Postcolonial Pragmatic Components in the Dynamics of Power and Conflict in Contemporary Society A study of Shehu Sani’s play When Clerics Kill

This article is published in AL-QALAM Journal of Languages and Literary Studies, Vol. 1, Issue 1, December 2025 (A Publication of the Department of English and Literature, Federal University Gusau, Zamfara State, Nigeria)

POSTCOLONIAL PRAGMATIC COMPONENTS IN THE DYNAMICS OF POWER AND CONFLICT IN CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY A STUDY OF SHEHU SANI’S PLAY WHEN CLERICS KILL

By

*IBE, Marcilina Chidinma (PhD)^, UGWUAGBO, Walter (PhD) & DANLADI, Glory

University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

Corresponding Author’s Email addresses and Phone No: chimars406@gmail.com. +2347032820156,

Abstract

Existing scholarship has illustrated the intricate interplay between language, power, and conflict in postcolonial societies. However, few studies have examined these dynamics within the framework of contemporary society using Shehu Sani’s play When Clerics Kill. This study employs Anchimbe’s (2006) Postcolonial Pragmatic theory to analysis the text and investigate how postcolonial pragmatic components shape the dynamics of power and conflict. Data for the analysis were drawn from the utterances and dialogues of the characters, with particular attention to the influence of cultural context, religion, social status, collective identity, age, and historical experience. The study reveals that language and communication in the play are profoundly shaped by the historical and cultural legacies of colonialism. It highlights how power dynamics, social hierarchies, and cultural differences influence language use, creating sites of both conflict and resistance. By demonstrating that language is not neutral but bound to power relations, the analysis underscores the role of pragmatic strategies in reinforcing, contesting, and negotiating authority within postcolonial contexts. Ultimately, this research contributes to a deeper understanding of how postcolonial pragmatic components inform the construction of conflict and power in contemporary African societies.

Keyword: Postcolonial pragmatics, contemporary society, Shehu Sani, When Clerics Kill

 

Introduction

Language is fundamentally a tool of communication, inseparable from the social, cultural, and historical contexts in which it is used. As long as language functioned as a communication tool in society, then, it must be affected by feelings, life style, and the speakers of the language's society tradition, (i.e., the cultural norms, customs, and practices of the community that speaks the language). The history of human life began concurrently with the birth of language. Language study focused on the influence of language in society, generate knowledge of language variation and language diversity. Language attitudes (opinions, feelings, and beliefs that people hold about a language) arise because people who speak the language have a goal to achieve. In line with this, Charolina (2020) in her research pointed out that language selection is not random but determined by social, cultural, and contextual factors. It happens because the speaker has a goal to achieve. The language used must resemble to the ongoing speech situation. Language can be studied by its use and functions. Language use is not only being apart by culture, age, social status, and gender but also depends on the situation around. Based on Mu’in (2019) language use is controlled by linguistic etiquette. This linguistic etiquette refers to the practice in any speech community of organizing linguistic action so that it is seen as appropriate to the current communicative event.

Pragmatics as a branch of linguistics is constructed in context, focusing on the relationship between language and its users in particular social situations. In postcolonial societies like Nigeria, pragmatic choices are never neutral; they are shaped by histories of colonialism, ethnic pluralism, religious differences, and social hierarchies, making language a site of power struggle and conflict. Postcolonial pragmatics, typically refers to the study of how language and communication are influenced by the historical and cultural legacies of colonialism. It explores how power dynamics, social hierarchies, and cultural differences impact the use of language in postcolonial contexts. A fundamental aspect of collaborative work is that individuals are not identical, and will approach the same task with differences in their expectations, goals, and preferred styles of working. They will have different amounts of time to commit to the resolution of a problem, and even different notions of what the problem is. These differences will, at times, lead to conflict.

Conflict is a common phenomenon in interactions between individuals, and between groups of individuals. Handling conflict is one of the factors that determines whether a group of people can work together successfully. Omisore and Ashimi (2014) defines conflict as a process that another party has negatively affected, or is about to negatively affect, something that first party cares about, highlighting the cognitive and emotional dimensions of conflict. Thomas (1992) offers a complementary perspective, describing conflict as any situation in which two or more parties feel themselves in opposition, underscoring the relational and adversarial nature of conflict. Furthermore, Violeta (2023) characterises conflict as the struggle between incompatible needs, wishes, ideas, interests or people, situating it within broader social and structural tension.

Consequently, power is a central concern in postcolonial pragmatics because it determines how individuals and groups negotiate meaning, authority, and identity in interaction. Traditionally, power has been understood in terms of dominance, control, or the ability of one party to influence another. Yet, recent scholarship has expanded this understanding by situating power within discursive and relational context. For example, Lukes (2021) conceptualises power not only as visible acts of domination but also as the ability to shape perceptions, preferences, and agendas in suitable ways, what he calls the “third dimension of power.” This shows how power may operate invisibly in discourse, guiding what can or cannot be said. Similarly, Gaventa (2022) defines power as the capacity of social actors to affect the interests of others in direct and indirect ways, stressing its fluid and multi-layered nature in contemporary governance and sociopolitical relations. In addition, Haugaard (2023) argues that power is best understood as a social relation in which actors draw upon structures of meaning, norms, and resources to influence outcomes, thus linking it directly to discursive and cultural practices.

The dynamics of power and conflict within the English language are reflective of broader sociopolitical and cultural paradigms. Scholars in the field of language studies have uncovered how language is not only a means of communication but also a site where power is exercised and conflicts arise. This understanding of the interplay between power and conflict in language is essential for a comprehensive examination of language use in society. Understanding the dynamic of power in the English language involves recognizing how language can be employed as a tool of authority. Kramsch (2020) conceptualises language as symbolic power, showing how discourse authorizes s certain perspectives, constructs social realities, and legitimise authority. Zeng et al (2023) further argue that English, through its global institutional reach, can function as a form of linguistic neo-imperialism, reproducing inequalities and shaping ideological horizons in postcolonial setting; and pragmatic work grounded in Nigerian contexts demonstrates how discursive moves such as blame, framing, presupposition, and defamation can both enact domination and enable resistance, meaning that power and conflict are continuously performed and negotiated through language (Ayodabo, 2024). This means that language is a medium through which power structures are maintained and reinforced. Postcolonial societies such as Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya, among others are largely characterised by multiculturalism, ethnicity, identities and linguality due to their colonial experiences. The interaction of these colonial experiences with the indigenous and traditional ways of the people have led to the emergence of "complex hybridic forms of communication" (Anchimbe and Janney 2011, p. 1451) which constitute the object of investigation in postcolonial pragmatics.

Despite the considerable body of research on postcolonial pragmatics, power, and conflict in African literature, much of the scholarship has focused on recognised writers or on general sociolinguistic patterns within postcolonial societies (Anchimbe, 2006; Ellah et al., 2021). Studies have shown how language reflects hybrid identities, cultural tensions, and political struggles, yet very few have systematically examined how postcolonial pragmatic components function as discursive strategies for negotiating power and conflicts in Nigerian dramatic texts. In particular, Shehu Sani’s When Clerics Kill (hereafter, WCK) though politically charged and thematically rich has received limited pragmatic analysis, with most existing works (e.g., Abdulmalik, 2021; Idegwu, 2022) emphasizing its sociological and ideological dimensions rather than its communicative strategies. This gap is significant, as the play provides a unique platform for exploring how religion, ethnicity, gender, and class are enacted linguistically in contexts of conflict. Therefore, this study addresses the gap by applying postcolonial pragmatics to uncover the communicative mechanisms through when WCK dramatises the dynamics of power and conflict in contemporary Nigerian society. Against this backdrop, the primary objective of this study is to analyse the postcolonial pragmatic components in Shehu Sani’s WCK, with a particular focus on how they shape the dynamics of power and conflict in contemporary Nigerian society. Specifically, the study seeks to: identity the pragmatic strategies employed in the play to dramatize power relations and conflict, and examine how these strategies reflect postcolonial realities such as religion, ethnicity, gender, and class.

Sani and When Clerics Kill

Shehu Sani is a renowned Nigeria and rights Activist, prolific writer, playwright and poet. In the 1990s, he was a leading dissident imprisoned by the Nigerian military junta for his prodemocracy activism. Sani’s other works include: Always Wrong, Can Yar’Adua Get It Right, Betrayal and Society, The Killing Fields, Scorpion Under pillow, The Phantom Crescent, The Beast Empire and Thugs at the Helm to mention a few.

Meanwhile, WCK is a play based fictitiously on a society that has been affected by uncontrollable religious or ethnic violence cause by the refusal of the people to conform to the principles of tolerance and coexistence; the play exposes the roles of political leaders and challenges of governance in a violence society. It also uncovers the misconduct of security personnel during crisis, how they exploit and profit themselves from emergency situations. It exposes the failure of the government and the causative factors of corruption, the religious persecution and criminality of state apparatus which lead to violent. The play is about agitation, puritanism and the politics of religiosity. It gives a sight of the views and frustrations of young people, the supercilious and hateful perceptions of some clerics and Brigandage of law enforcers in such a given situation. The play points to the role courageous individuals could play in speaking out for peace and standing up to violence and in defiance of fear and for preservation of freedom.

Literature Review

Shehu Sani’s WCK has drawn scholarly attention, though very few studies have offered descriptive theoretical accounts of how language operates within the play. The present review engages both the play and the theoretical framework anchoring this study. Idegwu (2022), for instance, underscores the urgent need for sound character formation among political leaders, using Yerima's Atika's Well and Sani's WCK as case studies. Employing a sociological framework and rapport management theory, the study examines the interface between literature and society. It demonstrates how both Yerima and Sani fictionalise Nigeria’s socio-political, religious and economic realities, exposing the persistent corruption and selfishness of political leaders since independence. Idegwu thus advocates for mental restructuring as a prerequisite to any other form of restructuring if genuine national development is to be achieved. In the same vein, Abdulmalik (2021) interprets Sani’s WCK as a dramatization of the severe consequences of religious divides in Nigeria and the underlying forces that sustain such rivalries. The play is positioned as a vehicle for social change, highlighting the necessity of addressing ideological foundations if Nigeria’s challenges are to be resolved. Abdulmalik stresses that meaningful religious coexistence can only be attained through sustained interfaith dialogue. He further concludes that the masses, both Muslim and Christian, remain victims of exploitation by manipulative political elites, while it is often the poor who bear the brunt of violence and unrest.

Beyond direct studies on WCK, related research in postcolonial pragmatics also provides valuable insights. For example, Otung (2019) investigates the realisation of speech acts such as apologies, complaints, and requests among Nigerian and German students. His study sheds light on communication dynamics, greeting rituals, and interactional strategies shaped by social norms, cultural expectations, and power relations. The findings reveal sharp contrasts between the preferred strategies of both group and underscore the difficulties Nigerian students face when adapting to German academic contexts. The research highlights how colonial history, globalisation, and intercultural encounters continue to shape communicative behaviour, and it calls for further exploration of postcolonial data within academic and social spheres.

Likewise, Ellah et al (2021) analyse Eno Nta's Prayer for my Children and other Poems through a postcolonial pragmatics perspective to reveal how the poet constructs identities in postcolonial discourse. Drawing on both qualitative and quantitative approaches, the study examines forty code-switched expressions combining English with six Nigerian languages; Efik/Ibibio, Yoruba, Igbo, Hausa, Ejagham, and Beni. The findings show how code-switching functions to signal solidarity, identity construction, and politeness across varied socio-discursive contexts. Furthermore, the study identifies pragmatic categories such as music, address terms, clothing, greetings, and food as markers of the poet’s multi-sociocultural worldview. The researchers conclude that Western theoretical framework, which are largely individualistic, remain insufficient for analysing African literary texts that are grounded in collectivist traditions.

In contrast, more recent scholarship by Ayodabo (2024) interrogates how language in Nigerian public discourse including media functions as a site of power and conflict. Ayodabo demonstrates that verbal interactions in social-political contexts are not simply reflections of power imbalances but active arenas where ideological control and resistance are negotiated through speech acts like accusation, defamation, and framing. This focus more closely aligns with the present study’s concern with linguistic strategies in WCK and how they dramatise power relations and conflict in contemporary society.

Theoretical Framework

This study is anchored on Anchimbe’s (2006) postcolonial pragmatics. As its core, the theory argues that colonisation not only produced hybridised forms of colonial languages but also generated new, culturally mixed communicative patterns and pragmatic strategies. In other words, postcolonial contexts give rise to unique linguistic practices shaped by the interplay of indigenous traditions and imposed colonial languages of power. Postcolonial pragmatic is therefore concerned with the lived experiences of speakers in postcolonial societies, whose identities, relationships, communicative needs, and social expectations are historically conditioned by complex sociocultural environments. Within such communities, individuals are foremost members of social, ethnic, or linguistic groups, and their communicative strategies often prioritise the defense of group values over personal “face” needs. Choices of language, code, accent, or identity markers are adaptive strategies deployed to negotiate acceptance and belonging in specific interactional contexts (Anchimbe, 2006, p.25).

The scope of postcolonial pragmatics extends across diverse discourses; spoken, printed, audiovisual, and digital, in which interlocutors’ linguistic behaviour is explainable by the transfer or merging of pragmatic assumptions from one sociocultural framework to another. Anchimbe highlights the role of sociocultural variables such as history, age, ethnicity, gender, social status, language identity, and cultural norms in shaping interactional outcomes. For example, age can influence patterns of code switching, politeness, and authority, while gender may determine forms of address, conflict negotiation, or access to power (Anchimbe & Janney, 2011).

By foregrounding these sociocultural factors, postcolonial pragmatics provides an enriched approach for analysing texts like Shehu Sani’s WCK, where language operates as a tool for negotiating power and dramatising conflict. The theory allows this study to examine how pragmatic strategies such as implicatures, presuppositions, politeness forms, and speech acts, reflect the socio-political and religious tensions of contemporary Nigerian society. In this way, Anchmbe’s framework offers fresh insights into the intersection of language, power, and conflict in postcolonial literary discourse.

Methodology

This study uses a qualitative analytical design grounded in Anchimbe’s (2006) postcolonial pragmatics. The primary data source is Shehu Sani’s play WCK. Data were purposively sampled from the play to capture discursive moments where power relations, identity claims, and conflict are most salient. A total of 10 excerpts were selected for close analysis. These excerpts are passages made up of character utterances and dialogues that explicitly dramatise conflict and power relations.

Findings and Discussion

Shehu Sani’s WCK dramatises the intersections of religious belief, gender, social status, ethnicity, and collectivism, all of which resonate strongly with postcolonial pragmatic concerns. These components are embedded in the discourse of the play’s characters and serve as vehicles through which power relations, conflict, and identity are negotiated. Drawing on Anchimbe’s (2006) postcolonial pragmatics, the findings reveal how religion, gender, and ethnicity become communicative resources that both constrain and enable meaning-making in postcolonial Nigerian society.

Religious Beliefs/Practices

 Religious belief emerges as one of the most salient component in WCK. In postcolonial societies, religion often operates as a marker of identity and as a discursive platform through which conflicts and loyalties are articulated. According to Anchimbe’s framework, the pragmatic force of religious discourse in such contexts reflects collective identity claims and the prioritization of group values over individual perspectives. Let’s consider some examples in the text.

Example 1

 

JOHN: The forum is out to protect and preserve our Christian values and culture and to free us the impending dominance of the Muslims. And to save our town from being Islamized. You will join us when we form the women’s wing soon. We are out to defend our way of live with pertinacity.

 

MARTHA: (calmly) my dear, you have to be careful and all of you in that group should be careful. Pastor Gatari has been living outside this town for over 20 years. Now he is back with these anarchists and annihilating ideas. we have been living in peace all this while with these Muslims. I’m warning you that what you people are doing will not free us from anything but will only create division within ourselves (p. 15).

Example 2

JOHN: That was sufferance. It does not matter even if they are here for a thousand years. They are still settlers. We are the indigenous people here. This is where our ancestors are. These settlers came from the desert. They are Muslims, we are Christians. Know this, Woman.

MARTHA: (Cuts in.) My dear, these thought of yours are strange to me. Since you started attending these meetings at the house of Pastor Gatari, I have not been comfortable. I never like that man and his sententious postulations and it's now clear to me that he is indoctrinating you (p. 14-15).

These interactions reflect the ways in which religion shapes communicative acts in the play. John’s insistence on a rigid Muslim-Christian divide illustrates how religious identity becomes a pragmatic resource of exclusion, drawing boundaries of belonging that echo colonial legacies of division. Martha’s counter-position, however, foregrounds a pragmatic orientation toward harmony and coexistence. The influence of pastor Gatari is also mentioned, suggesting the role of religious leaders in shaping individuals’ perceptions in the postcolonial context.

Thus, religious discourse in WCK highlights the tension between indoctrination and resistance, between exclusionary identity claims and inclusive pragmatics. In Anchimbe’s terms, this reflects the merging of communicative strategies shaped by colonial history where imported religious ideologies intersect with local norms of tolerance and interfaith coexistence.

Gender Equality

During colonialism, the blending of cultures in numerous post-colonial societies resulted in a blended form of gender distinctions. This blending occurred when two contrasting gender ideologies intersected: one rooted in native cultural norms where women predominantly occupied the private sphere of the household with minimal access to the public realm, and the other derived from Western notions of gender parity. Let’s see some examples below:

Example 3

MARTHA: So, why the forum now and what's the use of such an organization?

JOHN: you are just a woman, you won't understand. This group is indispensable for our survival. If we don't stand up to these people you will be shocked that they will swallow us all up soon... (p. 15).

Example 4

TANI: (Tries to persuade the husband on her knees.) my dear, we have been living with these people for centuries. We share each other’s joy and sorrow.

SAGIR: I think I have said enough to convince you but it appears Shetan has denied you seeing the truth. (walks out on his wife who remains on her knees). (p. 29).

 

The above examples display gender inequality through John's dismissive and condescending attitude towards Martha because of her gender. He belittles her understanding and relevance, suggesting that being a woman somehow makes her incapable of comprehending the importance of the organization or the threats they face. This attitude reflects ingrained biases and assumptions about women's capabilities and intellect. In this text, gender serves as a significant postcolonial pragmatic component, highlighting power dynamics and social expectations influenced by historical and colonial contexts. Tani's position on her knees while trying to persuade her husband reflects traditional gender roles and expectations deeply rooted in societal norms. Her physical posture implies submission and supplication, reflecting the historical dominance and expectations placed on women within a patriarchal framework that can be traced back to colonial influences. Sagir's dismissive response, walking out on his wife despite her plea, demonstrates a sense of entitlement and superiority ingrained in the patriarchal structure influenced by historical legacies, including colonialism. His action reflects a disregard for Tani's attempt to communicate and showcases a power dynamic that suppresses her voice and agency. Gender, as a postcolonial pragmatic component, thus shapes the characters' behavior and interactions, showcasing the influence of historical and societal norms on their roles within the relationship.

Social Class/Social Status

Social class or status (i.e. professional, traditional, economic or educational) is a component that attracts deferential patterns of interaction. This is because the social status of a person is generally drawn into the ways they present themselves and are addressed by others. By social status, reference is made to new social achievements that grant an individual access to a higher social echelon in society, e.g. wealth, riches, social position, educational achievement or political advancement. Some examples are shown below:

Example 5

MARTHA: (clapping her hands surprisingly.) I am really surprised. Since we married I have never heard you talk like this. We live together with this people as one. We respect each other and now why this pestilent ...

JOHN: (Tries to convince the wife, cuts.) Hey! hey!! Stop this. Don't deceive yourself, these people hate us. They call us infidels or unbelievers. They took over our farmlands and built big houses and shops… (p. 14).

Social status in the above example becomes a constraint as john argues that the settlers (Muslims) have taken over their farmlands and built big houses and shops. This suggests economic disparities and power imbalances, reinforcing the impact of colonization on the distribution of resources.

Example 6

STEVE: When these politicians need our votes, they promise us all honey and milk, whenever they get to office, they simply forget us.

IBRO: Look at the Governor and local government chairman, since they won elections, they never got back to us. They changed their phone numbers and made themselves inaccessible. (P. 30).

Social status is evident in the text through the disparity between the politicians and the people they represent. Steve and Ibro highlight how politicians, once they secure their positions, neglect the promises made to their constituents. The elected officials, represented by the Governor and local government chairman, exhibit a shift in behaviour and accessibility after winning elections, implying a detachment from the concerns and needs of the common people. This also reflects a power dynamic where those in higher social and political positions often distance themselves from the everyday struggles and expectations of the populace once they attain their desired status.

Ethnicity/Kinship

Cultural expectations encompass various unwritten rules that dictate verbal and physical conduct in post-colonial societies, including norms related to name-calling, ethnicity and kinship.

Example 7

SAGIR: Can't you for goodness sake understand that these Christians are evil? They are bunch of sinful lots who do nothing but eat pork, eat dog, drink beer, walk naked and kill Muslims.

TANI: I don't think it's right to despise the Christians and depict them that way (p. 54).

Ethnicity plays a significant role in the above example through Sagir's biased and stereotypical view of Christians. His perspective is influenced by cultural prejudices and misinformation, portraying Christians in a derogatory and extreme manner. Sagir's beliefs about Christians eating pork, dogs, drinking beer, and engaging in immoral behaviour reflect a biased cultural narrative that is used to criticize and discriminate against a particular group based on their religious beliefs. Tani, on the other hand, challenges this biased portrayal, indicating a different perspective and a more open-minded approach to understanding others. Another example of cultural law can be seen below:

Example 8

PANELIST 3: you recommend vengeance. You don't believe in turning the cheek?

PASTOR GATARI: I know where you are getting at. But what you need to know is that my people and I will never ever, and I repeat: never ever submit to any attempt to exterminate our existence. We will never live under any world apart from that of Christ our Lord and Saviour. (P. 93)

Ethnicity also plays a role in this text through Pastor Gatari's reference to his people's beliefs and values. His statement reflects a cultural determination and a strong attachment to religious beliefs, emphasizing the importance of faith in guiding their actions. The concept of not submitting to extermination and remaining steadfast in their religious convictions is deeply rooted in cultural values, suggesting a collective identity and a sense of resilience against external threats that challenge their way of life. The mention of living only under the world of Christ highlights the cultural and religious underpinnings that influence their perspectives and actions.

Ethnicity/Collectivism

Collectivism is the practice or principle of giving a group priority over each individual in it. Ethnicity/Collectivism involves prioritizing the group over its individual members, a principle largely influenced by the collectivist nature prevalent in post-colonial cultures. This prioritization emphasizes safeguarding and maintaining group unity over fulfilling individual desires.

Example 9

MARTHA: My dear, your ideas are giving me headache and heartache. We have been living together for generations as neighbour.

JOHN: Don't deceive yourself and don't allow yourself to be deceived. This is our land. Muslims do not belong here. They are settlers. We are not the same. We are the landlords and they are tenants. A tenant cannot be equal to the landlord. (P.16)

Example 10

TANI: (Stands at the center of the gathering.) We gather here as mothers, wives and victims. We are here to salvage our once peaceful and united town which is now a theatre of violence. (Crowd cheers)

MARTHA: (Stands beside Tani.) We are here as a people against violence, terror, intolerance and divisive mischief. (Crowd cheers) (p. 100)

Collectivism is evident in both examples through the emphasis on group identity and unity. In John's statement, there's a clear delineation between "us" (presumably the locals) and "them" (the Muslims), highlighting a collective identity based on landownership. He asserts a sense of superiority and ownership over the land, portraying Muslims as outsiders or tenants, reinforcing a collective identity of belonging and superiority among the locals. Conversely, Tani, Martha, and the crowd emphasize a collective stance against violence, intolerance, and division. Their unity as "mothers, wives, and victims" and later as "a people against violence" underscores a collective approach to address the challenges faced by their community. Their shared identity as a united front against divisive forces reflects collectivist values, where the community's interests and solidarity take precedence over individual differences.

Conclusion

This study has examined the pragmatic strategies through which WCK dramatises the dynamics of power and conflict in a contemporary Nigerian context. By applying Anchimbe’s (2006) postcolonial pragmatics, the analysis has shown how language in postcolonial settings functions not only as a medium of communication but also as an instrument of domination, negotiation, and resistance. The ten selected excerpts illustrate how speakers draw upon religion, class, age, ethnicity, and cultural history to position themselves within shifting hierarchies of power.

The major contribution of this study lies in its extension of Anchimbe’s framework. While Anchimbe emphases the role of cultural context, collectivism, and postcolonial hybridity in shaping pragmatics, this research highlights how religion and political authority underexplored in his theory function as dominant forces in contemporary African discourse. In Sani’s play, clerics use language to claim moral authority, define boundaries, and mitigate conflict. The analysis therefore suggests that postcolonial pragmatics in Nigeria requires a stronger theorization of religio-political speech acts, where the authority of the sacred intersects with political power.

Furthermore, the findings reveal unique insights into Nigerian society and politics. The play foregrounds how ethnic stereotypes, gendered speech roles, and appeals to collective suffering are pragmatically moblised to justify violence or rally resistance. It shows that that conflicts in Nigeria are not merely ideological but are enacted through everyday communicative practices that normalize inequality and perpetuate mistrust. At the same time, the text illustrates how ordinary speakers resist domination through irony, sarcasm, and the re-appropriation of authoritative discourse.

In conclusion, the study underscores that language in Nigeria’s postcolonial reality is never neutral. It operates as a contested site where cultural memory, social hierarchy, and political power converge. By integrating Anchimbe’s framework with new insights into the pragmatic weight of religion and clerical authority, this research offers a more nuanced understanding of how communication sustains both conflict and resistance in African postcolonial societies.

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