A Socio-Pragmatic Study of Names in Gyong

Cite this article as: Kwasau, H., & Abbas, S. J. (2026). A socio-pragmatic study of names in Gyong. Sokoto Journal of Linguistics and Communication Studies (SOJOLICS), 2(2), 193-206. https://doi.org/10.36349/sojolics.2026.v02i02.017

By

Dr. Hannatu Kwasau

Department of English and Drama

Kaduna State University

hkwasau@gmail.com

08032844457

&

Sherry John Abbas

Department of English Language

Kaduna State College of Education,

Gidan Waya

bbsherry26@gmail.com

07063151528&09071513473

Abstract

Name and Naming is undeniably an integral aspect of every human language society, and this study, ‘Socio-Pragmatic Study of Names in Gyong’, examined names and naming system of the Gyong speaking language group from a pragmatic and sociolinguistic lenses. The study employed the use of descriptive research design and collected its data using unstructured interview and observation. In order to elicit substantive data, the study sourced its data from five (5) informants (2 males and 3 females) between the ages of 50-78. Lawal’s (1992) Pragmatic Act Model was adopted as the model. The study presented the data in different categories and socio-Pragmatically explicated explanatory information ranging the context, competence, background information and the speech acts behind the names and the naming process. The study found that the Gyong people give names in relation to either the reality surrounding the birth of a child, the reality of the parents or their community. This sufficed the fact that meanings embodied in Gyong names convey the cultural values and traditions of the people. The study concluded by stating that the Gyong language group considered names and naming an important fabric of their existence that enable them to contextually communicate their social existence as a people.

Keywords: Gyong language, names and naming, socio-pragmatics, pragmatics, sociolinguistics, cultural values, naming system, speech acts.

1.0 Introduction

The Gwong people, commonly referred to as the Kagoma, constitute a significant ethnic group within Southern Kaduna, Nigeria. Linguistically, they are categorized under the Niger-Congo phylum, specifically within the Plateau languages family (Greenberg 1966; Westermann and Bryan 1970; James 1986; Grimes 1988; Hayab 2017). Further classification by Gerhardt (1983a) and Williamson (1971) identifies the language as Niger-Congo; Benue Congo, Plateau 2, Jaba group.

Primarily situated in the South Western portion of the Jema’a Local Government Area, the term Gwong translates literally to "many" or "multitude." Their territory is indigenously known as Khi-Gwong (Rhainum 2011:6). The exonym Kagoma is believed to be a Hausa-derived adaptation, arising from an inability to pronounce the native name (Ames 1934). While Meek (1931) associates the Kagoma culturally with the Atyap cluster, oral tradition identifies Thonna as the founder of the Gwong, originating from Ngakyozi (Ungwa Madaki) prior to the emergence of the Nok civilization (600BC–2000AD).

Gwong land is bordered by the Bajju (Kaje) to the North, the Nikyop (Kaninkon), and the Ham (Jaba) to the East. Topographically divided into upland and lowland regions, the majority of the population resides on the plains to leverage the fertile soil and favorable climate. Consequently, Agriculture serves as the economic mainstay. Key food crops include maize, guinea corn, millet, beans, rice, cassava, and potatoes, while cash crops consist of ginger, soy beans, groundnuts, cowpea, and palm products. Supplemental economic activities include hunting, bee farming, local brewing, mat weaving, and palm wine production.

The Gwong people are characterized by a positive worldview rooted in a rich cultural heritage and "native intelligence." This wisdom is transmitted intergenerationally through oral traditions and customs. Their unique leadership structure fosters communal harmony and stability. This specific study employs a Pragma-Sociolinguistics analysis of native names within the Gwong Chiefdom. The research scope is confined to data collected from three representative villages: Soh (Asso), Ngakpu (Fori), and Hadem (FadanKagoma).

The significance of naming is a universal human phenomenon, predating modern societal structures. In religious contexts, such as Christianity, the act of naming is a divine mandate, while in Hinduism, the goddess Sarasvati is credited with assigning names during creation.

Naming practices vary significantly across cultures:

Timing: Some societies name infants immediately at birth; others observe a waiting period (e.g., one week).

Ritual:  Practices range from elaborate festivals and sacrifices to quiet religious rites and prayers.

Function: While some cultures view names as mere labels of identity, the Gwong and many other African societies perceive them as deeply meaningful constructs influenced by the specific conditions of birth and ancestral heritage.

2.0 Literature Review

Names and naming are central to the socio-cultural fiber that threads the essence of every society. They serve as forms and practices of identification. This function predicates the uniqueness of people and the society as a whole and also enable an easier form of understanding in communication processes. As a result of the fact that every human society is unique, just as its name and naming practices, there are a lot of anthropological and linguistic studies of names. In the linguistic studies of names, however, there has been a shift in focus from syntactic and sociolinguistic to other levels of linguistics in most contemporary linguistic analysis of personal names (Caroll, 1983). This research is set to explore traditional names in Gyong and the Socio-Pragmatic implications of these names on bearers as opposed to the western naming system. There has been little or no meticulous linguistic study of the ‘reasons for giving a name(s) and the meaning of such names in Gyong. There is also little or no research on the aspects of names in Gyong, therefore, this study tends to explain the aspect of naming system in Gyong from a Pragma-Sociolinguistic point of view.

Labaran (1990) remarks that “the naming of people is a fascinating subject that varies so much around the world and talks so much about a country or society. Everywhere a name means something and it tells a lot about the individual that signifies the language from which it is drawn and the society ascribes”. He further says that "we name our children so and because, within the context of society, the individual needs names for easy identification. Certain sounds combination to which we give the status of names come into being because societies say they are”. The act of naming therefore, has power and significance as giving something a name helps to define it. In other words, names act mostly as mirror through which we view the culture, traditions, and beliefs of a given society.

This, therefore, means that our respective societies have principles that guide the way names are given. Certain names follow norms that are in line with the culture and tradition of the society they belong. The name one bears is the direct reflection of his cultural background, which also gives room for easy identification. The Gwong people, like other language groups of the world, name an individual based on the dictates of their culture.

Chucks-Orji (1971) remarks that “…” in African societies generally, the name conferred on a newborn is not merely to distinguish the individual child but more importantly to acknowledge and welcome the newcomer as a member of the community and to congratulate the parents for the child's future. This implies that in Africa, much importance is attached to the naming of children, and what influences the names are the circumstances and the state of affairs, at the time of birth, Abodunde (2001) supports this notion by saying that ‘beyond the fun-fair that usually accompanies naming ceremony, the belief found in most cultures that names are given to a child tell a lot about the child and the family he is born into’. This means it is not just for the fun of it as far as the birth of any African child is concerned. Rather, much importance is attached to it within each culture. The name uncovers the family background of the bearer and in some cases circumstances as well as family situation gives reason for naming in most African cultures. Mphande (2006) supports this view when he says “names are words by which reality is known and spoken of, they are the most meaningful lexicon in the vocabulary of any language, and they are an important part of the language inventory of that language. The Gwong people follow these examples of conventional practices and so does most names of Gwong. Name is the simplest case of the nominal that has reference. Names are labels for people, places etc.

Many studies on personal names have been explored in the field of linguistics from different point of view (levels/branches of linguistics). Some of these studies are emphatically reviewed below while relating them to the present study for realization of gaps and concerns.

Onah (2023) carried out a study on onomastics: ‘A study of the semantic load of selected Idoma names. The study focuses on the naming practices among the Idoma nation. It investigates whether the new generation of Idoma people who cannot speak the language fluently still takes pleasure in giving native names to their children. The study found out that there is a limited range of authority figures that can name a child in Idoma culture, but that there is a wider repertoire from where the names can be sourced for a new child. It also shows that names among Idoma people are much more than a term used to differentiate one individual from another. This present study is different from Onah’s (2023) work in that it deals with pragma-sociolinguistic implication of names in Gyong. It examines how context influences names and naming system, and how the societal norms, values, beliefs and practices are communicated through names.

Mwangi (2015) carried out, “A Linguistic Study of Gikuyu Personal Names”, the objectives were to observe the coding of information into names based on lexical, syntactic and pragmatic rules of the language. The study demonstrated that Gikuyu Grammar is largely contained in its personal names. The study analyzed certain morph-syntactic phenomena such as compounding, affixation and relexification which are inherent in these names and also shows how the female gender in the language has been grammaticalized, unlike this study whose concern is not grammatically based.

Jauro and Wappa (2013) illuminate the structural components of Kamue personal names, particularly, their morpho-semantic attributes. They categorized names into their different word classes and analyzed their semantic and pragmatic meanings. Jauro and Wappa (2013) study have similar predication with Mwangi’s (2015) study reviewed above. Both studies examined the grammar component of names and naming. The area of differences is realized from the extensive consideration made by Jauro and Wappa (2013) in the sense that they also examine the meaning of the names from a semantic and pragmatic perspectives. While these studies have their similarities and differences, the present study relates similarly only with Jauro and Wappa’s study on the area of pragmatics, but differ extensively from both studies as it does not consider the grammar but examines the sociological implications of names and naming in Gyong, additionally.

3.0 Theoretical Framework

The theoretical framework adopted for this paper is theLawal’s (1992) Pragmatic Act Models. It has also been adopted because Lawal promotes the fact that worldview and factual knowledge are important variables in the analysis (Socio-Pragmatic) of an utterance and this is exactly what the study seeks to uncover. He promotes the relationship that exists between culture and language. Naming is a part of culture and if we are to analyze names pragma-Socio-linguistically, we cannot escape looking at Lawal’s model. The theory is an eye opener because it immediately casts our minds to the linguistic property of a people which cannot be separated from their language and what they are able to produce via language, which is a product of their worldview.

The Lawal’s (1992), theory is subsumed under four headings: context, competence, background information and speech acts. Each of these compartments is broken down into under several units:

Context   Competence Background Information Speech Acts

Cosmological  Cosmological Presupposition   Perlocutionary:

Sociological  Sociological Implicature    -Conventional

Social    Social  MCBs     -Non-conventional

Psychological  Psychological Via      -Intended

Situational   Situational Inference     -Unintended

Linguistics   Linguistics Illocutionary:

        

              -Direct

              -Indirect

              -Intended

              -Unintended

              -Conventional

            -Non-Conventional

The above diagram shows that the model has four component parts with each part having a detailed features for examining language properties. The diagram also shows six hierarchical contexts upon which a name can be interpreted. Nwadike (2017) discusses these contexts thus:

Cosmological Context: The cosmological context is related to the language users’ knowledge of the world, his factual knowledge and worldview in general and in relation to an utterance or a particular instance of language use.

Sociological Context: This is related to the socio-cultural and historical setting of an utterance. In talking about the socio-cultural context, we could talk about whether the interlocutors share the same cultural values or not. Also, the explication of the cultural norms, values and practices behind an expression or language usage is reiterated here.

Social Context: the social context is concerned with factors that govern the interpersonal relationship between interlocutors in a speech act which may include factors such as distance, class, age, gender, etc.

Psychological Context: The psychological context covers the speaker’s state of mind, attitude and beliefs in the situation of an utterance. In this study of names, it is the state of mind of the parent that determines the kind of names that a child may be given.

Situational Context: The Situational Context involves those factors which are obtainable in the physical setting of the discourse. These factors include, participants’ speech acts, objects that can be found and the topic of the discourse.

Linguistic Context: The Linguistic Context involves all those properties of language that include the lexical, phonological, and morph-syntactic structures of a language. Lawal’s (1992) model is adopted as a theoretical framework for this study because the model deals with contextual/background knowledge which is the focus of this study. In addition, the model promotes the socio-cultural worldview of the people which is an important variable in analyzing this study.

4.0 Research Methodology

The study used a descriptive research design which is largely informed by a qualitative research approach. A combination of methods was employed in the collection of data for the purpose of this research. In addition to ‘introspection’ technique, the study used unstructured interview and observation for data elicitation and collection. However, in order to remove and eliminate the ‘artificiality’ and shortcomings of this source, five (5) informants (2 males and 3 females between the ages of 50 -78) who are specialists and especially native speakers of the language were asked to supplement and authenticate the data gathered.

In analyzing the data, the study first identified the Gyong names, circumstances surrounding the Christening of Gwong names and their classification. The study also examine the implication of the given names on the bearers. Thus. The categorization of the names are presented separately on tables with the necessary information on gloss, gender, context/competence, background information, speech acts and comment before the discussions.

5.0 Data Analysis and Discussion

Data were categorized on the relevant sentence functions, there are four (4) basic classifications under which the names in Gyong are categorized and analyzed in this study and they are represented in Lawal’s four aspects which provide information covering: Context, Competence, Background Information and Speech Acts.

Names Based on Religion

Children are given names that have religious connotation and this shows some level of deviation from culture or nativity. This is as a result of the influence of religion, especially Christianity. Religion is a name-determining factor in Gyong.

Table 1: Names Based on Religion:

 

Names	Gloss	Gender	Context/Competence	Background information	Speech acts	Comment
Chietnum	The might/strength of God	Male	Cosmological	Presuppositional	Direct	The name is declaring the strength or might of God.
Jiinum	God’s mercy/compassion	Fe/male	Cosmological	Presuppositional	Direct	The name shows the compassion and mercy of God.

 

Discussion

The category of names in the table above are those given to the bearer based on religion or religious beliefs. These beliefs show the supremacy of God.

ChietNum (The might/strength of God)

Context:  The cosmological context of this name expresses the perception that God has the will to do whatever He wishes to do without being questioned or stopped.

Competence: The competence is cosmological; it shows the strength of God.

Background Information: The background information is presuppositional, this name is a reverence to God. A declaration of God’s strength.

Speech Act: The speech act of this name is direct; it is a direct declaration to God’s power/strength.

JiiNum (God’s mercy/compassion)

Context:  The cosmological context for this name JiiNum communicates the merciful nature of God.

Competence: The name givers understand and confirms the piety of God.

Background Information: The background information is presuppositional, the name shows the grace and mercy of God and an appreciation of what God has mercy and compassion bearer or the family of bearer.

Speech Act: The speech act is direct. It is an acknowledgment of the patience and mercies of God.

Names based on Circumstances

In Gyong culture, it is common that circumstances surrounding the birth of a child, whether on the part of the parents, or the child, greatly influences the name that the child is given. These circumstances could be the passing away of a parent before, during and immediately after the birth of the child. It could be a difficult or a hard situation accompanying the delivery. Circumstances are therefore, an important and a determinant factor during naming in Gyong.

Examples:

Table 2: Names based on Circumstances

Names	Gloss	Gender	Context	Competence	Background information	Speech acts	Comment
Bánghi	Hold me/take care of me	Fe/male	Situational	Situational	Inference	Direct	The name is a request to be held.
Dyaknèét	One who is left alone/lacks relation	Male	Situational	Situational	Inference	intended	The name is mostly given to some who lost his parent during or before birth.

 

Discussion

The names under this category, as the title suggests, are circumstantial names. The names are an expression of the circumstances of birth of the bearers and/or the people living around them.

Bánghi (Hold me/take care of me)

Context: The context here is situational. It was the situation the parent of the child was that made them name the child as such. It could be a situation where both spouse are not in good terms; for instance, a situation where the father is not taking care of the mother, then the mother may decide to name the child Banghi as a solicitation to the bearer to take care of her. Such kinds of names are sympathetic names.

Competence: The name giver has the understanding that a name as this can be given in a situation of communicating a polite cry or plea for care. This may be basically because of the antecedent of what happened to the mother of the child.

Background Information: The background information is inferential because the name sounds like a message from the parent to the child. This message may not necessarily mean that the child is to take care of her/him but it may be a general plea from the family to the rest of the community to take care of them, maybe because of the way or manner the family of the child is treated.

Speech Act: The speech act is an indirectly an expressive act of the parent’s feelings and perception.

Dyaknèét (One who is left alone/lacks relation)

Context: The context for this name is situational; the name refers to who does not have people. The name is a wailing cry of the lack of people.

Competence: The competence for this name is situational.

Background Information: The background information is inferential. The family of a bearer must have lacked relations in their new settlement, maybe because of voluntary or forceful migration to a new place where they are not familiar with the people there, such a name can be heard.

Speech Act: The speech act for this name is direct; the name is an expression of the concern of the family.

Special Names

The Gwong names are also given to children which are symbolic or special; referring to how these bearers are cherished and valued within their linguistics community. Example:

Table 3: Special Names

Names	Gloss	Gender	Context	Competence	Background information	Speech acts	Comment
Binnum	God’s property	Male	Cosmological	Cosmological	Presupositional	Intended	The name is affirming that humans are God’s property.
Bona	One who perform tricks/clever	Male	psychological	Psychological	Inference	Intended	The name means to trick performer or a deceiver.

 

Discussion

Binnum (God’s property)

Context:  The name is an expression of the people’s belief that God is the owner of all creations, the child inclusive. Thus, the context is to explicate the meaning that it is God who has everything.

Competence: The competence of the name is also cosmological; the name is an explication of the supremacy of God.

Background Information: The background information is presupposition. The name is a way of giving credit to God’s supremacy and authority.

Speech Act: The speech act of the name is also intended. The bearer confirms that he is the property of God.

Bona (One who perform tricks/cleverman)

Context: The context of the name is psychological; parents may name their child as Bona when the bearer was bore out of deceit.

Competence: The competence of this name is cosmological.

Background Information: the background information is inferential.

Lamentation Names

The Gwong names are also given to children to express dissatisfaction or grievance at one point of their life. These names are derogatory and should not be given to a person but as their way of venting their ordeal or plight, they most at times name their children such names. Example;

Table 4: Lamentation Names

Names	Gloss	Gender	Context	Competence	Background information	Speech acts	Comment
Thyiekpoo	To run from death	Male	Sociological	Sociological	Presupositional	Intended	The name refer to someone to who is afraid to die.
Bgyoma	To roll on the ground	Male	Psychological	Psychological	Inference	Intended	The name refers to one who rolls on the ground owing to life’s scenario or someone who spends much time crawling before he started walking.

 

Discussion

Thyiekpoo (To run from death)

Context: The context for this name is sociological. No one is ever ready for death; everyone runs away from death.

Competence: The competence for the name is sociological because the death is not one phenomenon no human wants but a part of every human being; every man born of a woman must die eventually.

Background Information: The background information for the name is presupposition, the bearer shows the how fearful man is of death.

Speech Act: The speech act for the name is intended. The parents of the bearer are intentional with the name.

Bgyoma (To roll on the ground)

Context: The context is psychological because the name is expressing an action. The name refers to one who rolls on the ground owing to life’s scenario or someone who spends much time crawling before he started walking

Competence: The competence is psychological; the name expresses grievance.

Background Information: The background information for the name is inference; the name is use to infer an incidence that may have surrounded the birth of the bearer.

Speech Act: The speech act of the name is intended.

6.0 Summary of Findings and Conclusion

This study, a Socio-Pragmatic exploration reveals that the interface between Sociolinguistics and Pragmatics is needful in order to establish the linguistic substance in Gyong names. Specifically, Pragmatics, as an aspect of meaning, revealed that context is very important in names and the naming activities in Gyong Names. It is to this light that the work has been classified into different groupings. It is on the basis of these classifications that the names are worked out using extra linguistics factors. It is for convenient and easy discussion of these names that they have been classified into different classes as the situation warrants. Hence, the data summary of this research could be seen as follows:

Category        Frequency

Names base of Religion      10

Names based on Circumstances     20

Special Names      10

Derogatory Names      10

Total Names       50

1.  Religious-Based Names

Reflecting the profound influence of Christianity on the language, religious names—such as Kpyíeknum, Kpiéknum, and Chietnum—are frequently utilized. These serve as linguistic expressions of trust, gratitude, and the supremacy of God (Num). For the Gwong people, naming a child after the Supreme Being acknowledges God as the giver of life and reflects the spiritual devotion of the parents.

2.  Circumstantial Names

With twenty entries, this represents the highest frequency in the research. Circumstantial names serve as historical or sociological markers of the parents' experiences. As noted by Oseni (1981), these names are determined by the specific conditions surrounding a birth, acting as permanent reminders of significant life events, whether positive or negative.

3. Descriptive and Affectionate Names

Names in this category function as literal descriptions of the bearer’s physical features, abilities, or temperament. Names like Gbyami (cherish), Kyola (an admirable person), and Shuni (calmness) communicate the bearer’s attributes to the hearer. This reinforces the idea that certain names are not mere labels but intrinsic reflections of a person’s character or appearance.

4.  Lamentation-Based Names

These are utilized in exceptional cases as expressions of grievance or sorrow. Assigned during difficult periods, these names embody the "sad moments" of a family's history, preserving the memory of those experiences within the child's identity.

6.1 Conclusion: The Semantics of Naming

In Gwong culture, a "real" name cannot be meaningless. Depending on the motivating factors, a name possesses descriptive, connotative, symbolic, and associative meanings. Ultimately, the naming process serves as a vehicle for the Gwong worldview, defining how individuals relate to their life experiences through the language of identity. According to research, Gwong names function as semantically rich, socio-pragmatic messages reflecting historical and situational contexts. These descriptive, non-formulaic names serve as permanent identifiers that define destiny and identity within the community's cosmological framework.

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