A New Historicist Exploration of the Depiction of Mass Exploitation in Petals of Blood

Cite this article as: Muhammad, A. (2026). A New Historicist exploration of the depiction of mass exploitation in Petals of Blood. Sokoto Journal of Linguistics and Communication Studies (SOJOLICS), 2(1), 498-506. https://doi.org/10.36349/sojolics.2026.v02i01.041

By

Abdullahi Muhammad
Department of English and Literary Studies
Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto
09167780868
akmammanbirchi@gmail.com

Abstract

This paper examines mass exploitation in Kenya through the lens of New Historicism, tracing its evolution from colonial times to present-day conditions. By juxtaposing Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s Petals of Blood (1977) with Jomo Kenyatta’s Facing Mount Kenya (1938) and various historical records as co-texts, the study explores the different dimensions of exploitation, revealing how the colonial legacy continues to influence social and economic inequalities. The paper assesses Ngugi’s success in fictionalising Kenyan history, drawing attention to the continued alliance between local elites and former colonisers after independence. It illustrates how these exploitative practices contribute to ongoing problems such as extrajudicial killings and economic disparities. By examining the roots of exploitation, this paper addresses an important gap in understanding its persistence in Kenya, advocating for a thorough reexamination of exploitative systems to achieve meaningful social justice.

Keywords: New Historicism; Exploitation; Colonialism; Postcolonial Kenya; Inequality

1.0 Introduction

New Historicism’s focus on the historicity of texts and the textuality of history provides the foundation for this paper. It holds that literary works are formed by the social and cultural conditions of their time, while history itself is known through texts rather than as a neutral account of events. Literature and history are therefore closely connected, each influencing how the other is understood. Guided by this perspective, the study examines how Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s Petals of Blood (1977) presents Kenyan history in fictional form, alongside Jomo Kenyatta’s Facing Mount Kenya (1938) and other historical texts. Conventional views often treat history as a fixed record of past events, but modern critical thought challenges this idea by showing that history is influenced by interpretation, selection, and relations of power. What is accepted as “truth” is frequently influenced by those who control knowledge and its production. In colonial and postcolonial Kenya, this becomes particularly important, as history becomes a contested space where different versions of social reality compete.

Within this context, the study focuses on mass exploitation, understood as the sustained domination of the majority by a small privileged group. In Kenya, this condition is rooted in colonial land policies, labour arrangements, taxation systems, and cultural reorganisation. These structures were not only designed for economic extraction but also for the reordering of society in ways that made inequality continuous and self-perpetuating.

Even after independence, these structures did not disappear. Instead, they were restructured and inherited by a new African ruling class. This continuity is central to Ngugi’s Petals of Blood, which presents independence not as liberation from exploitation but as a transformation of its form.

1.1 Literature Review

Scholarly engagement with Kenya’s colonial and postcolonial history consistently points to land, labour, and political control as central mechanisms of exploitation. Jomo Kenyatta’s Facing Mount Kenya remains one of the earliest indigenous accounts of land centrality in Gikuyu society. Kenyatta emphasises that land is not merely an economic resource but the foundation of cultural identity, social organisation, and spiritual belonging. Its loss under colonial rule therefore represents a deep historical rupture that affects both material and psychological existence. Historical studies such as those by Palmer and Parsons further explain that colonial land policies were deliberately structured to favour European settlers. Fertile highlands were taken over and declared Crown Land, while Africans were confined to overcrowded reserves. This created a situation where Africans were forced into wage labour to survive, fundamentally altering precolonial economic systems. Cooksey, Court, and Makau add another dimension by showing that colonial development was uneven and selective. Infrastructure, education, and economic investment were concentrated in areas that served colonial interests, leaving other regions underdeveloped. These inequalities continued into the postcolonial period, leading to regional disparities in Kenya today. Frederick Lugard’s writings further reinforce the economic motivations of colonialism. His acknowledgment that colonial expansion was driven by profit rather than humanitarian concerns confirms that exploitation was not accidental but structural. In the postcolonial period, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga’s Not Yet Uhuru provides a political critique of independence, arguing that it failed to transform the economic structure.

 

2.0 Theoretical Framework

This study is grounded in New Historicism, a theoretical approach that challenges the separation between literature and history. It argues that both literary and historical texts are products of cultural and ideological forces, rather than neutral representations of reality. History, in this view, is not simply discovered but constructed through language and power. New Historicism emphasises the idea of “co-texts,” where literary works are read alongside historical documents to produce a fuller understanding of meaning. In this study, Petals of Blood is read alongside Facing Mount Kenya, Not Yet Uhuru, and colonial records to show how different texts construct and contest narratives of exploitation.

A central concern of New Historicism is power. It examines how institutions such as the state, religion, education, and law influence social relations and maintain inequality. In colonial Kenya, these institutions were used to justify land seizure and labour exploitation. In postcolonial Kenya, they continue to regulate access to resources and opportunities. Through this lens, Petals of Blood is not just fiction but a historical intervention that exposes how power operates across time.

3.0 Methodology

This study adopts a qualitative, interpretive design based on textual analysis. It involves close reading of Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s Petals of Blood alongside selected historical and scholarly texts on Kenya’s colonial and postcolonial experience. The approach is comparative and contextual, examining themes such as land dispossession, labour exploitation, political corruption, and cultural domination across texts. Each text is analysed within its historical context to keep interpretation grounded in lived realities. Rather than using statistical data, the study focuses on thematic and ideological analysis, exploring how power, inequality, and resistance are represented in both literature and history.

4.0 Data Presentation and Analysis

4.1 Historical Roots of Exploitation in Petals of Blood

The colonial experience in Kenya, as both historical records and Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s Petals of Blood reveal, laid the foundation for long-term structures of exploitation that continued well beyond independence. European colonialism was driven primarily by economic interest, and this influenced the systems introduced in Kenya, especially in relation to land, labour, and political control. At the heart of this system was the widespread dispossession of African communities from their ancestral land, which were the main source of both survival and identity. Jomo Kenyatta, in Facing Mount Kenya, strongly emphasises the centrality of land to the Gikuyu people, describing it as the “foundation rock” of their economy. He explains how early interactions between Africans and Europeans were misunderstood as harmless agreements, where land was temporarily offered for use in places like Dagoretti and Fort Smith. However, this “agreement” later became a strategy of permanent takeover, as colonial authorities gradually transformed these lands into “Crown Lands,” reducing Africans to “tenants at will of the Crown” (Kenyatta, 1938, p. 45). This shift marked a major turning point in Kenyan history, where ownership was replaced by displacement.

Historical evidence confirms the scale of this dispossession. By 1934, fewer than 30,000 European settlers controlled about one-third of Kenya’s most fertile land, despite being less than 0.25% of the population (Gates Open Research, 2019, p. 15). This created a situation where Africans were pushed into reserves and forced into wage labour to survive. As Heldring and Robinson observe, the removal of Africans from productive land, especially in the highlands, led to a sharp decline in living standards and widespread poverty (2012, p. 30). To sustain this system, colonial authorities introduced policies such as hut tax, poll tax, forced labour, and land alienation. These measures were not neutral administrative tools but mechanisms designed to produce a dependent labour force. As Zeleza (1992) explains, Africans were compelled into migrant labour systems, often under harsh conditions, while settler agriculture and infrastructure projects benefited directly from their exploitation. Sir Frederick Lugard openly acknowledged this economic motivation when he stated that colonial expansion was never driven by philanthropy but by material gain (Chiryankadath, 2007, p. 7).

Ngugi captures this historical reality vividly in Petals of Blood. Through Karega’s narration, he describes how colonialism worked not only through force but also through ideology: Africans once “had the land and the mind and the soul,” but through economic coercion and religious influence, both land and identity were taken away (Ngugi, 1977, p. 236). In another striking image, Ngugi writes: “When the missionaries came… we had the land… when we opened our eyes… they had the land” (Ngugi, 1977, p. 108). These passages show how religion and education were used alongside military and economic power to justify dispossession.

The colonial labour system further deepened exploitation. Africans were taxed into wage labour and subjected to compulsory work regimes. A Journal of African History report notes that as early as 1902, hut tax forced many families into settler farms, while later policies introduced poll tax and mandatory labour requirements for able-bodied men (2020, p. 5). These systems ensured a constant supply of cheap labour for the colonial economy. Ngugi reflects this reality when he describes “land seizures and forcible removals… causing untold suffering and bitterness” (1977, p. 120), showing the human cost behind these policies. The consequences of land alienation also extended into social and generational life. As Munira explains in the novel, Africans were pushed into reserves “where we were crowded and we starved… men went to work for the white man and their children grew up illiterate” (Ngugi, 1977, p. 12). This shows how colonial exploitation was not only economic but also social, affecting education, family structures, and long-term development. Beyond land and labour, colonial rule also made governance through coercive policies supported by both administrators and missionaries. For example, Sir Edward Northey’s 1919 labour circular instructed officials to “exercise every possible lawful influence to induce able-bodied male natives to go into the labour field” (Okia, 2002, p. 10). Even religious institutions often supported such policies indirectly, revealing the collaboration between state and church in sustaining exploitation. Ngugisummarises this system in Petals of Blood by showing how different colonial actors worked together in a coordinated system of extraction: “missionaries, settlers, administrators, soldiers, merchants, and bankers… all came together to siphon the wealth of the nation” (Ngugi, 1977, p. 5). This aligns with historical interpretations of colonialism as a structured economic system rather than a random political event.

Other critical scholars such as Ndege (2009) reinforce this understanding by explaining colonialism as part of a broader capitalist system driven by economic domination and political control. In this sense, colonial exploitation was not an isolated historical phase but part of a continuous global system of accumulation. Together, these historical records and Ngugi’s fictional representation show a strong convergence between literature and history. Petals of Blood does not simply narrate events; it reconstructs historical experience in a way that exposes how colonial exploitation was systematically designed and how its effects continue to affect Kenyan society. This reflects the New Historicist idea that literary texts and historical documents must be read together to fully understand how power and inequality are produced and sustained.

5.0 Ngugi’s Depiction of Exploitation in Post-Independence Kenya

After independence, Ngugi wa Thiong’o presents a society in which exploitation does not disappear but instead takes a new form. Political power shifts into the hands of a local elite who function largely as agents of the former colonial system. Rather than transforming society, they continue the same structures of inequality. This situation is aptly captured by Odinga (1968, p. 250), who observes that “the object of colonialism is to change the alignment of independence forces in favour of imperialism, to place power in the hands of those who will forsake national interest to advance themselves.” This remark exposes the continuity between colonial and postcolonial exploitation, suggesting that independence merely replaces foreign rulers with local collaborators who prioritise personal gain over collective welfare.This betrayal of the masses becomes a central concern among African writers. As Nsabimana (2006, p. 200) notes, post-independence leaders often “plunged their citizens into human suffering such as betrayal, revenge and violence.” The hope that accompanied independence is thus replaced by disappointment, as the new leaders fail to improve living conditions. Obiechina (in Mukama, 1999, p. 29) reinforces this critique by pointing out that although governments promised equality, “it was the government officials themselves who were far above the masses in education, income, social status and political power.” Ngugi captures this contradiction vividly, showing that the elite simply inherit the privileges of the colonial masters while the majority remains oppressed.

Through the character of Karega, Ngugi expresses a deep moral outrage at this condition. Karega laments: “We are all prostitutes, for in a world of grab and take… we are all prostituted… For as long as there’s a man in prison, I am also in prison” (Ngugi, 1977, p. 102). This powerful statement reflects the interconnectedness of oppression, suggesting that exploitation dehumanises both the victim and the society as a whole. It also emphasises Ngugi’s broader vision that injustice is systemic, not individual. Ngugi further demonstrates how exploitation operates in everyday life, particularly through land and labour relations. Characters such as Ezikieli, Munira’s father, embody the hypocrisy of the elite. Despite presenting himself as a religious figure, he exploits his workers, who are described as “shabbily dressed” in “patched-up trousers and nginyira for shoes” (Ngugi, 1977, p. 78). Their poverty contrasts sharply with his wealth, revealing how exploitation is sustained through underpayment and denial of basic needs. The tragic fate of Miriamu, who dies landless despite years of labour, is a clear indication of the human cost of this system. Similarly, Karega’s father is repeatedly displaced from land he has cleared, only to die without ownership. These experiences show that land alienation, a key feature of colonial rule, persists into the post-independence era.

The transformation of Ilmorog into a commercial centre further illustrates the intensification of exploitation. What begins as a communal effort to produce Thang’eta turns into a capitalist enterprise controlled by figures like Kimeria. Once the drink becomes profitable, it is taken over and commercialised, excluding its original producers. Wanja recounts how legal restrictions are suddenly imposed: “a by-law had been decreed mandating all brewers to obtain a license” (Ngugi, 1977, p. 292). This legal manipulation allows the elite to monopolise production while pushing out small producers. Ngugi condemns this emerging order, describing it as “a society in which a black few, allied to other interests from Europe, would continue the colonial game of robbing others of their sweat” (Ngugi, 1977, p. 36). The statement makes it clear that independence has not dismantled exploitation but has simply reshaped it along racial and class lines.

Labour exploitation also becomes evident in the establishment of Thang’eta Breweries. Workers are subjected to poor wages, leading Karega to organise a strike. Although he is dismissed, his actions raise class consciousness among workers. At the same time, Ngugi exposes the moral corruption of the elite through characters like Kimeria, who prospers despite his betrayal during the Mau Mau struggle: “Kimeria… was still prospering” (Ngugi, 1977, p. 293). This contrast between exploiters and true patriots underscores the injustice of a system that rewards opportunism and punishes sacrifice. Economic exploitation is further intensified through deceptive financial schemes. The introduction of loans by the African Economic Bank appears beneficial at first, as peasants are told they can repay “at a small interest… spread over a number of years” (Ngugi, 1977, p. 268). However, the hidden consequences, such as land seizure in cases of default, are deliberately concealed. This leads to widespread dispossession, as seen in the auctioning of Nyakinyua’s land: “we shall sell by public auction… property of Nyakinyua” (Ngugi, 1977, p. 275). Ngugi shows that such schemes are not accidental but part of a calculated strategy to transfer land from peasants to capitalists.

The exploitative nature of the elite is also evident in political manipulation and outright deception. The Gatundu tea gathering, for example, is presented as an honour but turns into a humiliating experience where participants are exploited. The presence of powerful figures behind such schemes reveals how deeply corruption is embedded within the system. Karega’s response reflects Ngugi’s ideological stance: “Kenya… was the people’s common shamba, and there was no way it could be right for a few… to inherit for their sole use what was communal” (Ngugi, 1977, p. 41). This assertion challenges the legitimacy of elite control over national resources. Ngugi also portrays the indifference of political leaders to the suffering of the masses. During the drought, the Ilmorog delegation seeks help from their Member of Parliament, only to be dismissed. Instead of offering assistance, he urges them to “subscribe money… Dive into your pockets” (Ngugi, 1977, p. 182). This response reveals a complete lack of empathy and shows how leaders exploit even moments of crisis for personal gain. The people’s frustration is captured in the remark: “These are the people who are abusing our freedom.” Ngugi’s portrayal of post-independence Kenya reveals a continuity of exploitation rooted in both colonial and neocolonial structures. Through true to life characters, events, and dialogue, he shows how land dispossession, labour exploitation, economic manipulation, and political betrayal combine to sustain inequality, leaving the masses trapped in conditions that independence was expected to change.

5.1 Cultural and Economic Domination in Petals of Blood

Social, economic, and cultural domination in Kenya has its roots in the colonial period and continues into the post-independence era. Scholars such as Cooksey, Court, and Makau (1994, p. 201) trace these inequalities to colonial economic policies, uneven missionary activities, and imbalanced development patterns. One of the clearest expressions of this domination is land dispossession. As Palmer and Parsons (1977, p. 15) observe, colonial authorities appropriated land for European settlers in order to secure economic control and force Africans into wage labour. Land, being central to Kenya’s economy, became the main tool through which exploitation was organised. Ngugi reinforces this point in Homecoming, noting that “the white settler… controlled the heart of the economy by appropriating the best part of the land to himself” (Ngugi, 1972, p. 26). This seizure of land was not only about ownership but also about power, as it pushed Africans into labour under harsh conditions. The justification offered by the colonizers, that they were “civilising a primitive people”, reveals both the economic motive and the cultural arrogance behind colonial rule. Africans were not only exploited materially but also degraded and devalued.

Cultural domination accompanied this economic control. Ngugi (1972, p. 32) points out how missionaries attacked African traditions, condemning local rites, dances, and beliefs as immoral. Religion became a tool of control, working alongside colonial authority. Many Africans came to see the Church and the settler community as united in purpose, using religion to distract them while their land and labour were taken (Ngugi, 1972, p. 33). Kenyatta (1938, p. 272) gives concrete examples of this interference, such as the imposition of monogamy, which forced men to abandon their families and disrupted social life. Other customs, including initiation practices, were also targeted, creating confusion and weakening cultural identity. These experiences explain why many Kenyans looked forward to independence with hope. They expected a more just society under African leadership. However, Petals of Blood shows that these expectations are largely disappointed. Instead of real change, Ngugi speaks of “economic colonialism” (Ngugi, 1964, p. 7), where the structures of exploitation remain in place. Power shifts to local elite who continue to control wealth and resources for their own benefit. During the drought in Ilmorog, for instance, the Member of Parliament exploits the suffering of the people rather than helping them. Wealth remains concentrated in a few hands, while the majority continues to struggle with poverty, unemployment, and lack of basic services.

Ngugi’s later reflections in Detained deepen this critique. He points to everyday forms of oppression such as “unfair dismissal, sexual harassment… and arrest of individuals” (Ngugi, 1981, p. 18), showing how exploitation operates within independent Kenya. He rejects any attempt to silence the suffering of the people, insisting that those who experience injustice cannot simply forget it. Cultural domination, though less visible, remains powerful, influencing how people think and limit their sense of identity. At the same time, Ngugi expresses confidence in resistance. Through characters like Karega, who mobilises workers and peasants despite repression, he suggests that the struggle against exploitation continues. The world of Petals of Blood shows that colonial domination did not end with independence; it changed form, blending economic control with cultural influence, and leaving the masses still fighting to reclaim both their land and their dignity.

 

5.2 Current Issues and Persistent Exploitation in Kenya

The effects of colonialism continue to influence Kenya’s economic and social realities, making genuine development difficult. Structures created during colonial rule were not dismantled after independence, and this has led to uneven growth and continued dependence on external funding. The peasantry, in particular, remains trapped in a cycle of hardship, as both colonial and post-independence elites maintain systems that favour a small privileged class. A United Nations University report points to ongoing challenges such as unequal land distribution, rapid population growth, rural–urban migration, poor urban planning, deforestation, low literacy, slow economic growth, and high unemployment (UNU, 2000, p. 23). These issues show how deeply rooted the problem is. Rather than addressing these inherited inequalities, post-independence leaders often preserved them. Some scholars note that the structures of exploitation established during colonial rule continued to determine the direction of the state, leading to persistent underdevelopment and inequality (Branch and Cheesman; Berman). By the 1970s, Kenya had already become one of the most unequal societies, with wealth concentrated in the hands of a few (Burton and Jennings, 2007, p. 9). The country’s increasing reliance on foreign aid from institutions such as the IMF and World Bank further deepened this imbalance, as economic control remained tied to external forces (Mwaura, 2005, p. 22).

The roots of this inequality can also be traced to colonial divide-and-rule policies. The British administration encouraged ethnic divisions, particularly between major groups like the Kikuyu and Luo, as a way of maintaining control. These divisions did not end with independence; instead, they became part of the political system and continue to influence governance and access to resources. This pattern is visible in employment and public service, where favouritism along ethnic lines has persisted. Wanyama (2017, p. 17) links such practices to wider problems, including corruption, ethnic tension, and underdevelopment. When opportunities are distributed based on identity rather than merit, inequality deepens and national unity weakens.

For ordinary people, these structural issues translate into daily struggles. Economic marginalisation is reinforced by unequal access to opportunities, while certain groups benefit disproportionately. At the same time, reports on human rights in Kenya show cases of extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, and degrading treatment by security agencies. Land evictions without compensation, unlawful searches, and restrictions on freedom of expression further expose the vulnerability of the population. These realitiestherefoe, clearly show that the legacy of colonialism is not confined to the past. It continues to influence economic conditions, political behaviour, and social relations, leaving many Kenyans still grappling with inequality and limited opportunities.

 

6.0 Discussion of Findings

The study finds a clear continuity between colonial and postcolonial systems of exploitation. Colonial structures based on land control, labour coercion, and cultural domination were not dismantled but restructured after independence. Ngugi’sPetals of Blood reveals that exploitation is systemic rather than individual. It operates across economic, political, and cultural dimensions, influencing both material conditions and social consciousness. The study also confirms that literature functions as a form of historical critique, capable of challenging official narratives and revealing hidden structures of power.

7.0 Conclusion

This study has shown that mass exploitation in Kenya is not a historical accident but a continuous process rooted in colonial structures and sustained in the postcolonial period. Ngugi’s Petals of Blood provides a powerful literary representation of this continuity. The novel demonstrates that independence did not automatically translate into liberation. Instead, it marked a transformation in the form of exploitation. True liberation, therefore, requires structural change in economic, political, and cultural systems. Literature plays a crucial role in exposing these contradictions and encouraging critical reflection on history and society.

References

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