, 2016). An embroiderer from Maroua noted that
it has become rare for women to wear Bazin fabric known as Getzner or XI without incorporating
Hausa patterns and embroidery. During festive periods, many women specifically seek
out Hausa designs for their clothing. Last Ramadan, over 45 different Hausa patterns,
including Aka Anfara, Arewa, Zara Diamond, and Kofar Matar,
were popular, all named after Hausa designers from Kano State. Some women even travel
directly to Kano to purchase these designs from local boutiques. These styles are
also highly profitable for tailors in northern Cameroon, with the prices of models
ranging from twenty to seventy thousand CFA
francs, depending on personal preferences.
The Aka Anfara model, which can reach up to one hundred thousand CFA francs, is distinguished by the quality
of the machine used for its embroidery, often referred to locally as "gadja gadja[37]."
The widespread influence of Hausa styles
in North-Cameroon has become more pronounced due to globalization. Many girls now
exclusively wear Hausa fashion, reflecting its pervasive impact across northern
Cameroonian towns. While this trend offers positive opportunities for tailors and
embroiderers, providing them with lucrative work, it also raises concerns about
a loss of cultural identity. Ultimately, Hausa fashion exemplifies the cultural
soft power of northern Nigeria in the northern regions of Cameroon.
In addition to fashion, cultural processes
such as marriage have also been affected. The wedding ceremonies in North-Cameroon
have increasingly incorporated elements from the Hausa-Fulani celebrations of northern
Nigeria. Prior to the 1960s and 1970s, indigenous peoples celebrated marriages,
baptisms, and enthronements in accordance with their traditional customs. However,
the arrival of Hausa communities in northern Cameroon has dramatically transformed
these practices, evident in the introduction of the Bankwana ceremony, a farewell party for brides that means "goodbye"
in Hausa. Typically held in the evening of the wedding day, this celebration lasts
from 4 PM until sometimes as late as 8 PM and is organized by the bride, gathering
family and friends for a festive farewell[38].
The Bankwana is originating from the Hausa
culture, is a farewell ceremony organized in honor of the bride to wish her well
as she begins her new life. It originally represented a sad farewell, where the
bride would spend the whole day crying because she was leaving her parents to join
husband. However, since the early 2000s, market by globalization, Bankwana no longer brings tears to the bride;
instead, it has become a moment of joy, happiness, and celebration. He has significantly
infused Hausa influence into the marriage customs of all northern Cameroonian peoples.
This Hausa-origin festival highlights the soft power of northern Nigerian states
in local towns. During the Bankwana, various
Hausa dress styles are displayed. According to a bride interviewed, before the 1990s,
the Bankwana was seldom seen in North-Cameroon,
except among some border Hausa groups. Previously, after the religious ceremony
(Tegal), brides would return home without
hosting a Bankwana, often spending the
day in isolation as they adjusted to their new responsibilities. However, by the
early 2000s, the Hausa Bankwana transformed
this tradition. Artists perform to honor the bride during this celebration, with
bridesmaids, known as Amariya in Hausa,
wearing matching outfits chosen by the bride. The groom typically finances most
of the celebration. The uniformity of dress during the ceremony has become a hallmark
of the event, showcasing the deep influence of Hausa culture.[39]
The Bankwana (farewell celebration in honor of the newlyweds) has also changed
how marriages are perceived among young women in North-Cameroon. Originating from
northern Nigeria, it now influences the entire population, deploying Hausa soft
power. Cultural elements, such as marriage traditions, are crucial aspects of the
soft power that states wield, and northern Nigerian states have effectively transmitted
this culture through their television channels. Organizing a Bankwana requires significant effort and
investment, with organizers providing decorations and seating in colors chosen by
the bride, often pink, depending on the bride's budget, which can range from 30.000
to 150.000 CFA francs[40].
The introduction of the Bankwana (a farewell ceremony or celebration
for the newlyweds) has transformed wedding celebrations for girls throughout North-Cameroon.
Its origins in northern Nigeria continue to shape the cultural landscape, with Kannywood
TV playing a role in disseminating this influence through popular programming featuring
Nigerian actors and actresses[41].
As evidenced by oral sources gathered in the region, the Bankwana serves as a significant tool for the Hausa-Fulani soft power,
profoundly impacting wedding celebrations among the peoples of North-Cameroon, particularly
the Mandara and Fulani. The ongoing prominence and adaptation of Bankwana reflect the strong influence of
Hausa-Fulani culture, encouraged by actors from northern Nigeria.
3.2. Economic Consequences of Diplomatic Influence
The economic ramifications of the diplomatic
influence of northern Nigerian states are significant for northern Cameroon. These
effects have deep historical roots, unofficially tracing back to pre-colonial times
but officially beginning in 1960. Northern Cameroon is economically dependent on
northern Nigeria, leading to daily repercussions for its economy.
One major consequence is the devaluation
of markets in northern Cameroon in favor of those in northern Nigeria. The history
of trade between the two regions stretches back to pre-colonial times and has continued
post-independence. Oye and Harre note that trade between Cameroon and Nigeria relies
on geographical proximity, shared expertise, and dynamic trade networks (Oyeb and
Harre, 1992:5). However, despite these connections,
the markets in northern Nigeria are more appealing due to lower costs compared to
those in northern Cameroon. Consequently, this leads to the devaluation of northern
Cameroonian markets.
Traders in northern Cameroon increasingly
turn to markets in northern Nigeria for imports and exports, often sidelining their
local markets. Many traders and livestock farmers are drawn to these Nigerian markets
because prices are generally lower. As one trader mentioned, "At the Kurmi market, manufactured goods are cheaper,
which is why traders from northern Cameroon flock there." The Mubi market, located near the border, also
significantly influences buying and selling behaviors in northern Cameroon. This
trend explains why many prefer to import products from Nigeria for resale back home.
Despite the negative implications for local markets, the soft power of northern
Nigerian markets positively impacts the economy of northern Cameroon. The absence
of these markets would likely lead to a decline in economic activity in northern
Cameroon[42].
Another significant repercussion is
the dominance of the Nigerian currency, the Naira, in the border areas of northern
Cameroon. The lack of state presence in these regions leads to widespread use of
the Naira over the CFA franc. Areas such
as Kolofata,
Kontcha, Gashiga, Belel, Banyo, and
Barnake, which border Nigeria, predominantly use the Naira for trade. This shift
makes transactions more straightforward for local traders. For example, many children
(dillali)[43]
in these border regions only recognize the Naira,
highlighting how trade has become intertwined with their daily lives. The use of
the Naira underscores (Due to geographical
proximity, the lack of immediate convertibility, transboundary migration and work,
as well the inflation and instability of the CFA Franc), the economic influence
of northern Nigerian states over northern Cameroon, characterizing the monetary
soft power of Nigeria. This influence impacts border trade and demonstrates Nigeria's
economic hegemony in the region.[44]
Conclusion
In conclusion, the analysis of "Influence
of the Northern States of Nigeria on the Northern Part of Cameroon" reveals
how northern Nigeria employs cultural and economic soft power to extend its influence
over Cameroon’s northern regions. This soft power significantly shapes the economic
and cultural landscapes of northern Cameroon, with states like Kano, Kaduna, Katsina,
Taraba, Adamawa, and Maiduguri playing vital roles. The markets in these northern
Nigerian states are crucial to the economy of northern Cameroon. Without them, the
economic viability of northern Cameroon would be at serious risk, especially after
the border closures following the rise of Boko Haram in 2014. Moreover, the influence
of northern Nigerian states extends beyond commerce into education through Quranic
schools, seminaries, and universities. This dynamic raises a critical question:
How does this influence foster regional integration while maintaining the unique
cultural identity of northern Cameroon? This inquiry opens a broader discussion
about balancing external influences with local values amidst globalization and intensified
cross-border relations.
INDICATIVES BIBLIOGRAPHY
Oral sources
|
Name and
surname |
Position |
Gender |
Age |
Place and
date of interview |
|
Aisha Humaira |
Actress of Kannywood |
Female |
aged 26 |
Kano on 17 May 2022 |
|
Alhadjı Ali Oumar |
Koranic school teacher |
Male |
aged 71 |
Kolofata on 16 May 2021 |
|
Alhadji Muhammad |
Hat seller |
Male |
aged 43 |
Maroua on 6 February 2023 |
|
Alhadji Ousmanou |
Trader |
Male |
aged 58 |
Maroua on 20 mai 2021 |
|
Alioum Abba |
Embroiderer and seller of aerial
silk |
Male |
aged 38 |
Maroua on 8 February 2022 |
|
Amir Alhadji Oumar |
Mobile phone importer |
Male |
aged 44 |
Ngaoundere on 17 May 2021 |
|
Aziza Salif |
Trader |
Female |
aged 55 |
Kontcha on 7 June 2022 |
|
Bayero Abubakar |
Student |
Male |
aged 27 |
Garoua on 7 January 2022 |
|
Bintou Brahim Alhadji |
Housewife |
Female |
aged 77 |
Tibati on 05 June 2023 |
|
Hadidja Dahırou |
Fashion designer |
Female |
aged 40 |
Maroua on 18 February 2023 |
|
Hadja Madina Fayçal |
Former utensil importer |
Female |
aged 80 |
Maroua on July 2023 |
|
Halidou Demba |
Founder of the Public Concern |
Male |
aged 55 |
Maroua on 09 March 2020 |
|
Halima Oumarou Sanda |
Trader |
Female |
aged 50 |
Garoua on 2 August 2023 |
|
Ibrahima Hassan |
Petrol salesman |
Male |
aged 60 |
Mora on 12 January 2022 |
|
Mouhamadou Aminou |
Teacher |
Male |
aged 35 |
Kontcha on 18 October 2022 |
|
Ousmaila |
Delegate |
Male |
aged 55 |
Maroua on 4 June 2022 |
|
Rabiu Awal |
Fulani pastor |
Male |
aged 54 |
Kontcha on 7 June 2022 |
|
Sanda Djamo Iyawa |
Fulani herdsman |
Male |
aged 61 |
Garoua on 17 March 2023 |
|
Soureya Ndjidda |
Housekeeper |
Female |
aged 76 |
Garoua on 27 August 2023 |
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0est%20consid%C3%A9r%C, accessed on 17 May 2020.
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Marilène, « Géopolitique de l’enseignement supérieur : un critère de puissance ou
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», in Hamadou Adama, Patrimoines et sources
de l’histoire au Nord-Cameroun, Paris : L’Harmattan, 2016.
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24. Tourneux, Henry. L’enseignement coranique dans une petite ville du Nord-Cameroun (Maroua). Paris : CNRS 2003.
25. Unesco, « L’éducation est notre
plus grande « soft power » pour
la paix », Url : https://www.peace-et-compaign.org/fr/education/greatest-soft-power-peace, accessed on 7 May 2022.
26. William Engdahl. Pétrole une guerre
d’un siècle, L’ordre mondial anglo-américain. Editions : Jean-Cyrille Godefroy,
2007.
[1] Thomas
Sankara once said, Imperialism knows that today it is very important and more
useful for it to dominate us culturally much more than militarily. Cultural
domination is the most flexible, the least costly, and the most effective.
[2] Mc Cain, Carmen, “The culture
of Kannywood”, June 1st 2017, in Url: https://afropop.org/artics/carmen-mccain-the-culture-of-kannywood, accessed on 1st
July 2020.
[3] This
influence has significantly promoted Hausa culture, making it profitable for
the civil servants in the industry.
[4] Interview
with Alhadjı Ali Oumar, Koranic school teacher, Male, Aged 71, Kolofata on 16
May 2021.
[5] Interview
with Rabiu Awal, Fulani pastor, Male, Aged 54, Kontcha on 7 June 2022.
[6] Interview
with Aziza Salif, Hausa trader at Sabongari market, female, aged 55, Kano
on 12
September 2022.
[7] Interview
with Amir Alhadji Oumar, Mobile phone importer at the Kantin-Kwari market,
Male, Aged 44, Ngaoundere on 17 May 2021.
[8] The
term "Bankwana" originates
from Hausa, meaning "goodbye." It is used joyfully when someone
leaves their farm for another or embarks on a journey. More specifically, it
refers to a festival honoring a bride as she leaves her family to join her
husband. This festival has been practiced in North Cameroon since the
early 2000s but has existed in Northern Nigeria
since the founding of Hausa cities like Kano and Katsina around the 11th
century.
[9] Maryam
Umar, a prominent Hausa-Fulani actress, captivated audiences by playing the
traditional musical instrument known as Shantu.
[10] Maryam,
of Fulani and Tuareg origin, entered Kannywood in the early 2000s. After a successful career, she retired upon her
marriage. Married four times, her last marriage had brought her hopes of having
a child, but it ended in tragedy. She gave birth to a stillborn baby and passed
away two days later.
[11] Born
and raised in Maradi, a town in central southern Niger near the state of
Katsina, Maryam was part of a region that historically belonged to the Katsina
and Gobir states before colonization and Nigerian independence. During
Franco-British colonization, this part of Nigeria was carved out and integrated
into Niger. After Nigeria's independence, Katsina authorities claimed the
territory, but the claim was unsuccessful. Today, Maradi is home to several
ethnic groups, including Hausa, Fulani, Tuareg, and Zabarma, and lies close to
a border with Katsina. Despite the colonial boundary, people from both areas
still view each other as the same community. Maradi has produced several
actresses for Kannywood, such as Fati Labaran, Maryam Umar, the late Zara Muhammad,
Rakiya Musa, Aisha Yusuf, Fatima Izza, and Momy Niger.
[12] In
villages along the northern Nigeria border, Fulani herdsmen often listen to Shantu music on their radios or phones.
This is the case in Kontcha, Barnake, and Bourha.
[13] This
cultural influence, also called soft power, is evident in the funding provided
for the renovation of mosques in northern Cameroon. A notable example is the
invement of the former Emir of Kano, Muhammadu Sanussi II, in renovating the
Garoua mosque in the Poumpoumre district. The mosque was inaugurated on March
1, 2004, by the Emir of Kano in the presence of
various Nigerian officials.
[14] Hamza, Idriss,
“Mubi once upon a bustling commercial hub” Url: https://dailytrust.com/mubionce-upon-a-busting-commercial-hub/, accessed on 12
January 2023.
[16] Interview
with Alhadji Ousmanou, Trader, Male, Aged 58, Maroua on 20 mai 2021.
[18] Interview
with Halidou Demba. Founder of the Public Concern subsidiary and general
secretary of AKAC, Male, Aged 55, Maroua on 09 March 2020.
[19] It is a
title held by a religious leader, predominantly among the Kanuri in Cameroon
and Nigeria.
[20] Interview
with Halidou Demba. Founder of the Public Concern subsidiary and general
secretary of AKAC, Male, Aged 55, Maroua on 09 March 2020.
[21] UNESCO,
« L’éducation est notre plus grande « soft power » pour la
paix », Url: https://www.peace-et-compaign.org/fr/education/greatest-soft-power-peace,
accessed on 7 may 2022.
[23] Interview
with Halidou Demba, Founder of the subsidiary Public Concern and secretary
general of ACKAC, Male, Age 55, Maroua on 9 march 2020.
[24] Url: https://www.ladepeche.fr/2019/02/13/lenseignement-veritable-le-soft-power-de-la-france-dans-le
monde,
8012298.php, accessed on 29 June 2022.
[25] Although
higher education in northern Nigeria is of high quality, this does not mean
that education in northern Cameroon is not equally valuable. However, most
universities in the northern regions of Cameroon are recently established,
except for the one in Ngaoundéré, created in the early 1990 s.
[27] Haccoun Mathias
et Langlois Marilène, « Géopolitique de
l’enseignement supérieur : un critère de puissance ou d’influence »,
dans classe internationale. The10 December
2013, Url:
https://classeinternationale.com/2013/12/10/geopolitique-de-l-enseignement-superieur-un-critère-de-puissance-ou-d-influence,
accessed on 27 July 2022.
[28] Interview
with Aziza Salif, Hausa trader at Sabongari market, Female, Aged 55, Kano on 12
September 2022.
[30] This
Cameroonian city bordering Nigeria is inhabited by many Nigerians.
[31] Interview
with Aziza Salif, Hausa trader at Sabongari market, Female, Aged 55, Kano on 12
September 2022.
[32] Interview
with Mouhamadou Aminou, Teacher, Male, Aged 35, Kontcha on 18 October 2022.
[34] Among
the Fulani, the term for this garment used to cover the lower part of the body
is "boutol".
[37] Interview
with Alioum Abba, Embroiderer and seller of aerial silk, Male, Aged 38, Maroua on 8
February 2022.
[41] Interview
with Aisha Humaira, actress of Kannywood, female, aged 26, Kano on 17 May 2022.
[43] In
commerce, brokers play an important role in facilitating transactions.
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