Article Citation: Garba Adamu (2024). A Study of Circumstantial Nicknames in Pabir-Bura Traditional Customs. DEGEL: The Journal of the Faculty of Arts and Islamic Studies, Vol. 21, No. 1. ISSN 0794-9316
A STUDY
OF CIRCUMSTANTIAL NICKNAMES IN PABIR-BURA TRADITIONAL CUSTOMS
By
Garba
Adamu
Abstract
Linguists have long
established that the practice of naming human beings is as old as history
itself. In the Pabir-Bura society, however, the naming system is undergoing
rapid transformation due to increased contact with other cultures and
languages. This shift can be attributed to the adoption of new religions,
formal education systems, and foreign cultural influences that differ
significantly from traditional knowledge systems inherited from ancestors.
Consequently, the Pabir-Bura language faces the risk of endangerment, as
cultural practices, including naming conventions, are increasingly being
replaced by external models. One notable example of this shift is the society’s
growing preference for names derived from Islam and Christianity, often at the
expense of traditional circumstantial nicknames. These nicknames, once widely
used and deeply embedded in cultural identity, are gradually being abandoned.
Data for this study was obtained from counterfoils of human tax records and
market stall allocations collected from Ward Head offices. Historically, prior
to the 1960s, individuals in the society were not identified by a single name;
instead, they bore multiple names, often including circumstantial nicknames. In
contemporary times, it is common to see individuals given only religious names
or, at best, a combination of a modern religious name and a traditional
nickname. Circumstantial nicknames in Pabir-Bura society are typically
classified according to the specific conditions under which they were given.
These may include character traits, personal achievements, social failures, or
extraordinary events surrounding a person’s birth or profession. This paper
adopts a classification approach combined with semantic interpretation to
analyze these names. The study aims to challenge the prevailing misconception
that traditional nicknames are primitive or demeaning compared to religious
names introduced through Islam and Christianity. On the contrary, it argues
that circumstantial nicknames serve as culturally rich identifiers, often
providing insight into an individual's background, social status, or spiritual
associations. The findings suggest that while the naming system in Pabir-Bura
society evolves with each passing decade, the value of traditional nicknames remains
significant, though increasingly marginalized, in the face of modernization and
religious influence.
Introduction
According to the BBC
English Dictionary, a nickname is defined as “an informal name for
someone,” while Encarta Encyclopedia (1993–2007) explains that
nicknames often reflect aspects of a person’s personality, accomplishments, or
failures. In this context, "circumstances" refer to the conditions or
situations that influence what happens to individuals. The practice of
assigning nicknames based on one’s life conditions, achievements, or failures
has long existed in Pabir-Bura society. Traditionally, this naming practice is
tied to communal customs of honouring individuals who succeed and ridiculing
those who fail. The tradition of bestowing honourific or derogatory names based
on lived experiences, destiny, or societal events is deeply rooted in
Pabir-Bura culture.
The historical depth of
nickname assignment is also supported in Islamic tradition. Schimmel (1989), as
cited in Shettima, A. K. and Abba, Kaka Gana (2012:188), traces the origins of
such naming practices to the prophets. For instance, Prophet Ibrahim is
referred to as Khalilullah (‘Friend of Allah’), Musa as Kalimullah (‘One
who spoke to Allah’), Isa as Ruhullah (‘Spirit of Allah’), and
Muhammad as Al-Amin (‘The Trustworthy’).
This paper, however, is
concerned with indigenous African naming systems, particularly within
Pabir-Bura society. It aims to classify circumstantial nicknames and explain
the socio-cultural and contextual reasons behind their usage. The data employed
in this study was collected from the counterfoils of human tax payment records
(Tsamnau-mda in Pabir-Bura and Haraji in Hausa)
and market stall allocations (Tsamnau wur Kasuku in Pabir-Bura
and Harajin Kasuwa in Hausa), obtained from ward heads’
offices.
Human beings are typically
born innocent, but through their journey in life, they may acquire
nicknames—either positive or negative—based on circumstances surrounding their
birth, their behavior, social roles, or personal achievements or failures.
Among Chadic-speaking communities, such as the Pabir-Bura, circumstantial
naming practices are widely accepted and serve important social functions.
In Pabir-Bura society,
every male child is initially addressed as Anjikwi, while every
female child is referred to as Kuɓəli according to oral tradition. In some cases, these names
remain unchanged throughout the individual’s life. Twins are identified with
the names Mwaɗa and Thlama,
regardless of gender, and the general term for a newborn is Makshu.
Other foundational nicknames include Pindar and Mwajim,
which refer to single-born individuals considered twins by tradition, even
though they are not born together.
Additionally, children
associated with shrines (Haptu)—in line with traditional religious
beliefs—receive names such as Paskur, Pachang, Awa,
and Dawi. These names indicate spiritual connections believed to be
instrumental to the child’s conception or survival.
Circumstantial nicknames in
Pabir-Bura society can be broadly categorized based on the nature of the birth
or early-life events. These categories include:
·
Physical characteristics: Names
may reflect bodily features such as skin tone or facial structure. For
instance, Mamza denotes a child with reddish complexion,
while Abore refers to someone resembling the Fulani in
appearance.
·
Location of birth: If a
child is born during a journey, names like Laku (‘road’)
or Mtaku (‘bush’) may be assigned.
·
Time of birth:
Children born during daylight may be named Kwapci (girl)
or Tapchi (boy), while moonlight births may result in the
name Kwathiya (girl).
·
Response to repeated infant
mortality: A child born after the loss of several siblings may be
named Mtazhariya (‘Will God spare this one?’).
·
Spiritual or theocratic
beliefs: Names like Watirahyel (‘Who is superior to
God?’) reflect deep religious sentiment and reliance on divine will.
·
Marital context: The
relationship between parents can influence naming. A name like Msirali (‘I
am happy’) may signify a joyful union, while Hatsiwa (‘No
helping hand’) and Akiliwa (‘He is not from me’) suggest
estrangement or neglect from the father.
·
Social rejection or
emotional distress: When the mother faces societal disdain or animosity, the child
might bear a name such as Dahirwa (‘They do not like me’).
·
Delayed childbirth: A child
born after a prolonged period of infertility may be named Sikhyel (‘Wait
on God’).
·
Philosophical or emotional
expression: A name like Kumzhira (‘I am fed up’)
encapsulates the emotional state of the parents at the time of birth.
These examples demonstrate
the rich cultural semantics and social significance embedded in Pabir-Bura
circumstantial nicknames. The names are more than mere labels; they serve as
historical records, spiritual indicators, and emotional expressions that capture
the lived realities of the people. The gradual shift away from these
traditional naming practices towards modern religious names reflects broader
socio-cultural transformations that warrant further scholarly attention.
|
s/n |
Nicknames |
Class |
Gloss |
Circumstances |
|
|
1 |
Si mwala Mwar Mwala |
Religion/morality |
She arrives virgin(from the bridegroom side) She went virgin (from her parents side) |
The first arrival of bridegroom to
her matrimonial home that is the effect of their first intercourse. This is
cultural/religious teachings |
|
|
2 |
Mwala Miwa |
Characteristics/humble |
The loved wife |
If a woman displays a humble
character, ready to succumb to her husband wishes, she then earns the nickname e.g Shatu, mwala miwa =shatu the favoured Wife |
|
|
3 |
Mwala Dəra |
Characteristics/hated wife |
The hated wife |
A woman of trouble some character
not ready to succumb to the husband’s Wishes |
|
|
4 |
Mwala ciri Ndəla |
Destination destiny/ be fallen Gossip |
Barren woman Barren woman |
If a woman ends up not having a child that is, unable to have babies. The said woman is rejected by |
|
|
|
|
|
|
the society her grave is even separated from other peoples’ grave |
|
|
5 |
Aggera Mwala |
Characteristics |
The mother in law |
A mother to one’s wife |
|
|
6 |
kukulər sala mwala Tsuhur sala mwala |
Characteristics |
The mother in laws’ farming |
The tradition demand a communal farming as a prerequit element in a marriage thus a nickname for a farming type- woman seeking communal farming |
|
|
7 |
Jiri |
Characteristics Personality |
The trustworthy e.g Samuel jiri |
If one
is straight forward in their dealings with other |
|
|
8 |
Kur/Təbəl |
Characteristics |
That who has tail or sickness of tail sickness associated with body-part-anus |
If one is fond
steal in one’s farm where
horns of a cow are kept for
protecting the farm product The person will catch the sickness kur/Təbəl |
|
|
9 |
Kini/ kwadakəli |
Characteristics |
One Who suffer from syphilis/gonorrhea |
If a man is fond of
doing adultery he stands the chance of getting sex- related sickness syphilis/ Gonorrhea |
|
|
10 |
Mutu msira amma vir mta ni |
Characteristics |
The wizard |
If one died of contagious disease like that small pox, one is nicknamed Mutu |
|
|
11 |
Mda nzang |
Failure |
The man of the lower cadre |
Over laziness in life earns one’s poverty of the highest Order |
|
|
12 |
Njana |
Destiny |
The perpectual sick |
Always sick; not feeling Well |
|
|
13 |
Ajilkuɗa |
Failure |
Laziness plus poverty |
Not willing to work thus earns him/she extreme poverty Lowest strata in the society |
|
|
14 |
Ɗimi |
Personality |
Undesirable |
Behave unpleasantly to people or born during difficult condition alias poverty e.g Sunday Ɗimi |
|
|
15 |
Abore |
Characteristics |
The Fulani-like |
When someone looks so much alike with Fulani in terms of height and light complexion he/she earns this nickname e.g Muhammadu Abore |
|
|
16 |
Bwani |
Destiny |
Abject poverty |
If someone is born
in serve condition of poverty
he/she is nicknamed bwani e.g Jija Bwani |
|
|
17 |
Yaɓəra/Asura |
Destiny |
Born after the death of one’s father |
A baby who has not seen their father is nicknamed Yaɓəra. And probably for suffering in their Life |
|
|
18 |
Kadala Kəma |
Characteristics |
Dance-leader |
Someone who is fond of dancing and takes leadership
in dancing arena is nicknamed kadala kəma |
|
|
19 |
Muuta |
Destiny |
Orphan |
Early death of
parents give rise to the
affected person the characteristics of orphaned appearances plus Thoughts |
|
|
20 |
Miɗar |
Destiny |
Bastard |
One who
is destined to come to the world outside the wedlock |
|
|
21 |
Mwala a-nzi atambwawa |
Characteristics |
A fancy free divorce woman |
Fancy women- those
who are fond of being divorced and the society shows her Disapproval |
|
|
22 |
Mbzir Kurɗəm-kir |
Destiny |
A child born prior to the seeing of menstruation before pregnancy |
This is a child
(male) born to someone who is
fond of having arentaryl sex even during
menstruation period. And
it is believed that the boy will never be a man of Himself |
|
|
23 |
mbelkər virri |
Characteristics/destiny |
A night wound |
Long unfinished wound |
|
|
24 |
Kwa laku |
Characteristics/destiny |
Born on the way |
A child born on the mother’s way to another village or place |
|
|
25 |
Mwapu |
Characteristics/ Destiny |
White person |
Albino skin-like |
|
|
26 |
Məgəl |
Characteristics/ Destiny |
Black person |
Darkness in complexion |
|
|
27 |
Ghəranta |
Characteristics |
The one that punished Me |
The mother suffered during this child’s pregnancy |
|
|
28 |
Pərkwa |
Characteristics |
|
A praise phrase to a particular shrine |
|
|
29 |
Kwa filing |
Characteristics |
The smallish |
A child born small in Comparison to other children |
|
|
30 |
Sikta |
Accomplishment |
Waited for the expected |
A situation where the mother has waited for the what she has being Expecting |
|
|
31 |
Dawi |
Destiny |
A male child before taking proper name |
A praise phrase to particular shrine |
|
|
32 |
Awa |
Destiny |
A female child |
Also related
to particular Shrine |
|
|
33 |
Yarami |
Failure |
What I have done? |
A situation whereby the mother expected a different/opposite Expectation |
|
|
34 |
Pəlakawa |
Joy |
I have found it, whom |
The long awaited |
|
|
|
|
|
do, tell to? |
expectation of joy has finally arrived whom then do express my joy to? |
|
|
35 |
Yapadawa Kumshiɗa |
Exclusion |
Not like them Let them laugh |
The mother excludes herself
from the talk of the town’s gossips or accusations A gift for them to
smile or lets them laugh. |
|
|
36 |
Wauta |
State of aimities uncertain |
Who ever saw it |
The mother is expressing her mind as to
who even seen the much expected Wishes |
|
|
37 |
Yapəlami |
Destiny |
What do I have to say |
The mother is expressing her mind on the destined issue be it having yet another female child or a different thought entirely |
|
|
38 |
Pakta |
Destiny |
I have found it |
A situation whereby
one of the parents has gotten
the awaited thing. It can be
the male or female child or other things |
|
|
39 |
Yanuɗa |
State of |
Let me just follow then |
A situation where the person with the nickname has no conscious of their own. The person is just a follower in any matter or Case |
|
|
40 |
Wadlara |
|
Who will help me |
A situation whereby
one of parents raised a
rhetorical question in their
thought ‘‘who will help me apart from God the almighty?’’ |
|
|
41 |
Usa ka hyel |
Praise |
Thank you God |
Showing happiness to God the almighty for everything |
|
|
42 |
Huni |
Characteristics |
Miser |
A child born during a period
of difficulties or the person is fond of being a Miser |
|
|
43 |
Pumtama |
State of throwing |
Where do I throw it to? |
A child born after a number male children |
|
|
44 |
Kutaduku |
Praise |
Trustworthy |
Always frank In
Dealings Is The Pabir/Bura has
kutar duku apa kur gwalahu= she/his mind is always one as the hole of Gwalahu (Iguana Lizard/ Monitor) |
|
|
45 |
Adhurawa |
Resemblance |
Will not match me |
An addresser is excluding Themselves from a particular act |
|
|
46 |
Garkui |
Characteristics |
The hill of goats |
A person/man from the hill |
|
|
|
|
|
|
of goats (a place fully occupied/inhabited by goats) |
|
|
47 |
Kəlbu |
Characteristics |
The potash |
The potash seller she/he trades in potash |
|
|
48 |
Una |
Characteristics |
The self |
She/he trades in salt |
|
|
49 |
Ɗika |
Inanimate object |
The bird |
|
|
|
50 |
Yahwi |
State of moving |
The number of the birth is moving steady |
The nature of her giving birth is moving steady. In some sense. The birth has stopped that is, the gap between the last child born and the present hashed long Gap |
|
|
51 |
|
Nziaghəli |
Destiny |
Stayed behind or the last child of the
mother |
The last born of a woman after been
preceded by many. Mostly Female child |
Due to some socio-cultural circumstances in Human endeavor,
circumstantial nicknames are added to religious names thus having two or more
names to a person. Prior to 1960s, not a single being in Pabir-Bura society has
a single name for identification but now the practice is fast changing.
Analysis of the data in 1 to 51 reveal these features:
1. The tradition of having two
or more names apart from Fathers’ names is fast dyeing
2. Circumstantial names fully
practiced prior to 1960s is being looked down by the bearers or considered so
primitive
3. Single names and modern
religions’ names are favored to the detriment of circumstantial names
considered as local or traditional custom’s
4. Circumstantial nicknames
depict Pabir-Bura Society’s general occupational trends, religious thoughts (Ləhurkəy), Socialization,
Society’s world viewpoint, Human shapes, Wealth condition (wadata ko akasi)
racial differences etc.
Conclusion
In Pabir-Bura society, every newborn child, regardless of gender,
is traditionally assigned the nickname Makshu, a practice deeply
rooted in the community's oral history and considered as old as the society
itself. Additionally, the culture exhibits a pattern of indigenous naming with
a notable prefix “Ma-”, seen in names such as Maravi, Machabiri, Madika,
and Macharbwaya. These names reflect pre-Islamic and pre-Christian
naming traditions that were dominant before the introduction of modern
religions.
With the advent of Islam and Christianity, names of religious
origin such as Jesus, Peter, and David from
Christianity, and Muhammadu, Adamu, and Haruna from
Islam began to spread across the region. However, due to strong socio-cultural
factors, these names were rarely used in isolation. Instead, they were
typically combined with circumstantial nicknames that reflected personal,
social, or environmental contexts. As a result, until the 1960s, it was
uncommon for individuals born in rural areas of Pabir-Bura society to bear only
a single name. Composite names such as Adamu Wadlara, Peter
Usakahyel, and Zainabu Mwala Hulfa were the norm, with the
second component serving as a circumstantial identifier.
Furthermore, in everyday practice, circumstantial nicknames often
took precedence over patronymic naming. For instance, instead of identifying a
person as Garba Adamu (Garba, son of Adamu), the name Garba
Nvwa might be used, where Nvwa is a circumstantial
nickname derived from observable traits, events, or conditions related to the
individual. This naming tradition underscores the cultural emphasis placed on
lived experiences and local contexts in the identification and social positioning
of individuals within the Pabir-Bura community.
References
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