By
Yusuf Muhammad Jika
Ahmed Tanimu Jibril
Department of English
and Literary Studies, Sa’adu Zungur University, Bauchi State
Corresponding author’s email & phone No: yusufjika@sazu.edu.ng/ +2348039647300
Abstract
This study examines the
representation of Fulani herdsmen in Gregory Burton’s Background Report:
The Fulani Herdsmen via the lens of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). Affixed
in the theoretical frameworks of Noman Fairclough three-dimensional parameter
(2001a) and Teun A. van Dijk (2007), the research investigates how linguistic
choices construct identities, reproduce ideologies, and sustain power relations
within the text. The study adopts a qualitative research design, concentrating
on key discursive strategies such as negation, nominalization, transitivity,
modality and the use of metaphors. Findings reveal that the report analytically
depicts Fulani herdsmen within a security discourse, frequently associating
them with criminality, violence, and conflict. The use of negative lexical
items, agentless constructions, and selective sourcing contributes to the
portrayal of the group as homogeneous and threatening “other”. The study argues
that such representations are not neutral but are socially constructed and
politically situated, serving specific interests and agendas. The research
concludes that a more balanced and context-sensitive approach to reporting is
essential to avoid stereotyping and misrepresentation.
Keywords: Critical Discourse Analysis, Report, Fulani, Herdsmen
Introduction
Critical Discourse
Analysis (CDA) emerged from ‘critical linguistics’ extended at the University
of East Anglia in the 1970s, and the terms are nowadays frequently used
interchangeably. The ideas of Norman Fairclough, Ruth Wodak, and Teun van Dijk
have continuously been contributing to this field. CDA scholars as a whole,
specifically according Wodak (2011) started in the early 1990s after that a
small symposium was designed in January 1991. According to Fairclough (1989),
various disciplines as social sciences, humanities, and mainly critical
linguistics are submitting their discoveries to this approach. Therefore, this
approach is interdisciplinary to the study of discourse, CDA outlooks language
as a system of social practice and focuses on the ways ideological and
political deliberations are replicated in both written and spoken texts.
Interpreting ideologies and exposing the sources of power are the common
interests categorized via the logical exploration of semiotic data either
spoken, visual, or written (Wodak, 2011).
However, Fairclough
(1994) observes Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as one of its fundamental
goals that aims to enlighten the ideological and political reserves behind the
supposed abstract linguistic depictions. In recent times, critical genre analysis
can also observe exactly how lexical or grammatical choices may show the
ideological obligations of diverse genre makers or may regularize the power of
a specific group over the other (Wodak, 2011). Meanwhile, studies in this field
are comparatively new, several approaches from Critical Discourse Analysis
(CDA) have been a valued contribution to this area of genre analysis.
Therefore, this analysis is based on lexical and structural devices and it is
supposed to ‘ask for questions about depictions, prejudice, discrimination, and
voice” (Blommaert,2005, pp.31-32). All texts, either written or spoken, mark
their meaning against the background of other texts and things that have been
mentioned in other events (Lemke,1992). Any text may be more or less indirectly
or openly quote other texts, they may refer to other texts or may suggest to
the past, or future texts. We, therefore, make sense of each word, every
utterance, or any action against the background of (some) other words,
utterances, or acts of comparable kind (Lemke,1995). Thus, all texts are in an
intertextual relationship (Pautigde, 2006).
Background to the Study
The recurrent conflict
that involves Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria have attracted intense media
attention, with reports often shaping public understanding of the crisis. These
conflicts rooted in complex interactions between environmental pressures,
economic survival, ethnic relations, and governance challenges, have frequently
been simplified in media narratives into issues of violence and insecurity. As
a result, the language used in reporting such events plays a vital role in
constructing social identities and influencing public perception. Gregory
Burton’s Background Report: The Fulani Herdsmen is
one such text that provides an account of the phenomenon, presenting
explanations, descriptions, and interpretations of the herdsmen crisis.
However, like many media and analytical reports, it is not free from
ideological positioning. The choices of words, framing of events, and patterns
of representation within the report may reflect underlying assumptions and
power relations that shape how the Fulani are perceived.
Critical Discourse
Analysis (CDA), particularly as developed by Noman Fairclough, offers a
valuable framework for examining how discourse functions within broader social
practices. It enables the analysis of how language in Burton’s report
constructs identities, assigns blame, and legitimizes certain perspectives
while marginalizing others. By situating the text within its socio-political
context, this study seeks to uncover the implicit meanings and ideological
structures embedded in the report. Therefore, this research is motivated by the
need to critically interrogate the representation of Fulani herdsmen in
Burton’s work, with the aim of revealing how discourse contributes to the
reproduction of power, inequality, and social bias in contemporary media
narratives.
Objectives of the Study
1. To identify the
textual features of repetition and negation to express the political ideologies
hidden in Gregory’s report
2. To determine how the report producer is
trying to implement the intentional, political observation employing
intertextual strategies of persuasion and argumentation
Review of Related
Literature
Okoro and Ndubuisi
(2022) analyze newspaper headlines and reveal that linguistic choice,
particularly transitivity patterns, often frame herdsmen as perpetrators
violence, thereby reinforcing negative ideological positions. Similarly,
studies on ethnic representation herdsmen/famer discourse show that Fulani
herdsmen are frequently portrayed as “marauders”, ‘trouble makers”, and
aggressors, while other groups are constructed as victims. Such binary
constructions contribute to an “us versus them” narrative that depends ethnic
division and sustains social inequality. In addition to mainstream media,
research has also explored audience discourse. Onoja, Bebenimibo, and Onoja
(2022) examine online comments on news reports and find that public discourse
obtain reproduces and amplifies dominant negative stereotypes about Fulani
herdsmen. Thess discourses not only reflect existing prejudice but also
reinforce them, contributing to the marginalization of the Fulani ethnic group.
The study highlights how limited access to media platforms by the Fulani
themselves further inherit unequal power relation in discourse production.
Other scholars have emphasized the broader socio-political context of the
herdsmen crisis. Ndubuisi (2018) argues that while the conflict is frequently
framed as violent and ethnic in nature, it is also deeply rooted in
environmental, economics, and political factors such as resource competition,
migration, and governance failures. Despite these contributions, there remains
a gap in the literature regarding the critical analysis of specific texts such
as Gregory Burton’s Background Report: The Fulani Herdsmen. While Burton’s
report provides historical and contextual insights into the Fulani and their
socio-economic rules, including their significant contribution to Nigerian
livestock economic, its discursive strategy and ideological positioning have
not been sufficiently interrogated. Existing studies tend to focus broadly on
newspapers, online media, or audience discourse, living room for a more focused
CDA of individual analytical reports. Therefore, this study builds on existing
literature by applying CDA to Burton’s report, aiming to uncover how language
is used to construct the identity of Fulani herdsmen, assign agency, and
reflect underline power relations. By doing so, it contributes to a deeper
understanding of how discourse shapes public perception and potentially
influences policy and social attitudes toward the herdsmen crisis.
Text
Text refers to both
written and spoken language which includes transcripts of (spoken)
conversations, reports, interviews, and newspaper articles among others.
(Fairclough, 1995a, 2003). Similarly, Fairclough (2001a) opines that text is
considered a product rather than a process of social interaction (which names
it discourse). He also mentions that text is just a portion of discourse which
is seen as the product of the process of text production and a source for the
process of text interpretation. Beaugrande and Dressler (1981) have mentioned
seven standards of textuality in which they claim that a text has to meet
before it will be regarded as communicative: (1) Cohesion which concerns the
surface text i.e. the real words are equally linked according to grammatical
forms and conventions; (2) coherence concerns with the textual world which
refers to the concepts and relations that inspire the surface text that is
constituted in the way that they commonly reachable and applicable: (3)
intentionality talks about the text producer’s intentions to construct a
cohesive and coherent text; (4) acceptability works on the text receiver’s
attitude to the text. Specifically, it refers to the receiver’s acceptance of
the text as relevant as well as cohesive and coherent; (5) informativity is
considered as “the extent to which a presentation is new or unanticipated for
the receivers” (p.139); (6) situationality simply means the features which
makes a text to be appropriate to a situation of occurrence; and, finally (7)
intertextuality which refers to “the ways in which the production and reception
of a given particular text depend upon the participant’s knowledge of other
texts”.
The opinion that
communicative text has to describe the above seven standards (Beaugrande & Dressler,
1981) is also reflected in the view of discourse as the text is measured as
part of discourse. Reisigl and Wodak (2009) claim that texts are “parts of
discourse” that “make speech acts strong over time,” and therefore connect “the
situation of speech production and the situation of speech reception.”
Fairclough (2003) opines that texts are “elements of social events” that
“maintain fundamental effects upon and contribute to changes in people
(attitude, beliefs among others), actions, social relations, and material
world” (p.8). Therefore, texts are concurrently representing the world, setting
up social identities, and setting up social relations (Fairclough, 1995a).
Analyzing Discourse
No consensus is made
among scholars in the use of discourse as it “is used otherwise by different
scholars and also in different academic cultures” (Wodak & Bsuch, 2004).
However, in CDA approach, discourse is perceived as a means of social practice (Fairclough,
2001a). Wodak and Fairclough (1997) describe discourse as:
“CDA sees discourse-
language use in speech and writing- as a form of ‘social practice’. Describing
discourse as social practice implies a dialectal relationship between a
particular discursive event and the situation(s) institution(s) and social
structure(s) that frame it. Discourse is socially constitutive as well as
socially shaped: it constitutes situations, objects of knowledge, and the
social identities of and relationships between people and groups of people. It
is constitutive both in the sense that it helps to sustain and reproduce the
social status quo, and in the sense that it contributes to transforming it”
(Wodak & Fairclough, 1997).
Discourse is seen as a
text and context together, interrelating in a way which is perceived as
meaningful and united by the participants (who are both part of the context and
observers of it) Cook, 200). Gee (2011) describes “Discourse” with capital “D” and
“discourse” with a small letter “d” Gee (ibid.) opines that “discourse” with a
small letter “d” means language-in-use, but “capital D” Discourses use
language, as well as “other stuff” such as valuing, thinking, interacting, and
acting”, that identify diverse identities and activities.
Fairclough (2003)
describes discourse as a component of orders of discourse -the network of
social practices – which figures in three ways. (1) as part of the action:
dissimilar genres can be notable “as different ways of (inter)acting
discursively”. (2) discourse is described as ways of representations of the
material world, of other social practices, reflexive self-representations of
the practice in question”. He shows that here discourse can be applied in two
senses: a) discourse is considered as an abstract noun, “meaning language and
other types of semiosis as elements of social life”; and b) discourse is seen
as a count noun which can be counted, “meaning particular ways of representing
part of the world.” (3) Discourse establishes ways of being, particularly
social or personal identities, which he means by the discoursive aspect of it,
a style.
Discursive Construction
Discourse can be applied
to construct cohesive subjects like races, nations, and ethnicities (Reisigl
& Wodak, 2001). Similarly, Wodak (2002) believes that discursive practice
may be implemented intentionally to achieve a particular goal which includes
social, linguistic, political, and psychological respectively which she means
as a strategy. She also maintains that discursive strategies are “systematic
ways of using language” that can be employed in constructing and representing
social actors. Wodak (2001, 2006a) proposes four macro- strategies as can be
seen here: (1) constructive strategies, which means an effort to construct or
establish groups (Us and Them), an image of oneself or a particular national
identity, and so on and so forth; (2) perpetuation and justification strategy,
which serve to preserve and reproduce already established group and images or
threatened national identity; (3) transformational strategies which aim to
transform a relatively well-established national identity or parts of it into
another identity; and destructive strategy, which aim at dismantling or
demolishing existing national identities or elements of them.
The Concept of Critical
Discourse Analysis (CDA)
Critical Discourse
Analysis is an approach that examines language as discourse, which means that
“language is perceived as one element of the social process dialectically
interrelated with others” (Fairclough & Graham, 2002). CDA investigates
real occurrences of social interaction that take a complete or partial
linguistic form as it aims to make visible “the ideological loading of
particular ways of using language and relations of power” that trigger them
(Fairclough &Wodak, 1997).
Critical discourse
analysis studies social practices built on their discourse moments (Chouliaraki
& Fairclough, 1999). It stresses “the fundamentally linguistic and
discursive nature of social relations of power” and the way they are applied
and discussed in discourse (Fairclough & Wodak, 1997). CDA is used to
examine texts in order to uncover what “structures, strategies or other
properties of text, talk, verbal interaction or communicative events play a
vital role” in the production or reproduction of unequal power relations (Van
Dijk, 1993a).
Methodology
This study adopts a
qualitative research design, employing Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA)
as its primary analytical framework to examine Gregory Burton’s Background
Report on Fulani Herdsmen. Qualitative approach is considered
appropriate because the study focuses on interpreting meanings, ideologies, and
power relations.
Method of Data
Collection
The data for this study
is obtained from the online report written by the author (Gregory Burton of the
report titled Background Report: The Fulani
Herdsmen. Several persecution words used in the report were identified
such as, Fulani Herdsmen militant repeated 13
violence repeated 2, harbor 1 havoc 1 terrorist 3 destruction1,
outrage 1, threat 4, attack 7, dangerous groups
1. However, some of the phrases in which the persecution words were also
found are follows: Fulani militants and Boko Haram, there have
been accusations of collusion, unlikely to be connected, most dangerous group,
infamous terror attack, their attack is disheartening, militant action militia
attacks.
Method of Data
Presentation and Analysis
This study adopts a
qualitative approach to data presentation and analysis, drawing on the
principles of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), particularly the
three-dimensional framework proposed by Noman Fairclough. The method is
designed to systematically examine how language in Gregory Burton’s Background
Report: The Fulani Herdsmen constructs meanings,
ideologies and power relations. The data for this study consist of selected
excerpts are purposively sampled based on their relevance to key themes such as
representation of Fulani herdsmen, conflict narratives, identity construction,
and power relations.
Micro Level
Fairclough (1995a)
claims that texts some lexical choices are used to show the level of authority
and co-membership with the audience. Authors will frequently try to encourage
us via assertions to have power over us. They will use particular, official discussion
terms that support covey authority. Regarding the above level, Gregory’s report
on Fulani Herdsmen is analyzed to justify for the producer via which the
lexical features of Negation, persecution, and Repetition were used to convey
the plans implanted in linguistic depictions. Therefore, the number of negative
as well as repeated persecution words and sentences were counted. Also, the
report produces the metaphorical structure of the text that is analyzed to
explain the planned delusions and illusions employed to dictate authority.
Meso Level
According to Fairclough
(1992), Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is a determination to make up for the
lack of development of the nature of the connection between language, power,
and ideology, and accounts for the methods of clarifying those political and
ideological investments. van Dijk (1993) in other words, affirms that CDA is an
approach to disclose the social relations of power which exist in texts both
obviously and indirectly. A critical approach to discourse is trying to display
the connections between the text (micro-level) and the covered power structures
within the society (macro-sociocultural practice level) using discursive
practice based on which the text was produced (meso-level) (Thompson, 2002). On
the other hand, a text is considered an account of something that is taking
place in a higher social context abundant with a complex set of power
relations, and is understood and encouraged by the readers or listeners
depending on the rules, norms, and mental models of the society they live in. Hence
via linking and analyzing the language used in this report, an attempt is made
to uncover such discursive strategies of argumentation and persuasion some of
which are unambiguously expressed and others indirectly.
Macro Level
Critical Discourse
Analysis (CDA) study has been primarily concerned with the persuasive influence
of power, a notion of power connected with Gramsci (1971), whose concept of
hegemony refers to the ways via which dominant groups in society succeed in persuading
minor groups to agree with the former’s own political, institutions, moral, and
cultural values respectively. By the way of ethnographic information and
examining the intertextual connection of the report, it is deliberated how the
notion of hegemony is proficient throughout this report.
Data Analysis and
Discussion
The data for this
present study consists of a report written by Gregory Burton Cyma in November
2016 titled “A background report: Fulani Herdsmen downloaded from the Internet.
The report is made up of eight (8) pages depending on the Fulani Herdsmen's representation.
However, the report was analyzed cautiously in terms of cohesive and coherent
devices at micro, meso, and micro levels that influenced the readers’
conceptions of the texts.
Data Analysis and
Discussion at the Micro Level
At the micro level, the
report was analyzed in terms of persecution words, repetition, and negation.
Almost all persecution words were carefully searched in the text so that the
most frequent ones were found. Among the several persecution words used in the
report are: Fulani Herdsmen militant repeated 13
violence repeated 2, harbor 1 havoc 1 terrorist 3 destructions
1outrage1 threat 4, attack 7 dangerous groups
1 as can be seen in figure 1. “However, some of the
phrases in which the persecution words were also found as follows: Fulani
militants and Boko Haram, there have been accusations of collusion,
unlikely to be connected, most dangerous group, infamous terror attack, their
attack is disheartening, militant action militia attacks. Other
persecution sentences include: Fulani herdsmen share similarities with Boko
Haram, they confined their attack to Nigeria’s middle belt, Fulani attacks
targeting sites that are solely military or governmental and compromise
military positions, they destabilize the government military positions,
focusing on clearing land inflicting casualties through the use of firearms”.
The report also depicted President Muhammadu Buhari’s tenure (2015 to date) as
Hausa/Fulani by tribe such as government action has not been forthcoming
against the Fulani militants, President Muhammadu Buhari has been accused of
giving the Fulani preferential treatment due to his Fula heritage, the Nigerian
military was not being used to counteract the effort of Fulani militant, the
Nigerian government has not addressed Fulani concerns. Similarly, Fulani
herdsmen were portrayed as out-group Others in some sentences like Fulani
people are almost solely Muslims, Fulani has engaged in fighting, Fulani
resorted to such widespread terrorist activity. The report was however analyzed
based on negation and how it has occurred and repeated several. For instance,
negated words like not, no, and prefixes were found in that report. The word ‘not’
appears 10 times, ‘no’, and finally prefix ‘un’ is repeated 2
times in the report. There are also negative sentences as can be seen:
The motives of Fulani, while simple, cannot be satisfied with
any resolution.
Government action has not been forthcoming against the Fulani
militants….).
Nigerian Military was not being used to counteract the efforts
of Fulani militants….).
This may not be the case for much longer, as Boko Haram begins
to fall behind the Fulani in terms of casualties, has been responsible for 330
deaths in early 2016 compared to the Fulani militants 488.
In the first quarter of 2016, Fulani militants were responsible
for nearly 500 deaths, and have shown no signs of slowing down.
…… a demand that has not been met with uniform acceptance.
Through the deliberate
use of many negations or negated words in the report, the report producer
wishes to put stress on this claim that since Fulani herdsmen are ‘solely
Muslims’ (Burton, 2016 p. 4) and the Muslim community is considered around the
globe as terrorists, equally Fulani herdsmen they were depicted as terrorist,
violent, militia, harbor, havoc, attackers, threat, militant among
others, in the report in order inform the world while there was no single
justification for that claim. Repetition, on the other hand, is a lexical
cohesion that refers to words that are being repeated in a text. The deliberate
repetition of some items in a text may be because the writer wishes to lay an
exceptional emphasis on something to produce a special effect on the reader’s
mind. In the report, the producer has attentively tried to capture the reader’s
attention to the point that all the activities of Fulani herdsmen within and
outside Nigeria are considered mysterious, strange, odd, and unusual by
repeating words like violence, militant, terrorist, attackers, threat,
havoc, among others. He has made an effort to portray a picture that
displays that the nature of Fulani herdsmen is not peaceful.
Data Analysis and Discussion at the Meso Levels
Significantly that
political forms of texts have political functions and implications, an effort
has been prepared to discover how via discursive devices of argumentation and
persuasion the report producer is trying to change the readers’ ideology, culture,
and beliefs concerning Fulani herdsmen activities. The sentences through report
discloses how the writer put explicit terminologies in sentences to portray a
picture that Fulani herdsmen’s activities are insecure and unreliable.
The motives of Fulani,
while simple, cannot be satisfied with any resolution.
Government action has
not been forthcoming against the Fulani militants….).
Nigerian Military was
not being used to counteract the efforts of Fulani militants….).
This may not be the
case for much longer, as Boko Haram begins to fall behind the Fulani in terms
of casualties, has been responsible for 330 deaths in early 2016 compared to
the Fulani militants 488.
In the first quarter
of 2016, Fulani militants were responsible for nearly 500 deaths, and have
shown no signs of slowing down.
…… a demand that has
not been met with uniform acceptance.
The above sentences were
used in the report to create an atmosphere of doubt and distrust in the world
that Fulani herdsmen are terrorists, militants violent, and disloyal to
international rules and regulations. Additionally, the report producer tried to
persuade the readers to survey the possible international intervention against
Fulani herdsmen activities even though Fulani herdsmen are traditionally mobile
herders penetrating every angle searching for what their cattle eat for the
sake of their survival. For instance, the following sentences were seen in the
report:
The motives of Fulani, while simple, cannot be satisfied with
any resolution.
Government action has not been forthcoming against the Fulani
militants….).
Nigerian Military was not being used to counteract the efforts
of Fulani militants….). This may not be the case for much longer, as Boko Haram
begins to fall behind the Fulani in terms of casualties, has been responsible
for 330 deaths in early 2016 compared to the Fulani militants 488.
In the first quarter of 2016, Fulani militants were responsible
for nearly 500 deaths, and have shown no signs of slowing down.
The use of clauses such
as: ‘Government action has not been made…’, ‘Nigerian military was not used…’
‘Fulani militants were responsible for nearly 500 deaths…’, ‘Fulani in terms of
casualties, has been responsible for 330 deaths’ shows that the report producer
without having any tangible sources is trying to occupy the readers' mind with
this idea that Fulani herdsmen activity is threatening Nigerian and global
insecurity and that he appeals for international security intervention
concerning this issue.
Van Dijk (1997) based on
the macrostructure of political discourse tend to be future-oriented. Providing
the role of discourse in the political method, one may naturally expect
references to or threats about future developments, announcements, or promises
particularly on future actions and so on. Fairly normal for much political
discourse is the fact that references to the past are vague, those to the
present negative and those to the future positive (Van Dijk, 1997). This is
what is perceived in the report produced by the writer. In this report
ambiguous, long, and repeated references have been made to the past, many
negations and many negative words have been written concerning the present
situation of Fulani herdsmen activity concerning future actions Fulani
herdsmen’ may assume. Therefore, the research in CDA has been chiefly concerned
with the persuasive influence of power, a conception of power connected with
Gramcy (1971), whose notion of hegemony labels the ways via which main groups
in society succeed in persuading subordinate groups to agree with the formers’
own moral, political and cultural values and institutions (Machin &Mayer,
2012). In democratic societies one of which is the place where this report was
released, power needs to be seen as authentic by people to be agreed, and the
procedure of authenticity is usually believed via language and other
communicative systems. Therefore, Fairclough (1995) frequently texts can use
lexical choices to show the level of authority and co-membership with the
audience. Authors will often seek to influence us via claims to have power over
us. They always use precise, official-sounding terms that assist in conveying
authority. A close analysis of the Fulani herdsmen report written by Burton
discloses occurrences of the word “government”, 8 occurrences of “legislature”
4 occurrences of the word, “Nigerian” 7 occurrences of the word, “military”, 5
occurrences of the word “accused”, 2 all which are connected to persuading
Fulani herdsmen to be as they are above the baseless law. Some of the instances
are the following:
Government action has not been forthcoming against the Fulani
militants, and bills intended to resolve issues in the middle belt have been
highly contested in the Nigerian legislature.
Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari has been accused of giving
the Fulani preferential treatment due to his Fula heritage, and legislation
proposed by his party has been met with suspicion and outrage.
Conclusion
In conclusion, this
paper is focused on the discursive analysis of a report titled a Background
Report: Fulani herdsmen were written by Gregory Burton
2016, on the concept of Fairclough (1989) in which he developed a
three-dimensional guideline for studying discourse. He aimed to plan three
distinct forms of analysis onto one another: that is to say, analysis of
(spoken or written) language texts, analysis of discourse practice (the process
of text production, distribution, and consumption) and analysis of discursive
events as examples of sociocultural practice. Particularly, he combined micro,
meso, and macro-level interpretations.
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