Citation: Shehu, D.M. (2024). Hausa Ajami Poetry As A Vital Source For Historical Re-construction in Northern Nigeria. Ginshiƙin Nazarin Salon Waƙoƙin Hausa, 341-351. www.doi.org/10.36349/djhs.2024.v03i01.043.
HAUSA AJAMI POETRY AS A VITAL SOURCE FOR HISTORICAL RE-CONSTRUCTION IN NORTHERN NIGERIA
Danyaya Muhammad Shehu
Department of History and International Studies, Federal University Birnin Kebbi
Abstract
The aim of this paper is to discuss Hausa Ajami poetry as a vital source for historical reconstruction in northern Nigeria. The paper from the introductory parts begins by analyzing how the jihad movement in the early decade of the 19th century resulted to the establishment of a large polity known as the Sokoto caliphate. The paper then proceeds to identify the intellectual characteristics of the caliphate leadership particularly, the Shehu who spearheaded the jihad movement and his disciples which led to a spectacular boost in literary production in diverse areas using different linguistic mechanisms; Arabic, Hausa and Fulfulde. Equally important was the discussion on the rationale behind the application of Ajami poetry during the period which inter alia aimed at simplifying the comprehension of Islamic tenets through the use of the local language. Relatively, the paper examines some of the areas of Hausa Ajami poetry that will be a very vital source to anyone dealing with any aspect of northern Nigerian history. The paper generally, revealed the dynamic nature on the intellectual reputation of the founding fathers of the Sokoto caliphate and some of their lieutenants. However, in its investigative approach the paper applied historical research technique by using both primary and secondary sources. The results of the investigation have inevitably shed more light on the intellectual contribution of the Sokoto ulama on the aspect of Ajami poetry.
Keywords: Hausa, Ajami, Poetry, Historical Re-construction, Northern Nigeria
Introduction
Intellectual voracity and engagement are some of the formidable characteristics of the founding fathers of the polity known as the Sokoto caliphate. It Has been widely admitted that the huge aftermath of the 1804 jihad movement led by the Shehu, been the eventual establishment of a political community bigger than any that emerged in west Africa sub-region within the period.[1] Its intellectual tradition and foundation has enormously attracted global concern. The historical significance of the Sokoto caliphate, one could boldly argue went beyond its ability in spearheading and nurturing the political change in West Africa, but the rigorous effort of the leaders in articulating a clear and comprehensive manner, the programmatic vision of the kind of Islamic community they wanted to form.[2]
Survival records have it that the Shehu and his lieutenants produced over four hundreds treatises just to establish the Islamic ideological basis of their actions and timely responses to the dynamics of change.[3] Thus, there is no one who dared to say that the original movement of the Shehu was not genuinely holy jihad, all debates begins after the fact is accepted.[4] Therefore, any attack on the caliphate must respect the sacred reputation of the Shehu. It was this literary tradition that in turn warrants the caliphate and its leaders to be unique not only in the continent but the world at large, and featured to be one of its long surviving legacies. However, the caliphate ideology of building an Islamic and egalitarian society made them to deployed different mechanisms before, during and after the execution of the jihad. They therefore extensively made the use of Arabic and Ajami languages ( Hausa and Fulfulde), as medium of religious communication.
However, as important as this area is, it seems not to have been adequately treated as far as the deep historical investigation is concerned, despite the fact that there are abundant first hand material to justify such studies. Even though, some efforts were put in place by establishing various research centers and call for conferences, but still much remains to be done in the collection and preservation of these significant literatures. This led several intellectual works of the jihad leaders have yet not surfaced. Additionally, owing to the fact these works were produced in languages that are not easily accessible to the vast majority of the people of this area particularly the researchers, and because they remained unedited, untranslated and unpublished, their research potentials are yet to be realized no to talk of their being fully utilized.[5] In the recent time, the significance of Ajami literature on the socio-economic and intellectual development in Nigeria significantly attracted a number of national and international conferences, particularly in northern Nigeria between 2007 and 2010 respectively, under the auspices of Arewa House Center for Historical Documentation. Still, only small fragmentations of such valuable materials were uncovered.[6]
The Hausa Ajami manuscript (HAM) generally and poetry in particular, are important sources of historical re-construction not only in northern Nigeria but Africa as a whole, to the extent that one can not hesitate to state that without them the history of the area will be inconclusive. They serve as the storehouse of Nigeria’s history on diverse areas such as religion, economy, politics, arts of worship, Philosophy and law among others. This paper is a modest attempt to look into the significance of Hausa Ajami poetry towards reconstructing the history of northern Nigeria.
1.1 Conceptualization of Ajami
The term Ajami is an Arabic-derived term (عڃمی, ) and Romanized as ‘ajami, which literally means ‘forign’ or ‘non-Arabic. Technically, Ajami refers specifically to a writing system that uses a combination of Arabic and indigenous African scripts. In other words, it is the utilization of the Arabic scripts to write non-Arabic languages.[7] In Africa Ajami was used to write in languages like Kanuri, Swahili, Songhay and Hausa. In our context therefore, Ajami simply refers to the use of Arabic scripts in writing Hausa language.
1.2 The Rationale Behind the Use of Ajami Poetry
The main purpose of communication is to transmit information from a source to target individuals or groups. As briefly indicated in the introductory segment, the Shehu and his lieutenants produced a large volume of literatures cutting across diverse forms of knowledge of human endeavors using various languages, particularly Arabic, Hausa and Fulfulde. However, considering the status of his community then, in which a greater percentage cannot read or comprehend the Arabic language, the Shehu decided to use Ajami as one of mechanism for religious propagation. This means that they are to address their supporters in their local vernacular, namely Fulfulde and Hausa. Bearing this in mind they employed the art of poetry using Ajami as the language writing in which they will put down the message.
There were however underline factors behind the adoption of poetry as an intellectual medium for Islamic propagation. One of the fundamental of these reasons was that the message could easily be understood by the adherent if passed through the local language. The fact here is, by the use of local vernacular, not much interpretation is needed for the comprehension of the intended message. This explanation was supported by one of Shehu’s Fulfulde poem Baabuwal Kire where he categorically stated:
1.To men jusbiri Arabiya Aalimi ton nanii,
To men jusbirii Fulfulde Jaahilii faydoyee.[8]
Meaning that:
1. If we compose a poem in Arabic only the learned comprehend,
But if we compose in Fulfulde the illiterates benefit from that.
In one of his poem title Nyimire Joweeji faa Jowee, the Shehu again emphasizes:
1. Amma fu tinnoroo gimee Ajamiyya,
Aahi bo Ballifaadi doo Arabiyya
Meaning that:
1.Let the illiterates concentrate reading poems composed in ajami
While the literates concentrate on the materials written in Arabic[9]
The tendency of easy memorization of the ajami poems was also another factor of consideration. This led not only the younger ones to memorize many of such poems, but including the old ages and blind people. In fact until today, it becomes a venture to many people who memorizes significant portions of such poems. It becomes a source of their daily income by reading them in the mosques, places of religious ceremonies, markets and other social gatherings. Until today, many people, especially the blind people are reciting such Hausa ajami poems at Masallacin Shehu and Masallacin Bello here is Sokoto. In Sanyinna town, I know of two blind people who featured prominent in such enterprise. They were Malam Danmalam Makaho and Malam Danwata Makaho. They do recite them in the mosque after Jumu’ah prayers and on market days. They also recite them on their daily begging.
It also serves as a mechanism that facilitates wider coverage of the Islamic message. This means that gospel will reach far places within shortest possible period taking into cognizance that the message was on written form.
Considering the above fact, it sounds needless to affirm that intellectual revolution is an activity for those who acquire the desire knowledge to venture into the enterprise. Therefore judging from the above both the Shehu and his disciples has the desired credentials for intellectual struggle during the period. Therefore, to sum it up, the use of ajami poetry by the Sokoto ulama[10] has the following objectives:
· Rising the morale of their ummah[11]
· Motivation
· Problem solving
· Facilitating change
· Persuasion and
· Strengthen the intellectual relationship between the learned colleagues and those seeking for knowledge
One can therefore argue that the utilization of Ajami poetry in the 19th century Hausaland aimed at revolutionizing the society to the Islamic tenets and socal change which may at the end led to the creation of an egalitarian society been directed by the Islamic shari’ah.
1.3 Hausa Ajami Poetry as a Source of Historical Reconstruction in Northern Nigeria
Before we venture deep into the discussion on the role of Ajami Poetry towards historical reconstruction in northern Nigeria, it is pertinent to mention here that the Shehu and his lieutenants uses different ways to spread the gospel of Islam the area. These included journeys to far and near towns and villages for preaching, writing of books and composing poems in both Hausa and Fulfulde. According Yahya:
This wa’azi was carried out by the Shehu in various ways,
One of which was travelling to towns, villages and hamlets,
Gathering people and teaching them to do this and shun that.
A second way of wa’azi employed by the Shehu and his disciples
Was that of writing books. Yet another was that of composing poems.
These poems were the newspapers, as it were, of their time. They were
The sum total, in a nutshell, of the Shehu’s wa’azi duing his journeys through the land[12]
Interestingly enough, the above quotation is categorically stating that Hausa Ajami poetry is one out of three fundamental strategies adopted by the 19th century Sokoto Ulama towards religious propagation. These poems however, constitute enormous incidental historical events as we shall see in due course.
One of such areas that the ulama wrote Ajami poems was the area of historical studies. It is of great importance to categorically state here that although the large volume of the works produced by the jihadists were of general Islamic interests and contain only incidental historical data, some of the most important ones are obviously historical in their disposition.[13] In fact, the enormity and significance of their literary works for historical reconstruction of the jihad movement have made them become objects of special collections in various libraries within Nigeria and West Africa sub-region. According to Bunza:
The study of history and history writing had been the tradition of orthodox scholars in the history of Muslim societies.[14]
The above description clearly indicates that the jihadists produced a large volume of works in that direction. This is true reflection of Asma’u’s work titled “Yabon Annabi (commendation for the prophet). The poem provided a chronological description of events in relation to Prophet Muhammad (S.A.W) early life, migration and the execution of various jihads:
14. Ku saurari waƙata ta begen Muhammada,
Da ta tadda labari na sirar Muhammada
15. Mutane ku yo zafin tafowa ku samu jin,
Fa kyawon hali fa da mu’ujiza ta Muhammada.
16. Ku samu fa labarin Sahabbai ku samu jin,
Abin nan da anka yi duk ga zamanin Muhammada.
20. Nufina fa in faɗi duk abin nan da anka yi,
Gare su ga zamanin Fiyayye Muhammad.
14. Listen to my song about longing for Muhammad:
which is about the life of our leader Muhammad
15. Hasten country men and hear about,
The noble character and miracles of Muhammada.
16. You will find out about his Companions and hear about,
The events which took place during the time of Muhammada’
20. It is my intention to tell everything,
That happened in the life time of Muhammada.
In verses; V. 112, V. 120 and V. 135 respectively, Nana Asma’u deeply provided a chronology of Prophet Muhammad early life, Hijrah from Makkah to Madinah, the battle of Badr and Uhud. In addition, Asma’u’s poem Labaran Shehu (the story of Shehu) is historical in nature. It contains Shehu’s early life, his wazirs, siblings, children, and judges he appointed and served under him, it also gave a detailed narration of scholars and muezzins during his struggle:
3. Daɗa za ni waƙa in faɗa muku yan’uwa,
Labar na Shaihu ku ji shi kau bisa gaskia.
4. In bayyana muku kau abukkan haihuwa,
Nasa dud da mata nai ɗiya nai kun jiya.
5. Haka masu tanyo nai ga addini da kau,
Duniya masoya nai ku ji su da gaskiya.
6. Haka na fa malammai da limmai duka,
Har dud da ladannai ku ji su da ɗai-ɗaya.
3. I compose this poem to tell you brethren
The story of Shehu
4. I will tell you about his brothers, and sisters
His wives and his children.[15]
5. Those who helped him in religion,
Or in worldly matters, and those who loved him.
6. As well as scholars and I mams,
And muezzins they are listed one by one.
In fact, it has been established that at the early formative period of the jihad movement, the Sheikh instructed his brother, sheikh Abdullahi that; “write to us the reason for our flight from Gobir and our jihad with the Hausa Sultan so that everyone who reads it may justify our action if he is fair minded.[16]
The waƙar Gewaye (the journey) by the same author is a true reflection of historical studies. The author, Nana Asma’u gave a vivid narration of historical events during her father’s life. This entails the Shehu’s preaching life, preparation for the Jihad and his migration from Degel to Gudu. She also gave an account of battle of Alwasa and his victory at Alƙalawa, and lastly narrated the death of Shehu and reign of Muhammad Bello:
3. Daɗa za ni bayyana al’amurran Shehu kau,
Ku jiya da anka yi can ga zamani nasa.
4. Usumanu Fodio, Shehu, Jalla Ubangiji,
Ya bamu shi nana Hausa don jinkai nasa.
5. Ya fid da muminai bata da duhu zaman,
Ya haskaka muna kau, da annuri nasa
3. Now I am going to explain the practice of Shehu
For you to hear what was done in his time.
4. Usmanu Dan Fodiyo, Shehu – the Almighty God
Gave him to us here in Hausaland through His Mercy.[17]
5.He brought the True Believers out of ignorance,
dispelled the darkness and made,
Everything clears for us with His light
Another area of concern is the area of art of literature. In this context, literature refers to any single art of writing deemed to have artistic or intellectual value, often due to deploying language in ways that differ from ordinary usage. Literature has also been divided into poetry, prose, drama, fiction and nonfiction. Poetry itself has been subdivided into the genres, lyric epic and dramatic. The subdivision which may fall into our area is the lyric which includes all of the shorter forms of poetry, for instance, the songs, ode, ballad and elegy.[18]
Undoubtedly, the Hausa Ajami literature contributed significantly in the field of literature. This was through creation of various literary skills. The tradition of takhmis in Ajami system of writing is really an enormous contribution to the art of writing. This is a process whereby three lines or will be added or created in the already existing two lines to make it five lines. The jihadists have really shown mastery in this technique. Scholars like Muhammad Bello, Nana Asma’u and Isa bin Shehu, applied the method in most of the poems composed by Shehu or among them.
Their poems’ rhyming style known as alfiya[19] is an outstanding contribution to the art of literature. In almost all their poems the technique is being applied. Like, in Abdullahi’s poem Tashin ƙiyama, mostly the end of the verses rhymed. For example; in the second verse:
2. Ya ‘yan uwa na ku saurara ƙwarai ku jiya,
Babba da yaro maza mata mu dau aniya,
In bayyana muku mu am munta had dunya,
Mu maida himma ga tuba mui shirin tafiya.
3. Ai ya kamata mu ƙoƙarta mu bar shagala,
Mu zan karatu ƙwarai domin hita jahala,
Mu kama addin da sunnah ai mu bar ta kula,
Da yar kadanna taƙaitatta gidan wahala,
Gidan rashi da hasara ta gidan hadari.[20]
Also in one of Shehu’s poem titled Waƙar Lalura, there was a similar exposition of alfiya style:
1. Gode Allah bisa ga samun bushara,
Ahma ash Shugabammu mi ad das aura,
Wanda an nashi nan da can shi ka tcira,
Na fa gode ma wanda yab ban basira,
Nasa addin sanin sa duk kan lalura.
2. Jinƙayi tabbata da tcira gare shi,
Ya fi don ya wuce wane a’awa shi,
Talikai nan da can suna kai gare shi,
Nai salati ka tabbata mini gare shi,
Wanda yah hi mu mun sani bias lalura.[21]
However, in some poems that have only two lines, mostly it is the last line or the second line that will be rhymed. For example in Nana Asma’u’s waƙar Gewaye (the journey):
10. Ya kada al’adu da bidi’o’i duka,
Ya tsai da sunna, mu yi biyat hanyar tasa
11. Ya ce maza a yi bakuna da kwararuwa
Haka na takubba, kun jiya horo nasa
12 Haka na dawaki kau ɗamre fa aniya,
Na shirin jihadi, ya faɗi ga faɗi nasa.[22]
There are also some instances whereby the end of each line of a particular verse will end with the same word. This can be found mostly in poems with added takhmis[23]. An example of these poems with this distinguished literary technique are Shehu’s two poems that he composed in Fulfulde and later translated into Hausa Ajami by Nana Asma’u and her brother Isa bin Shehu. These are Tabbat Haƙiƙa (be sure of God’s truth) and wallahi-wallahi (I swear, I swear). In all these poems, the end of each verse will come either wallahi-wallahi, in the case of the latter or tabbat Haƙiƙa, in the case of the first one.
The practice of composing elegy poems is also another contribution to the art of literature. The jihadists composed many poems that are eulogic in nature, either in praise of Prophet Muhammad (S.A.W), rightly guided caliphs or some individuals that are considered saints and worthy of emulation. People like Nana Asma’u and Isa wrote many poems of this nature, as explained earlier in this chapter.
The intellectual contribution of the jihadists towards the science of plant and medicine is apparently enormous. Although such a claim, will to large extent cast doubt to many people who are directly or indirectly ignorant of their intellectual works. Little wonder therefore, Isma’il argued that:
In the literature (produced in the 19th century Hausaland) there is everything, the poetry, the prose, the fiction, the true story, the parable, the anecdote, most of what we call the creative recreational art as well as the matters that pertain to faith, state, medicine, the applied sciences and the craft. It drew very well from the Islamic traditions of learning and writing, leaving us with a society that knows more about literacy and education than many who think of it otherwise.[24]
In fact, the above quotation buttresses the claim that the jihadists and those that followed after them, wrote on diverse knowledge. They have therefore widened their intellectual horizon by touching various issues of their life time and beyond.
In terms of science of plant and medicine, the jihadists discussed deeply. They have studied various plants within their domain and found their relevance in respect to medicine and cure of various diseases. Bunza, provided an annotated list of some Arabic medicinal manuscript which include: masalih al-insan al-muta ili bil adyan wa al-Abdau; Diya al-Ummah fi Adillate al-Aimmah; Mawarid al-Nabawiyah fimasail al-Tibbiyah; and Kitab al-Rahmati fi-al-Tibb wa al-Hikmah.[25] All these books were written by Muhammad Bello. The last book on the list was later translated into Hausa Ajami. The book was written in Arabic but later translated into HausaAjami by Malam Rabi’u.
In the book, names of hundreds of plants and different sicknesses they cure. Some of such plant (locus-bean tree), Gwanda (Paw paw), ƙaro (gum tree), Kimba (negro pepper tree), Masoro (black pepper) and Tsamiya (tamarind tree) to mention but a few. Others are; gyada (groundnut), namijin goro (bitter kola) and iccen auduga (cotton tree).[26]
Example of the diseases mentioned in the book that the above mentioned plant and trees, and others that are not mentioned include; general body pain and bruses, tooth pain, cold and catarrh, cough, and ear and eye problem. Other illnesses are; ordema, snake bite, rib pain, rheumatism, prostate, stomach pain, orchitis and astigatism among others.[27]Even though, there seems to be a controversy on the authorship of the book,[28] but it indeed provided a great deal on Islamic Medicine.
Figure 1: A Page In Kitab Al-Rahmati Fi Al-Tibb Written By Muhammad Bello in Arabic and translated into Hausa ajami by Mal. Rabiu. The book contains a description
Eulogistic Poetry was another important aspect that received a great concern in Ajami literary works. Eulogistic poetry is mostly dedicated to the memory of prophets and messengers, known in Hausa Ajami as ‘Yabon Annabi’.[29]
However, the hagiographers do consider other religious people who are termed to be godly and pure or saints who are seem to be the models of emulation in their personal way of life and religious adherence. The essence was to voice out the characters of such people for others to emulate them.
In relation to this, the jihadists composed several poems. Nana Asma’u for example composed dozens of elugistic poetry both in Fulfulde and Hausa Ajami. She composed a poem in honour of the Prophet Muhammad (S.A.W) titled ‘Yabon Annabi”. Nana also composed another poem titled “Alhinin mutuwar Halima (elegy for Halima) and Alhinin Modibbo Dan Ali (elegy for Modibbo Dan Ali) all in Hausa Ajami. She also composed others like, elegy for Mustapha, elegy for Giɗaɗo, elegy for Buhari, elegy for Bello and many more in Fulfulde. For example, in her elegy for Halima, she said:
1. Mu tswarci Ta’ala ‘yan’uwa mu yi harrama,
Shirin guzurin tafiya ga ɗakin da ba zama.
2. Kusan mutuwa dai tai she mu ga wa’azu duk,
Mu tswartai mu bi shi zama fa shi dai ka dawwama.
10. Daɗa zani waƙa in yi kukan Halimatu,
Tana fa da alferi ƙwarai yar uwar zuma,
11. Tana da hali mai kyau ƙwarai dad da hankali,
Da son yara manya ko ta so su da girmma
12. Da son kuwa adin da ko son zumu duka,
Da ko hanƙuri na zaman take bisa dawwama.
13. Fa Allah shi ba ta fa gafara d farin ciki,
Da ni’ima ta barzahu duk a kyauta wurin zama. .[30]
1. Fear God, friends and prepare,
All that you need for the joutney from this restless world.
2. Know that death is a warning to us
Let us fear and obey, and keef deah in mind,
10. I have composed this elegy for Halima,
Who was a very kind good neighbor,
11. She was a fine woman with lots of common sense,
She loved children and adults, treating them fittingly with respect.
12. She was religious and kept close relationships in good repair,
Acting always with never ending patience.
13. May God forgive her, make her happy,
And bless her as she awaits the last day.
In the poem, Nana continue to discuss the virtues and good conducts of Halima and finally invoked Allah’s mercy and forgiveness on her.
Another example work of this nature was Isa bin Shehu’s hagiographic poem on Nana Asma’u titled Alhinin mutuwar Nana Asma’u[31](the elegy for Nana Asma’u). In the poem, Isa exemplified the good characters of Asma’u that are worthy of emulation, such as; personal qualities, altruism, kindness and her role as family peace maker:
1.Da sharku tac cika Nana tay yi tahiya,
Ta karɓi na ta kira ga Sarkin gaskiya.
2.ƙofar Giɗaɗo da nib biya farfajiya,
Taron mutane ba bu inda ake bi ya.
3.Da maza suna kuka, kaza har bebiya,
Har da dabba ta yi kuka mun jiya.
4.Mata, Maza Dan Ardo suke tambaya,
Waƙa ta Nana nake yi, ku saurara niya.
Taba maza riga da wando tagiya. [32]
1.At the end of the year 1300 A.H. Nana left us,
Having received the call of the Lord of truth.
2.When I went by the open space in front of Gidado’s house,
I found it too crowded to pass through.
3.Men were crying, including even the deaf
Even animals uttered cries of grief, we are told.
4.Men and women alike asked Dan Ardo for news,
My song is of Nana: you know who I am.
She gave gowns, trousers and hats to men. [33]
Religious consciousness is one of the areas that the Sokoto ulama dealt with. Almost all the works produced by the jihadists and their followers are targeted toward religious consciousness. However, there are other works that are specifically produced in order to awaken the Muslim community from their slumber. The aim of the works of this nature was to admonish the Muslim community of the remote past, present and future, of their religious obligations towards their creator and associate no partner with Him what so ever. They also preached people against introducing anything foreign into the religion of God, known as bidi’at (innovation). In addition, such works enjoyed the Muslims to hold firmly unto the Prophetic Sunnah.
Basically, the fundamental objectives were two;the first one is required to be achieved here in the world, and other one in the hereafter. The first objective need to achieve here is the obedience to Allah. This can only be accomplished through observance of the commandments of Allah on lawful and unlawful things. The second one is to get reward of some one’s obedience to Allah in the hereafter, which is the paradise.[34]
Asma’u’s poem, wa’azu (warning) is a true reflection of such works. The intent of the poem was to large extent preaches the fundamental principle of Islam vis-a-vis, repentance, prayer and alms giving among others. Asma’u said that:
5. Bada ko gaskiya ga rai tab bashe shi,
Babu Sarki haƙiƙa sai shi karimi,
6 . Bada ko gaskiyar Muhammai ma’aiki,
Don ka zam mumini ga zam ko salami,
7. Bari fa bidi’a ka kamma hanya na sunnah,
Ita ka isak ka har ga darus salami,
8. Don fa tuba ka ba da tsarki ga bawa,
Daga zunub shi tsira ga shiga jahimi.[35]
5. Have faith in Him, and believe in Him,
here is no king except God the Bountiful.
6. And believe in Muhammad as His messenger.
In order that you become a sound believer.
7. Do not innovate; keep strictly to the path of sunna,[36]
For the sunna will guide you till you reach Heaven.
8. Repent, for repentance purifies a person,
From sin so he can escape from Hell-fire.
The above verses obviously discussed three fundamental issues that are required for every Muslim. These are: belief in Allah, and His Messenger, keeping away from innovation and repentance from sins. It is the total adherence to these three fundamental practicesthat will drived one to achieve the concept of obedience here in the world, and be rewarded with paradise in the hereafter.
In the field of human right advocacy, the critical assessment of the writings of the jihad leaders and their lieutenants will certainly convince some one that their intellectual works contained a rigorous crusade against slavery, child abuse and protection of human right. In fact the indiscriminate infringing on common people right by the Habe rulers in the early decade of the nineteenth century, was one of the factors necessitated the outbreak of the jihad of Shehu Usman Dan Fodiyo. Therefore, they used much of their intellectual energy in dispelling the violation of human right throughout the century, both orally and on writing. These cut across conscription into army, over taxation, and other sorts of economic and political exploitations. The Shehu in particular, vehemently preached against that in his poemswallahi-wallahi and tabbat Haƙiƙa. He categorically disassociates himself from people enslavement and child abuse:
7. Ni ban da bayi lihidda hakko in yi gari,
Ni ban da busa gukkum hakko in yi gari.
Ni ban da kuyya a kuyya hakko in yi gari,
Ban tada kowa ba amma fa masu gari,
Su sunka tash she ku don shagalin su Walahi.[37]
7. I neither possessed slaves nor lihidda[38]talkless of erecting a town,
Nor do I possessed any ridges talk less of erecting a town,
I evacuates nor anyone from his land, rather it was
The people in authority,
That they evacuated you for their lavishness
Also in another poem ‘Tabbat Haƙiƙa, he discussed the penalty of anyone who engages into the unnecessary enslavement of people and abuse of human rights:
21. Wanda yak kwance alƙawal ya yi zamba,
Dud da mai rena mumini sai shi tuba,
Ya yi sabo ina kamatai ku tuba,
Mai fa bautad da da shi shawo azaba,
Shi ka bautaw wuta fa tabban hakikan.[39]
21. A person who breaks a promise is a cheat,
And he who treats believers contemptously must repent,
For he has sinned. What a sin!
The enslaver of a freeman who causes him to suffer,
Will be enslaved in fire, be sure of God’s Truth.
The above verses of the two poems clearly demonstrate that the jihadists and their lieutenants are obviously contemporary in their intellectual write ups. It also explained how their various works will be useful in the contemporary crusade against the violation of human right globally.
Conclusion
From the preceding discussion, it is crystal clear that the intellectual contribution of the caliphate leaders is gigantic. In the paper, attempt has been made to examine the huge role of Hausa Ajami poetry in shaping the reconstruction of northern Nigerian history. Ajami poetry was adopted as machinery for the transmission of Islamic knowledge and tenets throughout Hausaland before, during and after the jihad. Perhaps one will argue that Hausa Ajami poetry is one of the long lasting tradition or legacy left behind by the Shehu and his disciples. However, it is seemingly regrettable to mention here that the 21st century ulama have in directly neglected this important intellectual activity at the verge of decay. Their neglect is not only on using the entire Ajami manuscripts for their wa/az, but their inability to retain the writing system. Indeed, there is much to gain from those valuable materials in many aspects if used.
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Abdulkadir, D. Zababbun Wakokin Da Da Na Yanzu, Cibiyar Nazarin Harsunan Nigeria, Jami’ar Bayero, Kano, Thomas Neson Nigeria Limited, 1979
Augi, R.U. Culture and the Book Industry in Nigeria, Lagos, National Council for Arts andCulture, 1993
Boyd, J. & B.B. Mack, The Collected Works of Nana Asma’u Daughte of Usman Danfodiyo ( 1793-1864), Sam Bookman Publishers, 1999
Bugaje, U. The Past As Future : Some Preliminary Thoughts on the Sokoto Caliphate, Books and Libraries, Abuja, 2015
Danyaya, S.M. ‘A History of Hausa Ajami System of Writing in Northern Nigeria, C.1774-1985 A.D.’’, A PhD Thesis, submitted to the Department of History, UDUS, 2022
Hassaine, M., ‘Ajami in Africa The Use of Arabic Script in the Transcription of African Languages, in S. Jeppie, The Meaning of Timbuktu, 2008
Hodgkin, T. The Nigerian perspectives: An Historical Anthropology, 1975
Ibrahim, Y.Y Jumare , I. et al, Arabic/Ajami Manuscripts: Resource for the Development of New Knowledge in Nigeria, 2010
Junaidu, I.G. Ajami Literature As A Vital Source of African History: A Case Study of Fulfulde Literature in the History of the Sokoto Caliphate’’, A Paper presented at the Fourth Islamic Manuscript Conference at Queen’s College , London, Organized by the Islamic Manuscript Association, 33 Cambridge Trumping ton Street, Cambridge CB2 10 Y, United Kingdom, July, 200
Kani A. M.& K. A. Gandi, State and Society in the Sokoto Caliphate, UDUS, 1990
Lawson, J . ’Nigerian Historiography and the Sokoto Jihads’’, a paper presented for the Discussion in the Islam in Africa Seminar, 1990
Mikailu A.S. (eds), Islam and the Fundamentals of Peaceful Co-Existence in Nigeria, Amal Printing Press, 2014
Usman, Y.B . (ed), Studies in the History of the Sokoto Caliphate; Sokoto Seminar Papers, Department of History, ABU Press, international , 1979
[1] See Y.B. Usman, ‘The Transformation of Political Communities: Some Notes on the Perception of a Significant Dimension of the Sokoto Jihad , in Y.B. Usman, (ed), Studies in the History of the Sokoto Caliphate; Sokoto Seminar Papers, Department of History, ABU Press, international , 1979, p.34
[2] U. Bugaje, The Past As Future : Some Preliminary Thoughts on the Sokoto Caliphate, Books and Libraries, Abuja, 2015, p.1
[3] ibid
[4] J. Lawson, ‘’Nigerian Historiography and the Sokoto Jihads’’, a paper presented for the Discussion in the Islam in Africa Seminar, 1990, p.6
[5] A.R. Augi, ‘’The Literary Contributions of the Sokoto Jihad Movement to the Material Development In Nigeria’’, in S. Bello & A.R. Augi, Culture and the Book Industry in Nigeria, Lagos, National Council for Arts andCulture, 1993, p.55
[6] See S. M. Danyaya, ‘’A History of Hausa Ajami System of Writing in Northern Nigeria, C.1774-1985 A.D.’’, A PhD Thesis, submitted to the Department of History, UDUS, 2022, P.57
[7] A.O. Hashimi, ‘The Evolution of Ajami Scripts in Nigeria: Scope and Significance’,n Arabic/ Ajami Manuscripts Resource for the Development of New Knowledge,(eds) Y.Y. Ibrahim, I.M. Jumare & S. Bala, Arewa House, 2010, p.173
[8] I. G. Junaidu, ‘’Ajami Literature As A Vital Source of African History: A Case Study of Fulfulde Literature in the History of the Sokoto Caliphate’’, A Paper presented at the Fourth Islamic Manuscript Conference at Queens College , London, Organized by the Islamic Manuscript Association, 33 Cambridge Trumpington Street, Cambridge CB2 10 Y, United Kingdom, July, 2008, P.13
[9] Ibid, p.14
[10] Ulama is an Arabic word which means scholars
[11] Meaning Islamic community
[12] A. B. Yahya, ‘’The Significance of the 19th Century Hausa Poetry Teachings’’, in A.M. Kani & K.A. Gandi, State and Society in the Sokoto Caliphate, UDUS, 1990, P.281
[13] A. R. Augi, “Source materials.... P. 3.
[14] See, M. U. Bunza, “Arabic Manuscripts As Alternative Sources in the Re-construction OF Northern Nigerian History,” In Y. Y. Ibrahim et al, Arabic/Ajami Manuscripts: Resource for the Development of New Knowledge in Nigeria, 2010, P. 240.
[15] N. Asma’u, Labarun Shehu, SOK, PROF,Ref. NO. 4/16/107
[16] See, T. Hodgkin, The Nigerian perspectives: An Historical Anthropology, 1975, P. 245.
[17] N. Asma’u, Waƙar Gewaye, SOK, PROF, Ref. NO., 4/20/135
[19] The rhymes in a particular poem
[20] Abdullahi Fodiyo, Wakar Tashin Kiyama, NAK/SOK, File No,2/46/158
[21] See, D. Abdulkadir, Zababbun Wakokin Da Da Na Yanzu, Cibiyar Nazarin Harsunan Nigeria, Jami’ar Bayero, Kano, Thomas Neson Nigeria Limited, 1979, p.18
[22] See, J. Boyd & B.B. Mack, The Collected Works…, p.55
[24] O. S. A. Isma’il, “Some Reflections on the Literature of the Caliphate”, in Y. B. Usman, (Ed), Studies in the History of the Sokoto Caliphate, Quoted in M. U. Bunza, “development and Challenges of Islamic Instiuttions in Nigeria, in A. S. Mikailu (eds) islam and the Fundamentals of Peaceful Co-Existence in Nigeria, Amal Printing Press, 2014, P. 16.
[25] M. U. Bunza, “An overview of Arabic Medicinal manuscripts.... Pp. 27 – 28.
[26] Ibid, Pp. 2-20
[27]Ibid.
[28] Some scholars that I have personally consulted cast a deep doubt on the authorship of the book to Muhammad Bello. This is in relation to some of the issues discussed in the book. For example, it is stated in the book that if a woman did not desire to be impregnated she can get rabbit dung and hang it on her body and she will never be impregnated. Although, the contents of the book might be tempered by the translator.
[29] See, M. Hassaine, “Ajami in Africa: The use of Arabic Script in the Transcription of African Languages,” TheMeaning of Timbuktu.... P. 119.
[30] J. Boyd & B.B. Mack, The Collected Works… p.284
[31] M. Hassaine, Ajami in Africa… p.119
[32] See, J. Boyd & B.B. Mack, The Collected Works , p.555 , for the Hausa Ajami text. However, I personally transcribed the text into Hausa Roman
[33] Ibid. pp.225-226
[34]Malam Garba Bayawa, 65 years, Islamic scholar, Bayawa, Kebbi state, 25/10/2016.
[35] J. Boyd & B.B. Mack, The Collected Works… p.286
[36] The term Sunnah refers to the way of life and teaching of the prophet Muhammad SAW,. It is considered to be a source of guidance and moral instruction, second only to the Noble Qur’an
[37] Shehu Usman Danfodiyo, Waƙar Wallahi-Wallahi, NAK/SOK, File No,4/19/123
[38]Lihidda, refers to a quilted protection for horse
[39] D. Abdulkadir, Zababun Waƙoƙin…, 1979, p.14
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