Reconceptualising the Teaching of English as a First Language in Selected Private Schools in Kano: Emerging Sociolinguistic Perspectives

Cite this article as: Sani, A. (2026). Reconceptualising the teaching of English as a first language in selected private schools in Kano: Emerging sociolinguistic perspectives. Sokoto Journal of Linguistics and Communication Studies (SOJOLICS), 2(1), 86-98. https://doi.org/10.36349/sojolics.2026.v02i01.008

By

Dr Abdussalam Sani
School of General Studies,
Aliko Dangote University of Science and Technology,
Wudil, Kano-Nigeria
abdussalamsani@kustwudil.edu.ng

Abstract

This paper reconceptualises the teaching of English in selected private schools in Kano, Nigeria, against the backdrop of emerging sociolinguistic realities in which English is increasingly functioning as a first language (L1) for many school-age children in elite private schools. Situated within Vygotsky’s Social Interactionist Theory, the study interrogates how early and sustained exposure to English within formal school domains, peer networks, and home environments is reshaping linguistic competence, preference, and identity among pupils. The study is descriptive and a sociolinguistic survey. Data were generated through participant observation and questionnaire administration to 468 pupils aged 6–13 years in ten selected private primary and junior secondary schools, with 400 valid responses analysed. Findings reveal a significant shift in language patterns: 37% of respondents demonstrate fluent English usage, while a comparatively lower proportion report fluency in their indigenous mother tongues. Although 63% identify as bi/multilingual and exhibit code-switching practices, English increasingly occupies primary communicative domains, often at the expense of indigenous languages. The study argues that these patterns signal a transition from English as a Second Language (ESL) to English as a de facto First Language in certain urban private-school contexts. Consequently, it calls for a pedagogical and curricular reconceptualisation that reflects learners’ evolving linguistic realities while addressing the implications for indigenous language vitality.

Keywords: First Language, Sociolinguistic Shift, Language Socialisation, Bilingualism, Private Schools, Nigeria

 

1.0 Introduction

Nigeria is widely recognised as one of the most linguistically heterogeneous nations in the world, with estimates of over 500 indigenous languages (Bamgbose, 1991; Eberhard et al., 2023). This multilingual configuration has historically necessitated the adoption of a lingua franca to facilitate inter-ethnic communication, governance, and formal education. English, introduced through colonial administration and missionary activities, has since evolved from a colonial instrument to the official language and principal medium of instruction in formal domains (Adegbija, 2004; Igboanusi, 2008). In contemporary Nigeria, English functions not merely as a neutral communicative bridge but as a language of prestige, upward mobility, and socio-economic capital.

Within the sociolinguistic ecology of Northern Nigeria; particularly Kano, a predominantly Hausa-speaking metropolis, English occupies a complex and ideologically loaded position. While Hausa remains the dominant language of everyday interaction and cultural identity in Kano, English increasingly operates as the language of formal education, elite identity construction, and global connectedness (Omoniyi, 2006). This functional distribution of languages reflects what Fishman (1972) conceptualises as domain allocation, where languages are assigned, roles based on institutional and societal expectations. However, recent developments in private educational institutions suggest a shift from mere domain allocation to linguistic substitution in early childhood socialisation.

Language attitudes and ideologies play a significant role in shaping these developments. As Adegbija (1994) observes, speakers’ dispositions toward languages in Nigeria are often influenced by perceived economic value, political power, and social prestige. English, associated with globalisation and modernity, is frequently valorised, while indigenous languages are sometimes relegated to informal or domestic spheres. Bourdieu’s (1991) notion of linguistic capital further explains how proficiency in socially legitimised languages such as English translates into symbolic and material advantages. In many urban private schools in Kano, English is not only the medium of instruction but also institutionally enforced as the exclusive language of communication, thereby redefining it functionally as a first language within school contexts.

This phenomenon raises important sociolinguistic questions. Traditionally, English in Nigeria has been categorised as a second language (ESL), acquired after an indigenous mother tongue. However, emerging patterns in elite and middle-class private schools suggest that some children are being socialised into English as their primary language of literacy, cognition, and peer interaction. In such contexts, English assumes the functional characteristics of a first language, even where it is not genealogically the child’s mother tongue. This shift aligns with broader global sociolinguistic processes in which English is increasingly localised and nativised in postcolonial settings (Kachru, 1992; Schneider, 2007).

Furthermore, interactional practices within these schools often involve regulated monolingual English policies, discouraging translanguaging or code-switching practices that are otherwise natural in multilingual communities (García & Wei, 2014) coupled with its adherent by parents at home. Such policies may contribute to what Blommaert (2010) describes as the stratification of linguistic resources in globalised contexts, where certain varieties are legitimised while others are marginalised. In Kano’s private schools, the privileging of English potentially reconfigures children’s linguistic identities and their relationship with indigenous languages, particularly Hausa.

The reconceptualisation of English as a first language in selected private schools in Kano therefore reflects broader sociolinguistic transformations involving language ideology, educational policy, class mobility, and globalisation. While English undoubtedly serves as a crucial lingua franca in Nigeria’s multilingual landscape, its expanding role within early childhood education raises concerns about subtractive bilingualism and the gradual weakening of indigenous language competence (Bamgbose, 2000; Skutnabb-Kangas, 2000).

This study investigates these emerging sociolinguistic perspectives with particular attention to how English is positioned, taught, and internalised in selected private schools in Kano. By examining institutional practices, language policies, and observable linguistic behaviours among pupils, the research seeks to contribute to ongoing debates on language planning, linguistic identity, and the future of multilingualism in Nigeria. Ultimately, the study aims to provide empirically grounded insights that may inform pedagogical and policy-oriented reconceptualisations of English language teaching in multilingual contexts.

The study is descriptive and a sociolinguistic survey. It is relevant to scholars, linguists and students in the field of sociolinguistics and language issues generally. It is also relevant to parents, language planners and policy makers, the government and indeed Nigerians. It is significant to all because the research exposes the emerging sociolinguistic situation which establishes the possibility of acquiring a foreign language as the first and mother tongue in a non-native speaker’s environment. It is also a reawakening call on Nigerians to adopt measures to curb the continuous endangerment of the indigenous languages as a result of the overwhelming influence that excite the preference of the English language in private schools.

1.2 Aim of the Study

The study aims to examine the trending issues in terms of language choice and use particularly the preference of English to Nigerian indigenous languages in private schools in Kano which is a micro representation of other Nigerian urban cities, where there exists a set of children who speak English with fluency.

2. Research Objectives

The study is guided by the following specific objectives:

1. To determine the proportion of pupils in selected private schools in Kano who demonstrate functional fluency in English as a first or dominant language.

2. To examine the language choice and use patterns; specifically, the preference for English over indigenous languages among school-age children in private school settings in Kano.

3. To analyse the role of home, peer, and school environments in shaping learners' linguistic competence and language preferences, within the framework of Vygotsky's Social Interactionist Theory.

4. To assess pupils' self-reported competence in their mother tongue(s) across the four language skills: listening/speaking, reading, and writing; and compare these with their English proficiency levels.

5. To evaluate the sociolinguistic implications of English-dominant language patterns for the vitality and intergenerational transmission of indigenous languages, particularly Hausa, in urban Kano.

6. To propose evidence-based pedagogical and curricular reconceptualisations for the teaching of English in multilingual private-school contexts in Nigeria.

Research Questions

The following research questions guide the investigation:

To what extent is English functioning as a de facto first language among pupils in selected private schools in Kano?

1. What are the patterns of language choice and use; particularly English versus indigenous languages among school-age children (6–13 years) in the selected private schools?

2. How do home, peer, and school environments shape the linguistic competence and language preferences of pupils in these institutions?

3. What levels of mother-tongue competence (speaking, reading, writing) do pupils demonstrate, and how does this compare with their English proficiency?

4. What are the sociolinguistic implications of the observed shift toward English-dominant or English-monolingual patterns for indigenous language vitality in Kano?

5. In what ways should the pedagogical and curricular approaches to English Language teaching be reconceptualised to reflect learners' evolving linguistic realities in multilingual urban contexts?

3. Literature Review

Scholarly discourse on the Nigerian sociolinguistic landscape consistently underscores the entrenched position of English within a highly multilingual ecology. It is historically indisputable that English was implanted in Nigeria during the colonial period, co-existing with numerous indigenous languages. In terms of linguistic diversity, Chepkemoi (2019) estimates that Nigeria has over 520 languages, with approximately 79 million Nigerians speaking English. However, this figure may represent an underestimation, considering the expanding functional domains of English and its growing preference over indigenous languages across different levels of proficiency.

Drawing attention to the historical development of English in Nigeria, Emenyonu (1992) observes that English has increasingly become naturalized among high- and middle-class urban dwellers, many of whom prefer it to their native languages. This linguistic shift is no longer confined to urban centres. Uwen (2019), in a study on English loanwords as lexical enrichment, notes that English lexical items are gradually being indigenized, suggesting a dynamic process of linguistic domestication.

From a critical perspective, Osoba (2014) attributes the current preference for English to the long-term linguistic consequences of British imperialism, which strategically positioned English as a dominant and prestigious medium, thereby marginalizing indigenous languages and cultures. The spoken medium, in particular, has played a catalytic role in this development, as language vitality is sustained or endangered primarily through speech. Consequently, Osoba and Alebiosu (2016) argue that spoken languages are especially vulnerable to extinction when their speakers abandon them in favour of more prestigious alternatives, as is increasingly the case with English in Nigeria. They further contend that negative attitudes toward indigenous languages have intensified in recent times, leading to their diminished use across various discourse domains. Such attitudes are shaped by both linguistic and extra-linguistic factors.

Parental influence emerges as a significant factor in the preference for English. Udofot (2007) argues that many parents deliberately prioritize English because of its status as the language of education and socioeconomic mobility. They perceive competence in English as essential preparation for anticipated linguistic and professional challenges. Similarly, Osoba (2014) maintains that some parents actively discourage their children from acquiring or speaking their mother tongues, viewing them as inferior or unsuitable for communication in Nigeria’s multilingual setting. This phenomenon is not unique to Nigeria. Turano and Malimas (2013) report comparable patterns in the Philippines, another multilingual nation with 183 living languages. Although Filipino (a standardized version of Tagalog) is constitutionally designated as the national language alongside English, there is increasing pressure on children to use English, reflecting broader global linguistic trends.

Beyond parental influence, several other factors account for the preference for English. Ayenbi (2014) links the trend to the perceived limited functional scope of indigenous languages. Tamunobelema (2015) highlights political considerations and the indispensable role of English in science, technology, and scholarship. In alignment with this view, Osoba and Alebiosu (2016) emphasize English’s official status and its extensive functions as the language of governance, education, mass media, external affairs, law, commerce, and information and communication technology.

At the individual level, Ikande (2020) underscores the socioeconomic benefits of English proficiency, arguing that competent speakers enjoy broader opportunities for self-development, career advancement, international mobility, access to technical knowledge, and enhanced earning potential. Complementing these explanations, Uwen (2020) identifies globalization, intermarriage across linguistic boundaries, declining intergenerational transmission of indigenous languages, geographical mobility, and the quest for social inclusion as additional drivers of the growing preference for English. Collectively, these linguistic and socio-cultural dynamics contribute to the declining use of indigenous languages in favour of English within the Nigerian sociolinguistic context.

As established by Turano and Malimas (2013), a segment of Filipino children in remote communities now use English as their first language (L1) in both home and school domains. Emerging scholarly observations suggest that a similar sociolinguistic trend is developing in Nigeria. Ekpe (2010), in a lecture document for the National Open University of Nigeria, observes that the prestige and institutional dominance of English have led some Nigerian families particularly among professionals and the middle class to adopt English as the primary language of home communication. Corroborating this position, Kperogi (2012) argues that thousands of children in urban Nigeria are becoming English monolinguals, speaking only English and, by implication, acquiring it as their “mother tongue.”

Further reinforcing this claim, Umera-Okeke (2019), in a study on the sociolinguistic dilemma of Nigerian English speakers, notes that although English remains officially a second language, it is increasingly functioning as a first language for many urban children who use it fluently across home and social domains. This phenomenon appears particularly pronounced among children in urban centres who attend elite private schools. Ironically, this demographic, traditionally regarded as the reservoir for the preservation and intergenerational transmission of indigenous languages may now be contributing to their gradual displacement.

Scholars have also highlighted that Nigerian English exhibits distinct structural and semantic peculiarities characteristic of English in non-native environments, including lexical innovations and semantic shifts (Mishina & Iskandar, 2019). These features are even more pronounced where English is acquired after an indigenous language, as Uwen and Ansa (2018) demonstrate in their study on pluralization patterns in Erei and their implications for English learning.

Collectively, these scholarly contributions provide valuable insight into Nigeria’s contemporary sociolinguistic landscape. The institutional status and functional load of English have significantly influenced language preferences, thereby fostering a growing segment of Nigerians who are either monolingual in English or functionally dominant in it. However, existing literature tends to reference “urban Nigeria” in broad terms without empirical specificity. There is limited demographic segmentation or statistical estimation of the population involved, making it difficult to determine the scale of this shift.

Against this backdrop, the present study seeks to investigate the existence and possible proportion of young English-fluent speakers in Kano as a representative of Nigerian urban centre. Such empirical evidence may provide a clearer basis for assessing the pace of indigenous language endangerment and the corresponding expansion of English as a first language within the Nigerian context.

4. Theoretical Framework

This study is anchored on Vygotsky’s (1978) Social Interactionist Theory. Vygotsky posits that human learning is inherently social and that cognitive development, including language acquisition, emerges through interaction with more knowledgeable others within culturally structured environments. Language development, therefore, is not an isolated or purely biological process; rather, it is mediated through social interaction and guided participation.

According to the theory, children acquire language through meaningful engagement with adult speakers and peers in specific sociocultural contexts. They do not encounter language as abstract linguistic forms but as functional utterances embedded in real-life communicative situations. Through interaction, children internalize linguistic structures and gradually develop communicative competence. The social environment, particularly the home and school; thus, becomes the primary domain within which children construct linguistic knowledge. In this process, adults scaffold children’s learning by modelling appropriate language use, correcting errors implicitly, and structuring communicative exchanges in ways that enhance comprehension and participation.

Bruner’s (1984) extension of Vygotsky’s position further introduces the concept of the Language Acquisition Support System (LASS), which refers to the structured assistance provided by caregivers and other members of the child’s immediate social environment. Through adapted speech, routines, and contextualized interaction, adults create communicative scripts that facilitate children’s understanding and production of language in socially appropriate contexts.

Children are generally regarded as particularly receptive language learners. As McDonough (1989, p. 95) observes, “children and adolescents or adults are quite different types of learners,” given the spontaneous and largely unconscious nature of children’s language acquisition, in contrast to the more deliberate and analytical processes typical of adult learners. This heightened receptivity places children in a position where the language predominantly used in their immediate environment is likely to become their primary linguistic system.

The relevance of the Social Interactionist Theory to the present study lies in its explanatory power regarding the acquisition of English as a first language among certain segments of children in urban Kano. If English constitutes the dominant medium of communication within the home, school, and peer networks, then sustained interaction in English will naturally facilitate its internalization as the child’s primary language. In other words, the language that mediates everyday social interaction becomes the language of thought, identity, and competence. The theory therefore provides a suitable framework for understanding how environmental exposure and patterned interaction in English may contribute to the emergence of English-dominant or English-monolingual children in the study area.

5. Research Method

Data for this study were obtained from primary sources through participant observation and the administration of questionnaires. Using a purposive sampling technique, and following permission from the authorities of selected private schools as well as the parents, a total of 468 questionnaires were distributed to children within the school-age bracket of 6 to 13 years in Kano.

The target population was drawn from 10 selected private primary and junior secondary schools (JSS) in the city. Kano, being urban and cosmopolitan, has Hausa as the indigenous and traditionally dominant language. The selection of private schools was deliberate, focusing on children from middle- and upper-class families. These parents are assumed to have a significant influence on their children’s language use and are also capable of affording the relatively high fees associated with private education.

Twenty research assistants, who are bilingual or multilingual in English and some Nigerian indigenous languages, assisted in the data collection process. These assistants, trained final-year students from the Departments of Linguistics and English and Literary Studies at Bayero University, Kano, supervised the completion of the questionnaires. Out of the 468 questionnaires administered, 400 were completed and retrieved, forming the dataset used for analysis.

The opinions and responses of the participating children constitute the primary data analyzed to determine the prevalence and patterns of English language use among urban children in Kano.

6. Findings and Discussion

The data presented in this study were extracted from respondents’ opinions through the segmentation of the different sections of the questionnaires. The analysis of the questionnaires is grouped into two main sections: (1) respondents’ age and class of study, and (2) respondents’ ability in their mother tongue(s). The results are summarized in Tables I and II.

Respondents’ Age and Class Distribution

Table I shows the distribution of respondents across age and class, ranging from 6 to 13 years and from Primary One (Pri 1) to Junior Secondary School Three (JSS 3).

S/N	Age	06		07		08		09		10		11		12		13		Total
	Class	F	%	F	%	F	%	F	%	F	%	F	%	F	%	F	%	F	%
1	Pri 1	25	62.5	30	7.0													55	13.75
2	Pri 2			40	10	30	7.5											70	17.5
3	Pri 3					30	7.5											30	7.5
4	Pri 4							55	13.75	30	7.5							85	21.25
5	Pri 5									20	5							20	5
6	JSS 1									20	5	30	7.5					50	12.5
7	JSS 2											30	7.5	30	7.5			60	15
8	JSS 3															30	7.5	30	7.5
9	Total	25	6.25	70	17.5	60	15	55	13.75	70	17.5	60	15	30	7.5	30	7.5	400	100

 

Figure 1: Distribution of Respondents by Class Level (N = 400)

From Table I, it can be observed that the respondents are evenly distributed across classes and age groups. For instance, 55 respondents (13.75% of the total) were from Primary One, of which 25 (6.25%) were aged 6 years and 30 (7.5%) were aged 7 years. In Primary Two, 70 respondents (17.5%) were surveyed, with 40 (10%) aged 7 years and 30 (7.5%) aged 8 years. Primary Three had 30 respondents (7.5%) aged 8 years, while Primary Four had 85 respondents (21.25%), with 55 (13.75%) aged 9 and 30 (7.5%) aged 10. In Primary Five, 20 respondents (5%) returned their questionnaires. Among the JSS respondents, 50 students (12.5%) were from JSS One, 60 students (15%) from JSS Two, and 30 students (7.5%) from JSS Three, with ages ranging from 10 to 13 years.

Table II presents respondents’ self-reported competence in their mother tongue(s), including speaking, reading, and writing, which are fundamental language skills that determine overall language proficiency.

Table 2: Showing respondents ability in their Mother Tongue

S/N	Item	Know Name of MT  F / %	Can Barely Speak F / %	Can Speak Fluently F / %	Can Read  F / %	Can Write F / %	Total F / %
1	Mother Tongue (MT)	298 / 74.5%	130 / 32.5%	123 / 30.75%	68 / 17%	55 / 13.75%	400 / 100%

Table II indicates that 354 respondents (88.5%) speak indigenous languages at home, while 45 respondents (8.75%) use them in public spaces. Conversely, 46 respondents (11.5%) reported that they speak English at home, although all respondents use English in school. Notably, 387 respondents (96.75%) reported using English at school, while 365 respondents (91.25%) indicated they speak a mixture of English and Hausa in public spaces.

These observations suggest that while a small percentage of respondents maintain consistency in speaking their mother tongue at home, a significant portion likely engages in code-mixing and code-switching, adapting language use depending on context and social setting.

Figure 2: Respondents' Self-Reported Mother Tongue Competence (N = 400)

Table 3: Language use by Domain (N= 400)

S/N	Domain	English F / %	Indigenous Language F / %	Mixed (English + Indigenous) F / %
1	At Home	46 / 11.5%	354 / 88.5%	—
2	In Public Spaces	35 / 8.75%	45 / 11.25%	365 / 91.25% (Eng + Hausa)
3	At School	387 / 96.75%	13 / 3.25%	—

Table 3 presents language use patterns across three key social domains. At school, English dominates overwhelmingly (387 respondents, 96.75%), confirming the institutional enforcement of English-only policies. At home, indigenous languages maintain a stronger presence (354, 88.5%), though 46 respondents (11.5%) already use English at home—an indicator of emerging English-first socialisation. In public spaces, the majority (365, 91.25%) engage in mixed Hausa–English communication, reflecting the code-switching norms typical of multilingual urban communities.

Figure 3: Language Use by Domain (N = 400)

Figure 4: English Proficiency vs. Bi/Multilingualism Among Respondents (N = 400)

7. Conclusion

The study demonstrates notable sociolinguistic trends in Kano, a microcosm of urban multilingualism in Nigeria, reflecting similar linguistic phenomena in other cosmopolitan Nigerian cities. It was found that 26% of children within the school age bracket of 6 to 13 years are unaware of their indigenous language, while 37% are already fluently proficient in English, which has effectively become their dominant language. Additionally, 63% of the respondents possess a gradable degree of proficiency in both their native language(s) and English, indicating a significant presence of bi- or multilingualism among the younger generation.

The study also reveals an increasing preference for speaking English over indigenous languages. This shift is largely influenced by external factors such as societal pressure, globalization, intermarriage, educational policies, and the practical necessity of participating in formal social and communicative activities. The implication of this trend is a gradual but steady expansion of English speakers in Nigeria, which poses a potential threat to the vitality and transmission of indigenous languages.

To mitigate this linguistic drift, urgent and systematic language policies are recommended to encourage the younger generation to actively use and preserve native languages, ensuring their continued relevance in both home and public domains.

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