Article Citation: M.T. Usman & Abubakar Sama'ila (2019). Periodic Markets and the Development of Intercommunity Relations along the Nigeria-Niger Border. DEGEL: The Journal of the Faculty of Arts and Islamic Studies, Vol. 17, No. 2. ISSN 0794-9316
PERIODIC
MARKETS AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF INTERCOMMUNITY RELATIONS ALONG THE NIGERIA-NIGER
BORDER
By
M.T.
Usman & Abubakar Sama’ila
Abstract
Trade and markets have featured in a number of works by
various scholars who studied both the pre-colonial and post-colonial social
formations in Africa. The West African sub-region is one of the areas in Africa
that is blessed with abundant human and natural resources. It is considered an
economic zone where socio-economic relations among the diverse communities had
contributed to the founding of strong political kingdoms in the vast Savannah
region to the north as well the forest belt in the south. The existence of
trade and regional markets in West Africa is an evidence that the communities
in the region had attained certain level of socio-economic development as
alluded to by Walter Rodney in his celebrated work How Europe underdeveloped Africa before the arrival of the
Europeans. Despite the colonial conquest and subsequent imposition of colonial
rule, some of the ancient markets had survived to the present. The significance
of the markets is in the promotion of intercommunity and intergroup relations
that brings together a number of communities along the borders of the new
nations. The network of relations connects border communities, and links them
with others located in the hinterland to the north and south. This paper
intends to examine the nature of intercommunity relations engendered by
commercial activities along the border markets of Nigeria and Niger. The paper
also would try to examine the extent to which these border markets have
contributed to the sustenance of relations between and among border communities
in both Nigeria and Niger Republic, which is an important factor for
socio-economic development.
Introduction
The history and development of trade relations between
Nigeria and her neighbours had been well documented by economic historians. It
is however important to revisit some of the arguments presented in relation to
the area of study. For several years, the ancient Trans-Saharan network of
trade routes linked areas and kingdoms in the region for the movement of goods
and services.The region occupies important position along the Tran-Saharan
trade routes. The growth of the Trans-Saharan trade was a vital catalyst in the
development of some of the major cities in the region. Goods and traders from
different parts of the world had traversed the area as demonstrated by some
notable scholars. (Meillasoux, 1971; Adamu, 1974; Hopkins, 1978; Adamu,
Lovejoy, 1980). Economic interdependency between the communities in the study
area and others outside the region had contributed to the manufacturing of
local products and the growth of local trade and markets. Scholars like Falola
(1996) have demonstrated the extent of complementary socio-economic relations
among the different communities which was largely influenced by material needs
and entrepreneurial specialization particularly where communities were in close
proximity to each other. The socio-cultural and demographic influence on the
area also gave rise to the development of market institutions, which stimulated
commercial activities in wider areas across the region. Understanding the
processes of exchange among various pre-colonial communities in particular
areas and the whole region of West Africa in general, has a lot to offer in
understanding the forces that have transformed the internal structures of trade
relations between different communities over time (Hopkins, 1978:28).
Commercial activities during the pre-colonial period
especially aspects related to the development of trade and markets can best be
understood if considered as part of the process of the transformation of the
economy of the entire Hausaland. It is clear that contemporary phenomenon of
cross-border trade in different parts of West Africa has developed over time
because there are old commercial relations which influence the present trade
relations in the region. The old trading system as reported by Cohen (1969) is
extensive and well organized in traditional West African societies. Cohen’s
analysis of the caravan trade in West Africa reveals some features of the
system dealing with credit, transport, insurance, information exchange and
settlement of trade dispute mechanism which, were quite efficient and had
facilitated economic integration in the region. (Cohen, 1969:8)
Falola (1996), identifies three distinguishing
characteristics of the pre-colonial West African trade routes. First the routes
connected the whole of West Africa together and those places which were not
located on the major highways by extensive feeder roads. Secondly, the routes
were widespread for people who travelled on foot or on animal. And finally the
routes were, by and large, safe and secured except in the periods of wars. It
was also the primary responsibility of the rulers that the routes passed
through their respective territories to provide security for the traders and
their merchandize. (Falola, 1993:62). The above characteristics contributed to
promoting an exchange system that facilitated the distribution of goods in the
region and beyond.
However, what
has not been properly addressed in most of the studies dealing with markets in
West Africa is the impact of transformations as a result of economic changes
over the centuries. These changes are more visible in border markets. It is
therefore very important to make a little distinction here between border
markets and other markets in both functions and size. Border markets are
different from other markets; while regional and national markets draw their
wealth from their hinterlands, border markets owe their existence to the
presence of border differentials and thrive at the point of convergence of
transnational networks (Walther, 2014). Whereas most markets evolve slowly,
border markets experience sudden booms or declines due to variations in price
differentials, exchange rates between currencies, taxes between countries, and
bans of imports and exports along with historical and geographical reasons.
These border markets, as argued in this paper, served as bridges that connect
the communities of the two countries thereby sustaining the primordial
interactions and other relations. However, for the purpose of clarity, our
analysis in the paper is limited only to three major border markets that
connect the communities of the two countries viz: Kamba, Illela and Jibia
border markets.
Creation of Colonial Borders
During the closing decades of the 19th century
the two major European powers in West Africa namely Britain and France were
deeply engaged in intense competition for the natural resources and other
endowments in the region. Territorial boundaries had existed in pre-colonial
West Africa, but restriction of socio-economic activities and social ties
virtually none existed as is the case with the colonial boundaries. According
Miles (1994), pre-colonial borders in Africa were not “a fixed political
boundary” as one can understand from the history of the Hausa states. The
history of Hausaland for a very long period featured rivalry and battles for
political supremacy among the powerful kingdoms until the 19th
century when the Hausa states were ousted as a result of the political
revolution under the banner of the jihad which ushered in a new Muslim empire.
The political tussle among the Hausa states was significant in stabilizing
territorial boundaries as observed by Miles (1994) who argues that the tussles
and raids that had existed among the powerful kingdoms in Hausaland “is a
typical example of how power influences the boundary of a kingdom. Powerful
Hausa states such as Gobir, Katsina, Maradi, Daura, Zazzau, Damagaram (Zinder)
etc., have at several times engaged in battles for territorial expansion,
protection or even recovery (Miles, 1994:106).
The creation of borders in Africa came into effect as a
result of the imposition of colonial rule by the European powers. There were
different agreements called the Anglo-French treaties of 1890, 1898, 1904 and
1906 that led to the demarcation of borders between Britain and France (Inuwa,
1989:53). The treaties between Britain and France literally recognized the old
historical ties between and among the various communities on the side of their
respective borders in order to minimize instances of conflicts. Based on this
understanding the colonial powers agreed that border demarcation should take
into cognisance particular historical and cultural factors peculiar to some
border communities. This however never came to play a role in subsequent
policies and actions of the colonial powers in relations to their respective
colonial subjects along the borders. A number of studies on border communities
indicated that colonial influences on the people residing across distinct
colonial borders have impacted on their respective socio-economic lives in
different ways. The creation of the Nigeria-Niger border has affected the
cultural orientation of the Hausa speaking people of Illela and Birnin N’Konni
in different ways as evidence shows in the mode of writing the Hausa language
and other mode of expression. Collins (1984) also reports that border
demarcation has impacted on the settlement pattern across borders. Colonial
policies like harsh taxation policies have accentuated migratory trends from
French to the British colonial territories (Collins, 2008:259).
There is no doubt that modern boundaries in Africa have been
playing significant roles in shaping the nature and pattern of intercommunity
relations over the years during and after the colonial period. It is very
relevant for us to consider the extent of the influence of borders on the
dynamics intercommunity relations and some of the challenges that affect cross
border intercommunity relations. In Nigeria-Niger border areas, as in many
other areas in West Africa, partition disrupted the pre-colonial trading
patterns and institutionalized certain policies that changed the direction of
the trade routes. Miles (2014) further argues that, Anglo-French carving of
colonial space in Hausaland is a significant geographical legacy that continues
to generate scholarly debates. In fact, the partition not only affected the
social and political settings of the people but also impacted on the culture
and economy of the border population. With the colonial boundary, cross-border
interaction becomes a permanent feature of border population. The expansion of
cross-border activities did not only facilitate the development of border
settlements. It equally led to the emergence of cross-border merchants that
became well established along border corridors (Gregory, 1993).
During the colonial rule, the French and English languages
were implemented on each side of the border, along with cultural, educational
and political traditions and, due to rivalry between French and British in much
of the colonial period, trade relations across this border were dissuaded, and
were completely closed between 1941 and 1943 (Asiwaju, 1976:583). Despite this,
the communities along this border, because of their common language and
cultural ties, edged in informal trade and they travelled over the long border
to visit their relations. After independence in 1960, the two states pursued
close relations; each side has based diplomatic relations upon non-interference
in the internal affairs of the other. And since then, Nigeria and Niger have
never had any conflict or tension between them. Nigeria has an embassy in
Niamey, while Niger maintains an embassy in Abuja (William, 2005).
The long diplomatic and cordial relationship between the
communities living along the boundary region of Niger and Nigeria has given
room to the potential of inter boundary trade to improve livelihood security
between the two countries and as a result promotes the production of
agricultural crops and livestock production system. To make the communities
crossing the border to cope with the recurrent climatic variation, there is
symbiotic relationship between the two countries as the product of each country
is exported to the other to sustain the life of the communities (William,
2005).
Periodic
markets as catalyst in fostering intercommunity relations
Market is an important institution which facilitates some
form of socio-economic interactions. Transactions were also made in places
which were not in real sense markets, like ‘road side market’ where goods were
spread on ground, for sale. Food sellers had their stalls located in different
places while hawking was done by children and women who carried and advertised
the goods. ‘House trade’ was also practiced by women especially in the Muslim
dominated areas of West Africa, to enable women in purdah trade in their
private homes (Falola, 1996: 56).
Periodic markets are multi-functional by nature hence they
perform socio-political functions besides their traditional commercial role.
For instance, the markets are places of entertainment as well as an amusement
park where drummers, singers and poets practiced their occupations. Markets
serve as centres for the information dissemination about socio-economic and
political events in the surrounding areas. However, the commercial function of
markets in West Africa during the pre-colonial period just like the case of
markets elsewhere remained the most significant. Some markets are daily in the
way they operate while some are periodic and operate at specific intervals.
Daily markets are mostly located in the urban centres where they serve the
immediate needs of the people living in the towns and their environs. In these
types of markets, most of the needs of the consumers are available. Seventh day
markets are more widespread in most parts of the Nigeria-Niger border areas.
While the periodic markets perform the functions of the daily markets, their
most dominant economic function is the collection, bulking and distribution of
local food stuffs, the product of basically processed foods and drinks and
local crafts.
Most of the periodic markets in parts of West Africa are
linked together in the sequence of operation. This means that the people living
in neighbouring parts of the region had their periodic market on different days
of a week so as to avoid clashes and allowed for maximum participation.
However, where market days overlapped, the traders and buyers had the choice of
attending those ones that were spatially closest or more favourable to them
(Falola, 1996: 58). Organisation and periodicity of the markets during the
pre-colonial period attest to the orderly manner trading activities were
conducted, which could be at the immediate locality or regional level.
Culturally, the center and western part of Nigeria and Niger
border bisects the northern section of Hausa land; the home of the Hausa
people. Prior to the turn of the 20th century, there was no formal border here,
but the current line is roughly the northern trench of the ninetieth century
Sokoto caliphate. South of this border include Katsina, Kano and Sokoto, which
were under the Caliphate. While areas north of the border, Maradi and Gobir
were refugee states, and the Sultanate of Damagaram resisted the Sokoto Caliphate,
both areas were culturally Hausa people in the centre and west, and Kanuri in
the east. Both sides of the present border had been part of the Bornu Empire.
The expansion of British and French imperialism FROM 1890-1905 demarcated the
line which would become the modern Niger-Nigeria border (William, 2005).
It is important to note that the season of the year,
locations of traders’ home town and destinations in many cases affected the
choice of the routes. The northern route usually favoured traders during the
rainy season when the southern route was too wet and humid for the animals and
for such goods as natron. The southern route was therefore, more popular in the
dry season. Adamu (1978), opined that more significant factor in the choice of
the southern route was perhaps the presence of markets of Nupe and Oyo where
some traders preferred to transact business in the two areas before they
proceeded to Gwanja, on their outward journey or to Hausaland on their return.
He added that the route through Yauri to Gwanja was the most central, and was
perhaps the most popular up to the beginning of the 19th century
(Adamu, 1978).
Worth knowing here are not only the routes and factors
responsible for their choice, but also their distinguishing characteristics.
First, they connected the whole of West Africa together and those places which
were not connected on the major highways were linked by extensive feeder roads.
Secondly, the routes were wide enough for people who travelled on foot or on
animals. They were also well kept. Most of the European travellers who made use
of the routes especially in the 19th century, remarked that they
were ‘good’, ‘fine’ and ‘adequate’. Finally the routes were by and large, safe
and secured except during periods of wars. As it has been stated earlier, it
was the primary responsibility of the rulers through which the routes passed,
to make them safe. It was not even unusual for the states to patrol the routes
and to appoint soldiers or hunters to accompany the traders. Other institutions
such as the bonds of marriage, religion and friendship enabled traders to
travel freely on the routes since they were passing through friendly states
(Falola, 1996: 57).
The drawing of international boundaries in West Africa
during the 19th and 20th centuries through coherent
culture areas has made it inevitable that people of the same race and culture
are found in the immediate neighbourhood on both sides of the frontier lines.
The root of border problem in Africa lies in the deep structure of the unsettled
and potentially explosive condition of inherited boundaries of African states.
The asymmetric imposition of these boundaries on complex geographic and
cultural landscape without regard to historical antecedents and ethnographic
realities resulted to a situation of territorial irredentism. Consequently,
citizens of proximate states considered the boundaries as irrelevant to their
important aspects of time-space milieu. Such situations pose a permanent need
for each other’s products. Consequently people of common cultures and language
live on both sides of the border, sharing intimate knowledge of thousands of
bush trails connecting neighboring markets and villages across the boundary. This
gave rise to all forms of normative economic relations among the communities
separated by artificial borders. The boundary spells the end of one monetary
system and the beginning of the other. The desire to use the opportunities
created by the boundary for profit maximization brought contraband trade across
the borders. To further complicate the manipulation of the above through
informal means is the advantage created by the existence of common local
language of communication (Miles, 1994:11). This also facilitates the
establishment of market towns along the boundary.
Wealthier (2014) studied the spectacular economic
development of Gayaamong many other border cities in West Africa. He submits
that such quick development would certainly not have been possible without the
existence of national borders. Without the price differences across countries
and the bans affecting the imports or exports of certain agricultural or
manufactured products, West African traders would have fewer incentives to move
their goods across the continent and avoid the taxes collected by customs authorities.
The
tradition of West African traders moving with their trading goods in search of
markets and avoid taxes is not new in West Africa. Cohen’s study on the
historical development and political implications of the Hausa trade diaspora
of Ibadan, and other numerous scholars have highlighted the spatially dispersed
communities that provided a suitable ground for reducing uncertainty and
ensuring trust among their members. Historical examples include Mande-Dyula
traders in Côte d’Ivoire, Hausa traders in Dagomba and Ashanti kingdoms, Hausa,
Gonja and Mossi traders in Northern Ghana, Kooroko traders in Bamako, Yarse
traders in Kumasi, and Hausa traders in Abéché and N’Djamena (Meillassoux,
1971; Adamu, 1973; Schildkrout, 1978; Works, 1976).
The creation of modern boundaries has
provided impetus for these business communities that compete with nation states
for control over resources and form the local roots of transnational networks.
In many border regions, traders have developed their activities in markets that
allow them to benefit from differentials between national-states, sometimes
turning places with little previous history of commercial activities into
regional commercial hubs, such as in Northern Benin, North-East Ghana, and in
tri-national area between Niger, Nigeria and Benin (Walther, 2012). Gaya is a particularly aninteresting location for
wholesalers willing to trade with Nigeria, where the imports ofnumerous goods,
such as second-hand clothes, are prohibited. A few kilometres south, the cityof
Malanville is a regional centre for agricultural goods produced in the River
NigerValley, such as onion, cassava and cereals.
The market of
Malanville isone of the largest in Benin and attracts a considerable crowd of
foreign traders fromneighbouring countries along with Gaya very proximate to
one another (Walther, 2009). The region where these two border
markets are located was historically on one of the main trade routes developed
between Hausaland and Asante in the 19th century. Caravans of Hausa traders
from Kano, Sokoto and Jega stopped in Gaya before crossing the Niger River on
their way to Sansanne Mango, Yendi-Gamaji and Salaga, their final destination,
where kola nuts were purchased (Lovejoy, 1980).
Three hundred
kilometres further north-east, the two border markets of Birni N’Konni in Niger and Illela in Nigeria also form a highly
integrated borderregion. The two cities have a relatively long history of
trade, which builds on the tradenetworks developed by the Hausa before colonial
times (Adamu, 1973; Meillasoux, 1971). Today, Birni N’Konni
and Illela constitute an important border post on
the road between Sokoto and the northern Hausalandin Niger as well as on the
east-west which cross the Republic of Niger. The region of
Birni N’Konni is widely known in Niger for its onion production, which is
exported to neighboring countries. Although the
impetus for the speedy expansion of these border markets was provided by
colonialism, it reflects the significance of long established tradition of
trade alias long-distance trade in the region. The generation of traders in the
border markets in the 1970 usually imports goods from Nigeria due to
competitive power of Nigerian currency, the Naira. However, the favourable
situation changed in the mid-1990s, during which it proved more profitable to
import goods from the world market directly to the city of Gaya, which has
since then become a regional hub for the re-exportation and then diverts them
to Nigeria. As a consequence, many experienced traders that had initially
chosen to settle in Malanville and Gaya have subsequently built large
warehouses in border towns of Niger and continue to commute frequently between
the border markets of Konni and Illela.
Historically,
Illela is an off-shoot of Konni as both oral and linguistic sources support
this argument. The name Konni came from Konni who was said to be the founding
father of the Area between 15th and 16th centuries. Its
capital city by then was Nadabar which was a small locality in the eastern part
of today Tsarnawa, a town of about 30 kilometers at the Tahoua/Maradi junction.
On the other hand, from the accounts available in both oral and linguistic sources,
Illela community was a pre-Jihad settlement. The war between Asben and Gobir
and the activities of the raiders all combine to force them out of the original
settlement and founded an Island within lake Kalmalo about six kilometres west
of Illela town today. This historical ethnic network between the two
settlements is partly responsible for the highly informal nature of economic
activities between the sister border markets.
Another similar
scenario is the emergence of Jibia in the present Katsina state. The settlement
was founded in 1908 by one Muhammadu Duma who was said to migrate from a place
called Jibian Maje, a village under Maradi in the republic of Niger and settled
there (Kassim, 1992). The establishment of the settlement coincided with the
Anglo-French demarcation exercise of 1908 which placed Maradi and some of its
surrounding villages under French and Katsina with its surrounding settlements
under British. One of the effects of the demarcation was that the area
attracted immigrants from the north (French territory) who came to settle
permanently (Thom 1975:37). From a small exchange meeting place, the market
eventually evolved in to a full-fledge emporium. The proximity of Jibia to the
republic of Niger had for long provided an opportunity for the inhabitants to
engage in cross-border trade. This has contributed towards the development of a
viable international border market and also brought about a phenomenal growth
to daily and seasonal migration of people into the area (Labo 2000:16). The
market gradually expanded due to the tremendous increase in the number of
traders and volume of trade that passes through the town. The proximity of the
town to the boundary coupled with traditional trading distributor role of the
area, all combined to accelerate the phase of commercial expansion.
The concentration
of traders in the area towards the end of the 1970s had given rise to a new
cosmopolitan centre. Magama which is a confluence area, just five kilometres
from the main market in Jibia became the major target of many businessmen from
Nigeria and Niger Republic. The area gradually transformed to an economic
magnet centre attracting thousands and later came to be known as Magama-Jibia
border market. Jibia was later upgraded to the status of international border
market. (Jamilu 2006:30).
Trade relations between Nigeria and its north-west
neighbours in the early period of independence, is one of interdependence and
complementarity. However, given the size, population and vast natural resource
endowment, Nigeria became an engine of the economy in the West African
sub-region (Bobboyi, 2010:182). As a consequence to this, its neighbours in the
north-west in particular, became economically dependent on her. Both the
republics of Benin and Niger had been categorized by the United Nations as
amongst the poorest twenty five countries in the world in the 1970s (United
Nations, 1973: 92). Niger republic is a land-locked country and therefore
depends on the communication networks of its southern neighbours especially
those of Nigeria for its international trade (Nwokedi, 1992: 106). Benin on the
other hand, being the most smallest in land mass and population size as well as
limited material resources, is definitely a major disability (Ibid: 121). It is
the effort to overcome this disability that the republic of Benin, with its
transit position, adopted an economic infiltrationist policy towards Nigeria.
Such were the major trends that informed the subsequent agreements on trade
cooperation between the three countries.
Some of these economic cooperation moves include; the Lake
Chad Basin Commission, which was set up in 1964, comprising Cameroon, Chad,
Nigeria and Niger; the economic community of west African countries (ECOWAS)
comprising sixteen countries of west Africa, including Nigeria-Niger and Benin
republic; the ECOWAS Trade Liberalization scheme (ETLS); Nigeria-Niger Joint
Commission for Cooperation, (N-NJCC); within its umbrella, the trade agreement
was established between the two countries with major aim of achieving a balance
of trade between them; the establishment of Joint Trade Committee (JTC) between
Nigeria and Niger republic; the Benin-Nigeria Joint committee on commerce
(JCC). The major purpose for these commissions and committees is to encourage
the trade relations and economic cooperation between the countries concerned.
Important to mention here is the fact that, the formation of ECOWAS was a
deliberate effort aimed at bringing Anglophone and Francophone West African
countries together for the purpose of mutual cooperation and the acceleration
of growth and development through mutual interdependency and increased
integration. One of the protocols of ECOWAS for instance, is on the free
movement of peoples and goods across the national borders of member states. The
1979 protocol give the citizens of member countries the right to travel within
the sub-region without a visa for a period not exceeding 90 days. The
fundamental principle underlying the provision of the protocol of ECOWAS on the
free movement of persons, goods, and services across the national boundaries is
to provide opportunity for increasing mutual interdependence and economic
integration among member states (Asiwaju, 2002; 50-51).
Furthermore, along the boundary of Nigeria, important market
towns such as Jibia, Dankama and Bindawa rose to prominence by virtue of
performing an essential market function within the borderland a hierarchy of
markets can be identified ranging from the large city markets, to the border
and route markets, and the more numerous bush markets. The border markets play
an important role in the system of periodic markets.
On the Dynamics and Challenges in
Intercommunity Relations
Discourses in various studies on the economy and society in
different parts of West Africa underscore the significance of the environment
in the understanding political economy of social formations in the region in
the past and present. As explained by Faleye (2018) it is very critical to do a
“holistic examination” of various factors in order to fully understand
“trans-border flows across the Nigeria-Niger boundary” which is being shaped by
“socio-economic, political and environmental factors.” It is argued that the
socio-economic lives of the people in different parts of West Africa have been
shaped by the natural and cultural elements (Faleye, 2018:182-183). Some
scholars have document the long term impact that environmental changes produced
on the socio-political structures. (Hulme 2001; Mortimore and Adams 2001;
Georgi 2006; Hansen, Sato and Ruedy 2012) Technical explanations about climatic
changes have produced long term effect on the economy and society which have
become noticeable in the Sahelian environment around the Nigeria-Niger border
which according to experts have contributed to changes in the way of life of
people in many communities along the border of Nigeria and Niger Republic
(Mortimore & Adams, 2001 19-20). Continuous interactions between man and
the natural environment over a long period, in some instances, have no doubt
precipitate atmospheric changes in different regions. Intensive modern
industrial activity in the twentieth century which as argued by some experts
(Karl and Trenberth 2003; Urry 2011) is accompanied by the emission of harmful
gases from the industry is largely responsible for the adverse environmental
impact (Karl & Tremberth, 2003). Industrial impact together with direct
destruction of the forest through over grazing and land clearance for
cultivation has accentuated environmental degeneration. As rightly argued by
Faleye (2018) land clearance for commodity agriculture has contributed to
deforestation with the “attendant alteration of environmental elements,
climatic variability” which affected crop cultivation badly. Consequently,
annual floods and perennial droughts in the Sahel have become serious phenomena
which threatened crop and animal production according to the United Nations
Environmental Programme (UNEP, 2011).
Conclusion
Varied influences on the people because
of differences of the colonial political and administrative systems had no doubt
practically changed the orientation of the communities on either side of the
border. Border communities have sustained the historic and long standing interdependence
despite the creation of artificial boundaries by the colonial powers namely
Britain and France, which were the two European nations that colonized Nigeria
and Niger Republic. Border markets have been serving agents of economic
integration especially through the informal cross border commercial activities.
Networks of markets that are found in the border areas of both Nigeria and
Niger Republic are not serving as centres for trade and commerce but have been
contributing in fostering social cohesion and avenues for cultural exchanges
among various ethnic groups that are found all over West Africa. In
contemporary period the border markets function as entry and exit points
thereby facilitating the movement of goods and persons across the borders in
the spirit of the free trade area (FTA) as espoused in the treaty of the
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).
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