Article Citation: Aliyu A. Kware & Oluwasegun M. Jimoh (2019). Fishing Economy and Intergroup Relations in the Eastern District of Lagos. DEGEL: The Journal of the Faculty of Arts and Islamic Studies, Vol. 17, No. 1. ISSN 0794-9316
FISHING ECONOMY AND INTERGROUP RELATIONS IN THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF
LAGOS
By
Aliyu A. Kware
Department of History, Usmanu Danfodiyo University,
Sokoto
&
Oluwasegun M. Jimoh
Department of History and International Studies
Federal University, Birnin Kebbi
Abstract
Fishing
is central to the economy of the entire eastern section of the Lagos area,
especially in Epe region. The lagoon serves as a catalyst for economic development
in the transformation of the area, with the role of women coming across as
invaluable. Water anywhere is second to none in terms of contributions for
livelihood of both human and animal species. This is why the people of this
part of Lagos have been making a good use of the Lagoon for not only survival
but for growth and development of their society. However, the contributions of
women, both immigrants and indigenous, in the economic development of the area
are yet to receive adequate attention.[1]
Indeed, it is a complex and interesting intergroup relations that were at work
in the area. Therefore, this paper explores the contributions of women
and other groups of people in the social and economic development of Epe, through the fishing economy. With the current
situation in Nigeria, where poverty is the order of the day, women and other
stake holders in this area were/are able to fight poverty and develop not only
themselves but the society in general. It is indeed, an aspect of poverty
alleviation efforts of people as well as the power of intergroup relations in
Nigeria. The methodology used in conducting this research comprises oral
interviews, field survey, observations and the use of some published materials.
Being a Historical research the method used in data analysis is more of
qualitative with very little quantitative analysis.
Introduction
Epe is a
riverine Ijebu settlement and part of the larger Ijebu kingdom under the
jurisdiction of the Awujale of Ijebu,
and by implication a vassal state of Ijebu Ode.[2] Epe
is located on the eastern shores of
Lagos Lagoon.[3]
The town is largely inhabited by Ijebu-speaking people, who are directly linked
to Huraka, a hunter whom the people regard as the founder of the town.[4]
There are, however, communities of migrants who have
settled among the Ijebu-speaking people, especially the Awori ‘settlers’ from
Lagos, who have been incorporated into the community as ‘Eko Epe’,[5]
the Ijaw, the Isoko, the Itshekiri, and other ethnic groups, who are often
categorized as ‘strangers.’
The role of
geography in the development of Epe cannot be ignored. Rather than being a
problem, the topography of Epe, the location of the kingdom along the coast,
contributed immensely to the development of the kingdom as an area of human
settlement.[6]
Intricate
web of creeks is the prominent feature of Epe and the entire eastern district of Lagos. A graphic
illustration of this area was given in 1886 by the intelligence division of the
colonial government:
The depth of the
Lagos lagoon is from 8 to 10 feet. At the Palavar Islands (11miles) there is
the worst shallow in the whole waterway; soundings are only from 4 to 6 feet
just before entering a narrow deep channel in a wide expanse of shallow water.
Here, as elsewhere, as soon as the channel narrows, the water deepens. At 18
miles, the Omu creek branches off to the south of Palma. At 25 miles, the
lagoon narrows to a mile in width. Here the current sets distinctly to the
West; the rise of the tide is 8 inches, and the rise of water in the wet season
is 3 feet. At 33 miles, the Water narrows to about 200 yards. At 35 miles is
the Ejirin market, and the road to Jebu-Ode. At 41 miles is the town of Epeh
[Epe][7]
The above observation shows that the Epe people derived their means of
sustainability from fishing and, to a large extent, agriculture, although
fishing remains the main source of livelihood of the people.[8]
There
exist two types of fishing activities: the deep sea fishing and the lagoon
fishing activities which is being practised by both women and men. While men
travelled to the high sea and distant lagoon to catch fish, women were
responsible for the distribution process; selling on behalf of the men in
exchange for some percentage of the sale from the final consumer.
However, the
literature
on the historical development of Epe and other coastal towns of the Ijebu
people seems to have overlooked the role of women. In this paper, attempt is made to bring the
contributions of the women to the development of Epe. Focus is particularly on the role of women in fishing economy. Their role has
indeed been seen as one of the best poverty reduction strategies individuals or
groups could do for a better living.
Epe People and their Preoccupation
While men travelled
to the high lagoon to catch fish, women were responsible for the distribution
process; selling on behalf of the men in exchange for some percentage of the
sale from the final consumer. This percentage is generally referred to as arobo in Epe.[9]
Selling directly to final consumer was forbidden for the ‘stranger’, hence they
were compelled to go through the middle men or women. Similar to the Baba-Isale
system in metropolitan Lagos, these middle-women, through their husbands,
negotiated fishing permits from the paramount ruler of Epe, the Oloja of Epe, who is a representative of
Awujale of Ijebu-Ode[10],
or the liken of Iwopin, the King of Iwopin,
depending on the side of the lagoon in which such a fisherman was based; in
this case, the rule governing territorial space was strictly adhered to. However,
the fishermen normally returned to their abode mainly in some of these Ijebu
villages. They were sheltered by the ‘indigenous’ elements who were of Epe
origin.[11]
In most cases, women who served as their middlemen in the market also
negotiated their residency permit through their husbands. Through this, they
strengthened the commercial bond between the fishermen and their respective
customers. This, in a way, was a market strategy by the sellers to protect
their customers. It is an established fact that the Epe people were fishermen,
but what is not clear is the degree of their involvement in the local fishing
industry. Before the European colonial adventure, virtually all able-bodied men
in the community engaged in fishing activities.[12] The
Epe people engaged in fishing on a commercial scale and it was a shifting
fishing system in nature, moving from one area of the lagoon to the other
depending on the climatic conditions. We shall return to this later. Virtually
all the villages earlier mentioned were populated by the Epe people, and these
villages served as bases for the fishermen who migrated from the Epe mainland
to these villages only to return every last Saturday of the month for age-grade
cooperative and thrift-based contribution (ajo-regberegbe).[13]
Apart from
fishing, the Epe people also engaged in boat-making and salt making. These
boats were sold to fishermen who engaged in deep sea-fishing, especially the
Mahin and the Ijo people who were famous for their deep sea-fishing capability.[14]
In terms of crop farming, maize and cassava were grown by the people for
consumption. From a mere crop farming and fishing village of Ijebu people, Epe
later became a prominent fishing settlement.
By 1877, Epe
had become known for its commerce along the lagoon to the extent that major European
firms were struggling for space along its banks. By 1926, the following firms
had become established in the town: John Holt came in 1917; Africa Oil Nuts
Company was established in 1920; Hamburg Nigeria Company was established in
1926; Anglo-Guinea in 1926; and MacIver also in 1926.[15]
These commercial firms took the advantage of the geographical location of the
town to engage in buying and selling of palm produce.
Fishing
Economy in Epe
The Mahin people constitute the bulk of what is known as Ilaje Kingdom in
the present Ondo State, South West of Nigeria. The kingdom is situated
along the coastal area of Ilaje area. According to Lawal, the kingdom is
bounded in the west by the Ijebu country, to the north by the Ikale; to the
north-east by the Ijo, and by the Isekiri to the East.[16] The
Mahin territory, which came under British imperial control in 1885, shares a
common boundary with the eastern section of Lagos. The eastern district is
characterised by networks of lagoons and rivers that connect the mainland of
the kingdom. These rivers have contributed to the build up of the strips and
island. Describing the Mahin Kingdom in 1890, Alfred Moloney averred that:
These rivers and
islands form the coast belt between the lagoon waterway and the sea area – the
Ogun river that rises to the north of Abeokuta, the Omi, Oshun and Oni in Jebu;
the Ofara or Ubu, from Ondo; and the unexplored waterways behind the direction
of Igbonini[17]
The networks of
rivers described above by Moloney have served as a channel of communication
between the Mahin people and the Ijebu people of Ogun waterside. The Mahin
people, no doubt, have had centuries of interaction with these people.
Available evidence suggests that they have had trade interaction with these
Ijebu elements along the coast of Lagos and the hinterland of Ogun waterside.
Similar to the alajapa traders of the
Ijebu Kingdom, the Mahin people frequently travel out of their homestead to
other adjoining communities for their fishing expeditions. The common saying
among the people is a reflection of the shifting fishing habit, Aloko ma ne ebute (he who has canoe but
does not have permanent wharf.)[18]
While there is available evidence to suggest the reason for their movement from
their home, we can only suggest that the need to search for new species of fish
might have been responsible for their migration.
From their home in
Mahintedo, they travelled to other villages along the lagoon to carry out
fishing expeditions. For instance, in Oni, a fishing village on the eastern
side of the Lagoon, the presence of the Ilaje community dates back to the
pre-colonial period. The population of the community is a mixed one; it is made
up of Ilaje people from Igbonla, Ijo people from the Delta, Apoye from
Ugbobini, and Ijebu people from Epe and Etikun
(seaside of Lagos). The point to be noted is that it is a common practice among
the people to go out on fishing expedition to places like Orubu, Imobi and
Igbodile[19]
only to return on the day of Ejinrin Market to sell their dried fish to Epe
women who served as middle men in the chain of distribution. One significant
factor that has made it possible for the Mahin people to adapt creditably to
these different ecological zones is their capacity to manipulate their
environment. They have the advantage of natural dexterity over water. This
attribute contributed immensely to their ability to dominate the coastal area
of Lagos, especially the eastern section. Their quest for expansion is not
limited by rivers rather it enhanced their ability to expand on the coast. This
expansionist drive could only be limited by lack of water.
The description of
this area and the ethnic composition, as given by Moloney, could be misleading.
From the heart of Mahin Kingdom, two waterways link the area with the eastern
section of Lagos via Epe. From the largest Mahin market of Atijere to Akata, the
river links Iwopin to the Agan lagoon
via Imeki, a fishing village of the Ijebu people from the mainland of Iwopin.[20]
The Agan, have served as a means of
communication between the Mahin, the Ijo, the Arogbo, the Isobo and the Epe
people. On the other side of the lagoon are Oni River and Orubu creeks. Orubu
creeks provided Mahin, Ijo, Ikale and Isobo the means of communication with
other Ijebu fishing villages on the Lagoon side up to Epe.[21] Orubu
creek runs from the heartland of the Mahin Kingdom through Ikale communities of
Ajibandele, Kajola, Akila and Ijebu fishing village of Jopolo, now renamed
Olohunshogo, to Sumoge, Igele, Orita-Omo, and Orubu. Orubu is the last village
to the Lagoon. Many Ijebu fishing villages dotted the skyline of the Lagoon
from Oni on the West to Origbee, Imobi, Oriyonrin to Luboye, Ikeran, Emina, Aba
Monday, Ito Osun to Epe.[22]
On the other side of the lagoon are fishing villages of the Ijebu people. These
villages are Igbapawa, Ide, Abomuti, Abule-Onigbagbo, Ere-Ise, Saga Island and
Olugbokere shrine.[23]
Although these are villages founded by the Ijebu people of Epe extraction, they
are not mainly populated by these people.
The antiquity of
fishing industry in the area predates the Mahin people.[24]
Lawal has commented on the antiquity of Mahin people in Lagos area. He claims
that ‘being largely of coastal settlement, fishing was their occupational
mainstay’[25]
The people also evolved and developed an intricate system of long distance
trading which provided the links between the Mahin and the people of Lagos”[26]
The link between the Mahin and Lagos is the Epe Lagoon. This lagoon connects
the Mahin country via Ilagbo, Emina, and Olugbokere to the Epe Lagoon, which
links Ejinrin, Langbasa and Ibese area of Ikorodu. These channels had provided
trade links between the people of Mahintedo, Epe and Lagos people, centuries
before the arrival of the Ewe and the Keta people, who, Ajaegbu[27]
claims introduced deep sea fishing to the area.
One remarkable
consequence of this development was the establishment of many Mahin settlements
in the coastal towns and villages, where Epe people lived during fishing and
farming seasons; they jointly occupied it with other ethnic groups. Some of the
villages where there are considerable Mahin populations include Igbodu, Shala,
Iganke Orugbo and several villages in Ito-Ikin creeks.
The largest presence
of the Mahin people is in Erepoto,[28] a
community in Epe. Erepoto was established in 1933 by Mahin fishermen who had
been frequenting Epe and Ejirin water on fishing expedition. As the name
suggests, it is a swampy area (epoto)
on the fringe of the Epe lagoon, almost adjacent to the small creek villages
directly facing Epe mainland on the other side of the lagoon (Eyin Osa). Erepoto was considered
unsuitable for habitation by the indigenous Epe people until it was ceded to
the Ilaje migrants of Mahin origin.[29]
For decades, the area
was exclusively occupied by the Ilaje and other immigrants, including the Ijaw,
the Isoko and Itshekiri people of the Niger Delta, who were mainly fishermen.
Erepoto is on the periphery.[30]
The core of the town was predominantly occupied by the indigenous people. This,
however, did not prevent friendly intermingling between the indigenous people
and the stranger community, especially as the indigenous elements started
moving into parts of the town that they hitherto abandoned for the low value of
land,[31]
including the area where the Ilaje community was exclusively settled.
Fig. 1: Ethnic Composition
of Erepoto Fishing Community in Epe.
Source: Field Survey by the authors on 23/6/2012
Although fishing had
been the mainstay of the economy of the Epe people, it was largely for
subsistence purposes. Large-scale fishing was encouraged by the presence of the
Mahin people. The proximity of Epe to Lagos provided a stable market for the
fish caught in large volume. This must have been the chief reason why Lagos
consumers were addicted to Epe fish. Another plausible explanation for their
preference could be the freshness and the ‘sweetness’ of Epe fish (Eja Epe).
As the scale of
fishing increased and more fishermen and traders in fish started moving into
the water space of Epe, fish markets developed along the coastal lines of the
town. While on fishing expedition to the deep sea, the Mahin people always
anchored at available nearby settlements to dry their fish and sell some to
replenish their provisions, until market day when they would come back home to
sell their fishes to the women who, in turn, retailed them to final consumers.[32] These might have been responsible for the pockets of their fishing settlements and fish markets along the Lagoon area. The most popular of the markets was
Ejinrin Market.[33]
Ejinrin market attracted traders in fish and in other articles of trade like
dry gin (ogogoro) and raffia tread,
owing to its strategic location along the lagoon and, perhaps, its proximity to
Lagos. The market provided a veritable platform for socio-economic interaction
during the colonial period when the market reached its apogee.[34]
Although Olubomehin[35]
has emphasised the contribution of the hinterland supply to the growth and
development of the market, the contribution of the Mahin people, who are the
major source of fresh and dry fish and dry gin to the market, is quite
significant. The attractions provided by the market lured many Ilaje and Ijo
people to venture into deep-sea fishing around Langbasa near Ikorodu, and only
returned to Epe or some of their new fishing villages near Ito-Ikin on Omu
creeks.[36]
On Epe mainland
another veritable fish market grew out of the trading interactions between the
Mahin people and the new fish trade enthusiasts who moved into the town as bulk
breakers. The popular Ebute Chief market, which was later re-named Oluwo Market,
was one of the outgrowths of the new commercial trading activities in fish.
These markets are dominated and controlled mostly by women of Ijebu Epe
extraction, over whom the Oloja of
Epe appoints an Iya-Oloja and Baba-Oloja for effective administration
of the market. Although both the Eko Epe and the Ijebu traded in the market,
the Ijebu controlled the political and administrative machinery of the market.
The reason for this might not be too far to seek; the Ijebu were mainly
fishermen and their wives traded in fish. It is only logical that the Ijebu
people exercised control over the market. The market was
compartmentalised into various groups, depending on the type of fish being sold
by each group. At the top of the pyramid was the Egbe eleja Osan, followed by Elepia
(the tilapia seller) and egbe eleja
aro (the catfish seller), and the majamaja,
who conducted customers around the market and sometimes did the negotiations on
their behalf. The customer gave them stipends for their service, but how much
they received depended on the generosity of the individual. However, the fish
retailers also compensated them for their patronage.
Accessibility to the market
by strangers was limited, as the fishermen who were mostly Mahin had to go
through the women to sell their fish.[37] The
Ijebu acted as middlemen between the fishermen and other women and traders who
visited the market. Prospective buyers were expected to pay arobo[38] (one percent or more
of total value of the fish sold, depending on the agreement of the profit on every basket of fish
sold) after paying the principal amount to the fishermen. In most cases, the
middle women might decide to cancel the transactions if the buyer refused to
pay arobo even after they have an
agreement on the principal sum.
The Mahin people
formed a network around the coastal area of Ondo and Lagos States. From
Mahintedo, the Atijere and Makun markets provided the point of convergence for
the exchange of goods and services. People from the interior and those who for
days travelled wide for fishing expedition returned home to sell their fish or
exchanged them for garri and other
food items which were provided by the Ikale and the Ijebu people of Ibiade,
Abigi, Ilusin, Togburin, Lugade, Agodo, Lokula, Alo, Ologbun, Agbure, Efire and
other villages in the area. The chain of distributions runs from Atijere and
Makun-Omi to Epe, Ejirin and terminated at Ebute –Ero or Oju-olobun in Lagos. Thus,
Atijere and Makun–Omi markets provided the platform for economic interaction
for these diverse people.[39]
From this economic interaction, a weekly market developed along the eastern
coast and terminated in Epe. Every Wednesday, the Mahin peoples’ double-decked
boats docked at Oju-Alaro. The boats, usually big and of two steps, carried
passengers from the Mahintedo and continued to transact business in communities
located on its route until it got to Epe Lagoon (Agan) where, by law though not explicitly stated, it is forbidden
from buying and selling because such market was reserved for Epe women.[40]
On every Wednesday,
the boat docked at Epe which they currently call Marina near Oju-Alaro (Alaro Shrine). It was always
a special period when everybody engaged in buying and selling at Eti-Ebute.[41]
Various articles of trade were exchanged; these included fish, gin, palm oil
and raffia mat. The boat spent at least three to four days in Epe with
passengers engaging in buying and selling with the local people. Through trade,
inter-marriage developed between the Mahin and the local community. Over the
years, the Mahin community has increased in size. However, their presence is
still largely restricted to Erepoto and Ebute-Afuye in Epe town. Similar to
what was obtainable in other Yoruba communities, the Oloja of Epe (the King) extracted tribute from this people.
Conversely, the Olu-Epe, who is the head of Eko Epe
quarters have never participated in the administration of the Lagoon trade
after the return of Eleko Kosoko to Lagos in 1862.[42]
As earlier mentioned,
the fishing economy is seasonal, oscillating between the rainy and dry season.
The peak period usually coincides with the rainy season around March. In March,
the Ijebu fishermen, who engaged in seasonal fishing, would retire to their
fishing villages after a short stay in Epe mainland, beginning from October.
However, unlike the Ijebu fishermen, the Ilaje people engaged in fishing all
the year round. In order to be in business throughout the year, they engaged in
shifting fishing.[43]
From October to January, they traversed the lagoon from Iwopin to Epe, and
shifted to the creeks around Ito-Omo, Ito-Osun and Orubu, from April to early
August, a period that is usually the most important period in the fishing
calendar.[44]
Distribution
From 70 and above is
the peak period of the fishing season
From 66 to 69 shows
that the fishermen enjoy high returns
From 60 to 65
indicates average
From 35 to 59
indicates off season (Sakoro), i.e. period
of low productivity[45]
Not only did long
distance commercial trade in fish blossom, but also new fishing techniques were
introduced by the Ilaje and the Ijaw people. Apart from differences in their
fishing cycles, the technology of fishing also set the Ijebu and the Ilaje fishermen
apart. While the Ijebu used nets, hooks and line, the Ilaje used sets, cast
nets and Igun. However, sudd-cutting
and ponds fishing traps were employed with greater intensity by Ijebu fishermen[46].
The sudd-cutting (Ikin) method is
peculiar to the Ijebu people of Epe, Iwopin, Oni, Oriyonrin, Origbee, Iba-Beru, and Luboye[47] because
of the logistics of territorial jurisdiction on the Lagoon. The power to fish
in certain portions of the Lagoon resided with the king, from whom permission
had to be taken. For any individual to cut the sudd, such a person, apart from
obtaining permission from the king, must also belong to the guild of
sudd-cutters (Egbe oni ikin), which
was exclusively reserved for the indigenes of the communities.[48]
Ajaegbu must have misconstrued the fact
that this system, as was practised, was open to everybody. Unlike the
sudd-cutting methods, ponds fishing traps (Gonna)[49]
were used by the Ijebu people. It was not widely practised because it was
mainly for the creeks (Ito). However, the Ijo people were later incorporated into the practice.[50]
The first Ijo man
to establish ponds fishing traps was one Agboro Monday, who had migrated to the
area in the early 1950s from Epe, where he had attended local secondary school
as the son of an immigrant Ijo man.[51] The
system is now widely practised in the area, even though accessibility is still
very much limited to ‘insiders’. A new method, namely ‘Awo Oyinbo or Fatiko’[52] (European large format fishing nets) has emerged, largely
owing to the necessity to keep up with modern trends in fishing technology. Going by the name, it is reasonable to suggest that the method was
introduced by the Europeans.[53]
Intergroup
Relation and Social Change
The network of
commercial interaction between the Mahin people and the people of Epe was
fostered through a new network of social relations. Through trade and
commercial transactions, intermarriages developed among the people. In fact,
available evidence shows that some of them were incorporated into age-grade (regberegbe) in Epe, while some families
among the Mahin moved upland to settle among the people.[54]
Of importance is the
fact that they also introduced new forms of
religion to the community. The dominance of Islam in Epe had never been
challenged until 1892 when Christianity made its debut in the town.[55]
Until 1933, Anglican remained the dominant denomination in the community and
its environs.[56]
By 1933, the Mahin people came with their own brand of Christianity to the
community. The Cherubim and Seraphim were introduced by the Mahin people. The
new religious movement was led by Apostle D.A. Ademuwagun who came from Ugbonla
and settled at Erepoto.[57]
The acceptability of Cherubim and Seraphim by the Epe might not be unconnected
with the fact that the founder married one of the daughters of an Epe High
Chief, E. Akewusola. The social acceptability enjoyed by the founder of the
Church was directly connected with his marriage to the Ijebu woman.[58]
The Church, though with a sizeable number of people of non-Mahin origin, is
dominated by the Mahin people. However, the spread of Mahin people along the
coast might have been motivated by the evangelical mission to spread their own
brand of Christianity. Wherever they go, the Mahin people see it as part of
their manifest destiny to spread Zionism, a Jewish doctrine for the
re-establishment, protection and development of Israel.
It is reasonable to
conclude that besides their fishing endeavour, the urge to spread Zionism was a
strong motivating factor in their migration along the coast of Lagos. However,
differences over doctrinal practices led to a break-away faction led by Bishop
Simon Estrome. The break-away faction later settled at Agbala on the eastern
fringe of the town. A closer look at the crisis reveals that the acceptance of
Ayelala worshippers into the Erepoto community was at the heart of the crisis.
The faction led by Bishop Estrome believed that the worshipping of Ayelala
within the Zion community was not compatible with the practices and tenets of
Zionism.[59]
Although the introduction of Ayelala led to serious division among the Mahin
community, its membership was largely drawn from the Mahin communities in and
around Epe. The Ayelala became a famous deity among the host community because
of its efficacy in the administration of justice and the spiritual benefit it
conferred on its members. Through this deity the Mahin people became
indispensable to the host community. However, the greatest platform that was
exploited by the Mahin people to integrate themselves in the host community was
the Lagoon. The Lagoon has continued to provide the platform for socio-economic
interaction for the people of coastal areas;
hence, the intensification of inter-group relations.
Conclusion
The antiquity of the
Mahin people in the lagoon area of Epe has never been in doubt. However, until
now, their contributions to the socio-religious and economic development of Epe
have often been neglected. This study has brought to the fore the contributions
of these people to the fishing economy of Epe and the transformation of the
socio-religious landscape of the community and its environs. Contrary to the
submission of earlier writers on this area, we argue that the Mahin people
introduced the new fishing techniques credited to the Ewe and Keta people of
Ghana. Their impact on that geographical space transcended the economic scene;
they introduced a new religious order that helped to create new social identity.
Like many other African communities, Epe has benefitted from population and
occupational mobility of the Mahin people. More particular is the contribution
of women who served as middle women or go-between the Mahin fishermen and the
large number of buyers of fish in the area.
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The Parochial Committee, Saint Michael’s Anglican Church Epe; (Lagos, C.M.S,
1960)
Smith, R. S., “To the Palaver Island: War and Diplomacy on the Lagos
Lagoon”. Journal of Historical Society of
Nigeria, Vol. 1, No. 1, 1969
Smith, R. S., “Peace Conference on the Lagos Lagoon”, Nigerian Magazine No. 101, 1969.
[1] O. A. Lawal, “Mahin and the Early Lagos”, Odu, Journal of African History, No. 38:
89-111, 1991
[2] National Archives Ibadan, C.S.O 26, File No.
29664/s.4, Intelligence report on Epe District, Colony
Province by C.B, Coleman, 1934:
4-7
[3] M.O, Jimoh, “Kosoko and British Relations
1832-1872: A Re-appraisal”, M.A Dissertation, History Department, University of
Ibadan, 2010: 51-60
[4]For a
full account of tradition of origin of Epe, see, G.O. Oguntomisin, The Transformation of a Nigerian Lagoon Town
of Epe: 1852-1942, (Ibadan: John Archers Publishers, 1999); Avoseh, T.O, A Short History of Epe, The Parochial
Committee, Saint Michael’s Anglican Church Epe; (Lagos, C.M.S, 1960);
[5]The
dynastic struggle in Lagos between Eleko Kosoko and Akitoye led to the British
intervention in Lagos. Kosoko was removed and Akitoye was installed by the
British naval squadron in 1851. Eleko Kosoko fled the kingdom to Epe on the
eastern section of Lagos. With the permission of Awujale and Oloja
Olumade, Kosoko settled down in Epe for eleven years. The implication of this
is that Epe became a composite town, because Kosoko followers refused to follow
their principal back to Lagos in 1862, when he was persuaded by the British to
return. For more on the dynastic struggle in Lagos, see J.B, Losi, History of Lagos, (Lagos: C.M.S Press,
1921); K. Mann, Slavery and the Birth of
African City Lagos, (Indiana, U.S.A: Indiana University Press, 2007) ; A.B,
Aderibigbe, (Ed), Lagos: The Development
of African City, (Lagos: Longman Nigeria, 1975) ; P.D, Cole, Modern and Traditional Elites in the
Politics of Lagos, (London: Cambridge Press, 1975) ; J.F.A Ajayi, , “The
British Occupation of Lagos 1851-1861: A Critical Review”, Nigerian Magazine, No. 69: 72-81, 1969, R.S, Smith, “To the Palaver
Island: War and Diplomacy on the Lagos Lagoon, Journal of Historical Society of Nigeria, Vol. 1, No. 1: 3-25,
1969; R.S Smith, “Peace Conference on the Lagos Lagoon”, Nigerian Magazine No. 101: 454-466, 1969; Smith, R, The Lagos
Consulate 1851-1861:
[6] The location of the town along the lagoon
contributed to its socio-economic development
[7] Colony of Lagos, Natives Territories, PRO/
FO.5622 M178
[8] The town is popularly known as Epe Eleja
[9] Arobo is in form of Value Added Tax
[10] NAI/ RG5; A Report of the Adeministrative Organisation Reorganisation of Epe distrct
native area of the colony, 1939, pp. 10-13
[11] Interview with Pa. Onanubi, 76 year Old fisherman
from Ajaganabe in Epe
[12] Ibiden
[13] Some scholars have claimed that the town
was deserted when Kosoko came in 1851. However, another historical account
claimed that Kosoko was actually refused landing until he secured a landing
permit from Awujale of Ijebu-Ode. The second account appears plausible because,
Smith and Oguntomisin averred that Oshodi Tapa negotiated the landing of Kosoko
with Awujale before he was allowed to seek refuge in Epe. If the town had been
deserted as alleged, who are the people that stopped Kosoko form landing?
[14] O.A. Lawal, “Mahin and Early Lagos”, 1991:101-103
[15] H.I. Ajaegbu,“The Impact of Lagos on the changing rural
economy of the creek and Lagoon area of Epe and Ikeja division, Western Nigeria” Unpublished PhD Thesis University of Ibadan, 1967:
77-78
[16] O.A. Lawal, “Mahin and Early Lagos”, 1991:102
[17] Alfred Moloney, “Notes on Yoruba and
Colony of Protectorate of Lagos West Africa”, Record of Geography, New Monthly Series, Vol.12, No 10, 1890: 604-606
[18] Interview with Mr. Igbekele Thomas at No
3, Bada Street, Erepoto Epe on 21/4/2012
[19] Igbodile has since been deserted.
[20] Field survey to the area, 12-17, March,
2012
[21]Field survey, For years these creeks have
served as a channels of communication between various communities around that
area
[22] From Epe it takes a minimum of 3 hours by
large vessel launches to reach Iwopin and Oni, but only 45 minutes to reach the
first fishing village which is Aba Monday.
[23] Oguntomisin, in his book “The
Transformation of a Nigerian Lagoon Town, on p.6 categorised Orimedu,
Imagbon as part of Epe fishing villages. This cannot be true. Orimedu was an autonomous village of Ijebu-Ode
people. The founder of this town, Ladejobi was said to have come from Ijebu-Ode to the sea
side for salt- making. However, Epe
people were not noted for salt-making activities.
[24] See, O.A, Lawal, “Mahin and Early Lagos”,
1991: 102-103, Alfred Moloney, “Notes on Yoruba and Colony of Protectorate of
Lagos, West Africa”, Record of Geography,
New Monthly Series Vol. 12, No.10, 1890
[25] O.A, Lawal, “ Mahin and Early Lagos”, Odu, Journal of
African History, No.38, 1991: 89-111
[26]For more on the activities of the Mahin in
the development of Lagos in Pre-Colonial period, see Kunle Lawal’s article in Odu, “Mahin and Early Lagos”, 1991: 102
[27] H.I, Ajaegbu, 1967
[28] Erepoto is a swampy area of Epe occupied
by the Ilaje fishing community. Although some other ethnic groups have since
joined them, they remain the largest community in the area. The Land in this area belongs to the Epe
people, especially the Ijebu section of the community. The Ilaje were given
this land on leasehold basis. However, some of them have since purchased their
lease outright.
[29] Interview with Chief Olufowobi, 86years
old, The Jagun-Oba of Epe Land, on
12/4/2012
[30] It is a swampy area of Epe, located on the
fringe of the community. The occupation of this is consistent with their
occupational and cultural practices. The Mahin people find it difficult to
survive on the hinterland. They flow with the water and only stop floating
wherever the water stops.
[31] The area was an unoccupied area before the
arrival of the Mahin people. When they came, the choice of where they would
reside was a simple one, the lagoon side. However, during field survey of the
area, it was gathered that the Ijebu people were weary of the antics of the
Ilaje who were of the habit of eloping with their wives and daughters whenever
they came to Epe. By the time they decided to settle in Epe, they were given
Erepoto, far away from the community. This might be a strategy to checkmate such
antics.
[32]Interview with Mrs Josana Mapayi, Fish
seller at Ejinrin Market before she voluntarily retired, aged 79. Interviewed
at her residence, Erepoto, Epe, on 12/7/2012
[33] Ejirin Market was jointly established by
the Awujale of Ijebu-Ode and Eleko Adele Ajosun 1 in 1832
[34] O.O. Ogunbomehin, “ The Fluctuating Fortunes of Ejirin Market in the Era
of Yoruba Warfare, 1860-1892 ”, Oye, Ogun Journal of Arts, Vol. 111: 128-135, 1990.
[35] Ibid, 128-32, The importance of Ejirin
Market to the sustainability of Lagos economy has been well articulated by
Ogunbomehin. However, the submission of the erudite scholar cannot be true. He
submitted that kosoko returned to Lagos in 1862 and Tapa and other followers
remained in Epe. Although some kosoko followers like Balogun Ajeniya, Balogun
Agbaje, Iyanda Oloko, Agoro, Eleshin, Seriki Edibo, Balogun Ipossu and Sarumi
remained in Epe, but Tapa returned with Kosoko to Lagos in 1862. In fact, the
British had earlier made a proposition to Tapa to return to Lagos with the hope
that Kosoko, would followed him, but owing to the uncommon loyalty Tapa had for
kosoko he turned down such gesture. For more on the career of Oshodi Tapa, see
O.A. Lawal and M.O. Jimoh, Oshodi Tapa: From Slavery to Stardom, African Note, Vol.36, No.1&2, pg
46-61, and M. O. Jimoh, 2010, Kosoko
British Relations, 1832-1872, unpublished M.A Dissertation, History
Department, University of Ibadan, especially chapter four.
[36]Interview with Chief Motiri, a retired
fisherman with specialisation on sudd cutting, age 75, interview conducted at
his residence, No. 5 Eyindi, Iwopin.
[37] Interview with Chief Olufowobi
[38] Interview with Mrs. Hassan, Fish seller at
Oluwo Market, Epe, interviewed on 14/4/2012, age 65. Arobo, is in form of value added tax. It belongs to the women who
help the fishermen or their wives to sell the fish. At times, three or two
women share the Arobo. The formula for sharing depends on who “owns” the
customer.
[39] Interview with Mrs Akorede who for decades
was deeply involved in this web of trading activities in Oluwo Market Makun-Omi market is noted for trade by batter system.
[40] Interview with Mrs Oshodi Taiwo, a Fish
trader at Oluwo market Epe, age 78
[41] Ibiden, the market has collapsed since
1994.
[42] Up till today, issues affecting Market
administration are handled by Oloja of Epe, the king of Epe.
[43]Due to variation in climatic condition, the
Mahin fishermen often moved into different areas throughout the year. They had
no permanent abode.
[44]It is believed that, April, which marks the
beginning of raining calendar to early August is the period of bountiful
harvest for fishermen; the period September and October is referred to as
‘Sakoro’ period of low productivity
[45]Interview with Mr. Arigbabuwo, aged, 78 of No. 4 Kasali Oluwo Street, Papa,
Epe on 12/8/2011. The
variation is not static as it largely depends on many factors like the
beginning of raining season and when it stops because if the water rises above
some certain level, it could affect the second round of the season
[46]Ajaegbu, H.I 1967: 78
[47] Interview with Chief Motiri, my uncle and
one time head of sudd-cutting guild of Iwopin. Iwopin has the largest
concentration of stud cutters.
[48] Ibiden, The guilds have their headquarters
in Iwopin and Epe and usually meet every month in the house of Baba- Egbe to
deliberate on issues affecting their members.
[49] Gonna is a local name for the pond-fishing system
[50] The practice was limited to Orubu creeks which
are under the control of Iwopin.The
system is not possible in open lagoon because it requires the blocking of the
flow of the water with little gap for the water to flow. Interview with Mr.
Agboro Godday aged 50, at his fishing camp, Aba Monday, Emina on 5/4/2012
[51]He left his village near Emina to Orubu
where he successfully practiced this system for more than 50 years before he
relocated to his home town in 2008. His first attempt was not a successful one
Interview with Mrs. Ojetola, a fish trader, aged 73 at her residence at Aba
Monday, Orubu, on 3/4/2012
[52] There are two
types of Awo: Awo oyinbo (European net and ordinary Net (Awo). The first is a very big net and reqiures about 20 to 25 people to operate, while the second
one varies in sizes depending on the individual
capital.
[53]The Ewe people of Ghana were noted for the use of the modern European
large format fishing nets on the coasts of West Africa long before the Ijebu
fishermen embraced the method. See E.A. Kwaku, Between the Sea and the Lagoon,
An Eco-Social History of the Anlo of Southeastern Ghana c.1850 to recent times,
(Oxford, Ohio University Press, 2001)
[54] Information, interview with Pa Kolawole,
an octogenarian and a fishermen in Epe
[55] T.O. Avoseh, A Short History of Epe :
15-35
[56] See an article on the ‘The Development of
Islam in the Coastal Area of Lagos, (Ifra-Nigeria) forthcoming
[57] Interview with Mr. Ojetola, great grandson
of Ojetola who introduced another brand of Cherubim and Seraphim
[58] Interview with Mr. Ojetola
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