Cite this article as: Aduse-Poku, S. (2025). ‘Me too, I go talk some’: A study of the use of non-standard English in Ama Ata Aidoo’s No Sweetness Here and Other Stories. Sokoto Journal of Linguistics and Communication Studies (SOJOLICS), 1(3), 147–156. https://doi.org/10.36349/sojolics.2025.v01i03.019
‘ME TOO, I GO TALK
SOME’: A STUDY OF THE USE OF NON-STANDARD ENGLISH IN AMA ATA AIDOO’S NO
SWEETNESS HERE AND OTHER STORIES
By
Samuel Aduse-Poku
Department of Languages Education,
Akenten Appiah-Menka University of Skills Training and Entrepreneurial
Development,
Kumasi, Ghana.
Abstract
This paper
examines the use of non-standard English in Ama Ata Aidoo’s No Sweetness
Here and Other Stories. The English Language serves as the official medium
of communication in Ghana. This is a direct outcome of Ghana being formerly
colonized by the British. As a result, individuals have to do their best to
effectively communicate using the English Language. Obviously, not all those
who use English as a medium of communication speak what is accepted as Standard
English in Ghana. Consequently, for the Ghanaian literary writer to properly
mirror his/her society, there is usually the incorporation of non-standard
English words and expressions in the various works of fiction. This study employs a qualitative content analysis research
design. Aidoo’s No Sweetness Here and
Other Stories serve as the primary data. Through a close reading of all the
short stories which are part of the collection, instances of the use of
non-standard English were identified and extracted for further analysis.
This study identified transliterations, pidgin, and broken English as the major
forms of words and expressions that can be described as non-standard English,
which were used by some of the characters in the collection of stories. The
study also revealed that the use of transliteration, pidgin and broken English
in Aidoo’s No Sweetness Here and Other Stories helps to create humour
and serves as a social marker. These non-standard English words and expressions
are assigned to individuals who are regarded as being part of the lower class
within the Ghanaian society. Language therefore plays a key role in
representing the dynamics of power and social relations as far as the Ghanaian
literary text is concerned.
Key
Words:
Communication, language, non-standard, stories, social marker
1. Introduction
Language is the
primary means by which the writer puts together his/her ideas to convey them to
the readers. It is also through the use of language that the creative writer is
able to communicate and mirror the world around him/her. It is therefore not surprising
that within the African literary space, the debate about which language should
be used in writing what is termed as ‘African literature’ has continued and
remains relevant even to this day. In fact, language, as a key part of culture,
is one of the primary means by which we identify people groups, countries,
tribes, ethnic groups, etc., usually have their own languages. Language is
therefore considered to be an essential means of identification. Since
literature mirrors society, the writer’s work also takes into consideration the
languages of the people about whom a particular writer may write. Indeed, there
is no proper representation of a people without considering their means of
communication.
In Ghana, the English Language serves as the
official medium of communication as a direct outcome of Ghana being formerly
colonized by the British. As a result, individuals have to do their best to
communicate effectively using the English language. By writing in English, the
Ghanaian literary writer can communicate across cultures and appeal to a larger
Ghanaian audience beyond ethnic lines. Since English is a global language, it
also offers the Ghanaian writer an excellent opportunity to reach a broader scope
of readers. It is therefore not surprising that English continues to dominate
as the means of communication in what is generally termed as written Ghanaian
literature. Obviously, not all those who use English as a medium of
communication speak what is accepted as Standard English. Consequently, for the
Ghanaian literary writer to properly mirror his/her society, there is usually
the incorporation of non-standard English words and expressions in the various
works of fiction.
While writing in
English, the Ghanaian literary writer has a duty to capture the various
‘Englishes’ (Kachru, 1992) spoken within the Ghanaian context. Since not all
Ghanaians speak what is accepted as Standard English, it would be preposterous
to expect all characters in Ghanaian fiction to express themselves in
impeccable English. It is this conundrum that creative writers from Ghana
address by capturing, as much as possible, how characters express themselves in
real life. Consequently, there are usually instances of code-switching,
transliteration, as well as the use of pidgin and broken English in Ghanaian
literatures written in English. Bamiro (1996) states that beyond being
concerned about what exists in African societies African literature reflects the
‘sociolinguistic and political realities of the African situation’ (p. 15). He
further argues that ‘English use in African literature could then be taken as
somewhat symptomatic of everyday language use and language variation in the
African sociolinguistic continuum…’ (p. 15). What African writers do is to
therefore ‘decolonize English and transform it to suit their African
socio-cultural and political exigencies’ (p. 15).
It can therefore
be said that language takes on the colouring of the context within which it is
used. According to Mukheef et al (2019), ‘Language is indeed an important
source of social markers’ (p. 1) since the language people use in their
communication reveal ‘their social affiliation whether in the dimension of
socioeconomic class, gender, age, ethnicity and personality’ (p. 1).
Consequently, the interest of critical readers and researchers is to dig deeper
to unravel the role of the various representations of language in a literary
text. This helps in appreciating why certain authors employ specific linguistic
styles in their works. Within literary works, a focus on language use
contributes greatly when it comes to analysing the characters in a text especially,
in terms of the roles they play.
This study aims to
examine the significance of non-standard English as spoken by some characters
in Aidoo’s No Sweetness Here and Other
Stories. Through a literary analysis of the short stories from Aidoo’s No Sweetness Here and Other Stories,
this paper seeks to examine words and expressions considered non-standard
English. Individual short stories from Aidoo’s collection, which will serve as
our primary data, will therefore be analysed in our study. Other relevant
secondary sources will be referred to in the course of the discussion.
2. Review of Literature
Ama Ata Aidoo, a
Ghanaian female author, academic, playwright, and poet, is considered to be one
of the leading African writers. Her
works include The Dilemma of a Ghost,
Anowa, Changes, and Our Sister
Killjoy. Aidoo’s collection of short stories consists of The Girl Who
Can and Other Stories as well as No
Sweetness Here and Other Stories. Her works have received significant
attention from readers, researchers, and literary critics. For many people,
Aidoo’s name has come to be associated with representing the female voice and
using the literary space to champion issues affecting women. Commenting on the
works of Aidoo and Nwapa, Brenda F. Berrian (1982) states that, ‘Nwapa and
Aidoo place their women characters in situations where their values conflict
with those of the men and their milieu’ (p. 331). Berrian (1982) continues
that, ‘The sad plight of Ghanaian women's daily struggle to survive is
reflected in the pages of Ama Ata Aidoo's short stories’ (p. 334). Indeed, this
view is supported by Monique Oshame Ekpong (2011), who also says that ‘Aidoo
believes that the improvement of the condition of women’s lives should not be
separated from their contribution to nation–building through alternative roles
other than those of marriage, hitherto prescribed for them by society’ (p.
149).
In fact, both as an activist and as a writer,
Aidoo has greatly distinguished herself as a champion of issues that affect
women. Commenting on the works of Aidoo,
Lloyd W. Brown (1974) acknowledges Aidoo’s pioneering role in penetrating the
African literary space which used to be male dominated ‘by her continuing
popularity in the accepted arenas of public attention, anthologies, reprints,
and mass circulation interviews (p. 172). As a writer, Aidoo has excelled in
using the literary space to advance her beliefs. According to Brown, ‘Aidoo's
art as a short-story writer combines her narrative materials and structures
with narrative points of view which, in turn, reflect a variety of insights
into the situation of Aidoo's women’ (p. 172).
While comparing
Aidoo’s No Sweetness Here to The Girl Who Can and Other Stories,
Ekpong (2011) argues that, unlike No Sweetness Here, in which several
stories are set in the rural setting, the majority of stories from The Girl
Who Can and Other Stories are set in the urban space. Just as the African
woman in the urban setting in No Sweetness Here is able to function
completely representing her humanity holding on tightly to her atavistic roles
of being a mother, working- inside and outside of the home-for food money for
family feedings, maintaining or keeping an existing family from snuffing out,
perpetuating people’s culture by telling stories, drilling “proper” language
into offspring; so also is the low-income urban women in the first segment of The
Girl Who Can carry various responsibilities to support their families.
Rosemary Marangoly
George and Helen Scott (1993) also describe Aidoo as ‘an important feminist
writer’ whose stories, novels, and plays feature strong female protagonists who
typically face institutionalized and personal sexism daily and strive to combat
the rigid and oppressive social construction of gender and its consequences on
ordinary women. They describe the stories in No Sweetness Here and Other Stories as presenting ‘different
manifestations of sexism-economic, cultural, interpersonal-as they are faced by
a range of ordinary working- and middle-class women over a four to five-year
-year period’ (p. 299).
Another aspect of
Aidoo’s short stories that has caught the attention of researchers is her
treatment of slavery and the colonial legacy, both of which are very relevant
today. In her discussion of ‘For Whom Things Did Not Change,’ Modupe Olaogun
(2002) focuses on the enduring impact of slavery in the story. Olaogun (2002)
further states that, ‘the writings of Aidoo, Head, and Emecheta, which examines
slavery, suggests that slavery is not a discrete historical event but one with
prehistories and consequences’ (p. 191).
Ogede (1994) also
asserts that, ‘One undeniable truth is that orality still serves as a badge of
authenticity in the work of several African writers.’ (p. 76) To him,
Ama Ata Aidoo, the
only woman fiction writer of substance to come out of Ghana so far, reveals
especially in her 1970 book of short stories, No Sweetness Here, that she was contemporaneous with Armah and
Ousmane (and many years ahead of Ngugi) in using oral strategies in fiction
both to subject her people to self-scrutiny and to suggest the means that could
lead them to freedom. (p. 77)
Ogede (1994)
further contends that, ‘Ironically, this all-important aspect of Aidoo's work
has received scant attention’ (p. 77). He continues to point out how ‘Aidoo
shows a deep knowledge of the possibilities of language…’ (p. 80) as well as
how ‘Aidoo's stories derive from her keen awareness that a story is not made
interesting merely by its subject, but more importantly by its style, by how it
is narrated... ‘(p. 81).
According to Imbukuleh (2014), the
effectiveness of using Non-Standard English as a technique in writing fiction is
that functions as a vital resource for African authors in representing culture,
resistance, and social realities. The article underscores that strategic
language use, while risky, is ultimately a vehicle for originality and
authenticity in postcolonial literature. More importantly, Imbukuleh (2014)
emphasizes that non-standard English serves as a tool for social critique and
rebellion, particularly among male characters depicted as rebels against
societal norms. He highlights that the technique opens avenues for portraying
semi-illiterate characters authentically, differentiating social classes, and
evoking humour and realism in challenging contexts, such as war.
What seems to be
missing, concerning works that have been done on Ama Ata Aidoo’s short stories,
especially No Sweetness Here and Other
Stories, is a close examination of the use of non-standard English in order
to discuss what it reveals about the characters who use it in Aidoo’s short
stories. This is what the present study seeks to address. By paying close
attention to instances of non-standard English use in the stories under study,
we will examine their purpose and contribution towards character development.
3. Methodology
This study employs
a qualitative content analysis research design. Aidoo’s No Sweetness Here
and Other Stories serve as the primary data. Through a close textual
reading of the short stories in Aidoo’s No
Sweetness Here and Other Stories, this paper critically examines the use of
non-standard English by characters in the various stories. The study pays
particular attention to what the use of non-standard words and expressions
reveals about the characters in the story. It also examines the significance of
using such words and expressions in various texts. Since this is text-based
research, the choice of stories to be studied is crucial. This particular
collection of short stories by Aidoo, which is understudy, provides enough data
to give an accurate picture of what this study seeks to examine. The stories
are generally discussed in the order in which they appear in the edition that
was used for this study, even though occasional references are made to other
stories in the course of the discussions.
The paper has the
following objectives:
1.
To identify the instances of the
use of non-standard English in Aidoo’s No Sweetness Here and Other Stories.
2.
To discuss the types of
non-standard English words and expressions employed by Aidoo in the selected
short stories.
3.
To examine the relevance of the use
of non-standard English towards the character and plot development in the
selected short stories.
In order to
achieve the set objectives, the study is guided by the following research
questions:
1.
What are the instances of the use
of non-standard English in Aidoo’s No Sweetness Here and Other Stories?
2.
What are the types of non-standard
English words and expressions employed by Aidoo in the selected short stories?
3.
What is the relevance of the use of
non-standard English towards the character and plot development in the short
stories?
4. Theoretical Framework
This present study
is informed by the theoretical concept of ‘othering’, with the focus on
linguistic othering in the text under study. Indeed, one of the most critical
discussions on linguistic othering in the Ghanaian literary text was done by
Dako and Yitah (2012). Their study looked at ‘the manner in which speakers of
pidgin and ‘broken’ English are ‘othered’ in four Ghanaian literary texts,
namely, Kobina Sekyi’s The Blinkards
(1918), R.E. Obeng’s Eighteenpence
(1942), Cameron Duodu’s The Gab Boys
(1968) and Kofi Anyidoho’s Earth Child:
with Brain Surgery (1985).’ By situating this work within the theoretical
concept of ‘Othering’ as expounded by Stuart Hall (2003: 258), this present
study seeks to continue the important work that Dako and Yitah (2012) started
by examining the representation of non-standard English in the Ghanaian
literary text. Hall, as quoted by Dako and Yitah, states that, othering “is
part of the maintenance of social and symbolic order. It sets up a symbolic
frontier between the ‘normal’ and the ‘deviant,’ The ‘normal’ and the
‘pathological,’ The acceptable’ and the ‘unacceptable,’ what ‘belongs,’ and
what does not or is ‘Other’. (p. 207) Dako and Yitah indicate that, ‘using
Hall’s conceptualization, pidgin and non-standard English represent the
‘deviant’, the ‘unacceptable’, what does not belong, the ‘Other’. The ‘Other’
is an unsettling reminder of the unsavoury part of the ‘self’. (p. 207-208). It
can therefore be said that within the context of Ghanaian literature,
transliterations, pidgin, and broken English, which are all considered to be
non-standard English forms, belong to the ‘othered’ group.
When it comes to
the use of English within the Ghanaian context, Dako and Yitah (2012) posit
that individuals who speak Standard English are highly regarded in society.
They are also deemed to be more refined and competent while those who speak
non-standard English are considered to be unintelligent and not articulate.
They further indicate that the speaker of non-standard English becomes ‘a
source of humour and an object of ridicule, he is the Other. He is alienated or
excluded from “mainstream” society because he is “defective” in his use of
English and is thus a threat to the “desirable” way of speaking the language (p.
203).
The point Dako and
Yitah raise is very significant since it reveals how speakers of Standard
English automatically appear to occupy a position of power, importance and
believability as compared with the speakers of non-standard English.
Consequently, the speaker of non-standard English in the Ghanaian literary text
is considered to be the other. They
further observed that the situation unlike the literatures of other African
society’s, characters who speak pidgin and ‘broken’ English in the Ghanaian
literary texts they examined are assigned ‘to a marginalized “minority” traits
that are viewed with disdain by the “respectable” society of the dominant
group’ (p. 207). Bamiro (1996) posits that, ‘Pidgin English is the result of
the contact and convergence between African and English languages and cultures
at the most rudimentary level’ (p. 16). According to Ifechelobi (2016) pidgin
is ‘a marginal language that arises to fulfill particular communication needs,
especially where the persons involved do not have a common language.’ (p. 1)
Commenting on Achebe’s use of pidgin in his writings, Ifechelobi (2016) argues
that, Achebe's adoption of Nigerian Pidgin in his novel at a time it was called
a hybrid language may be seen as an attempt to reverse the prejudice against it
and to prove that, that which was given a low status can be used positively by
post-colonial writers to add aesthetic value and cultural relevance to their
writings.
Indeed, the
representation of non-standard English is considered to be critical to Dako and
Yitah. However, as they assert, ‘Pidgin has always been regarded as substandard
and a distorted approximation to a standard and anything short of Standard
English [SE] is not considered worthy of the printed page in Ghana’. (p. 206).
They quote Boadi’s observation, which backs such a claim that “Pidgin very
seldom occurs in written form in Ghana.” (1971: 52). Dako and Yitah go further
to indicate that
…pidgin and broken Ghanaian English have
appeared in Ghanaian literature since before Independence in 1957. Ghanaian
fiction has, however, not raised the status of pidgin; instead, it has
reinforced negative attitudes towards pidgin and its speakers. (p. 206)
Bamiro (1996) is also
of the view that, ’African writers often employ pidgin English not only to make
penetrating criticisms against the African society, but also to characterize
the status of interlocutors in the African social system, to reveal social
classes and group identities, and to provide local color (p. 17). For Dako and
Yitah, ‘The colonial mindset of class and social structure, as revealed in the
educational system where English is accessed, has permeated Ghanaian
middle-class attitudes and is given legitimacy in Ghanaian literature’ (p.
208).
An essential point
of departure between this present study and that conducted by Dako and Yitah is
that, while they base their discussion on texts written by four educated males
from Southern Ghana, this study is based on short stories from one female writer
from the same region. Again, this study does not aim to fully connect the
discussion of linguistic othering in all the stories to ethnicity, as the data
does not support that. Where such an issue of ethnicity plays a role, due
attention will be given to it, however. That notwithstanding, the primary
interest of this study is the significance of the use of non-standard English
in the short stories under study. By entering the texts this way, we are better
able to appreciate and discover other essential elements without having our
judgment overly clouded. In any case, concerning the stories under study, it
cannot be said that wherever there is the use of non-standard English, there is
the presence of a South-North divide.
5. Discussion
The use of non-standard English in No Sweetness Here and Other Stories
The Ghanaian
literary writer is very deliberate in the use of language to achieve particular
effects. Hence, the representation of non-standard English is not merely to
satisfy a concept of inclusivity but also to make vital points. What is obvious
is that there is always an attempt to represent characters based on the
standard of English they speak. When this is done, the speaker of Standard
English is usually presented as the standard to be attained. Such a speaker
also occupies the position of being normal, powerful, intelligent, and
knowledgeable unless the character later proves otherwise. On the contrary, the
speaker of non-standard English is usually presented as belonging to the lower
class, less powerful, unintelligent, and ignorant group. Indeed, such a
character usually needs to be well convinced before their perception changes.
So, as one is considered the standard, we have a second group of English
speakers presented as the ‘other.’
Transliteration,
pidgin, and broken English feature significantly in the works of Ama Ata Aidoo.
Her quest to capture as much as possible about how her characters present
themselves orally has greatly influenced her writing style. The use of
non-standard English is therefore one of the key ways Aidoo uses in her
characterisation. In her collection, No
Sweetness Here and Other Stories, we come across many instances of
transliteration, pidgin, and broken English. In our discussion, we will examine
the use of some of these words and expressions, which can be considered
non-standard, to reveal what such representations tell us about the characters.
In Other Versions, the use of non-standard
English is closely connected to illiteracy. The educated narrator, Kofi, is
presented as the speaker of Standard English. Words and expressions that can be
considered to be non-standard English are attributed to Kofi’s illiterate father.
The narrator tells us:
Well, we went to
the sixth form. And of course, Father realized I was still in school. He was
quite proud of me too. He always managed to let slip into conversations with
other men how Kofi was planning to go to the Unifarsity. Oh, it was fine as
long as he was not paying… (p. 153)
The use of
‘unifarsity’ instead of ‘university’ is part of Aidoo’s style of telling us
that the narrator’s father is illiterate. Here, it can be said that the
importance of the use of the word is not really about ridiculing the speaker.
However, it is a demonstration of pride by the father of the narrator who
attempts to tell others that his son is on the way to becoming a highly
educated individual. Since education is crucial in transforming an individual
into a prominent person in society, the focus is not so much on Kofi’s father’s
use of ‘unifarsity’ but on how things are about to change for him and his
family through his son’s education. It is the pride that is revealed through
his use of ‘unifarsity’ which catches the reader’s attention. The use of the
word is therefore Aidoo’s way of showing that Kofi’s father is an illiterate
who takes pride in education and sees it as a way of escape for his son.
Again, language becomes an important
source of racial identification in Other
Versions. During the narrator’s encounter with a black woman on a train,
language becomes an important way of affirming her race. Indeed, the woman is
presented as another version of Kofi’s mother, whose only interest is Kofi's
welfare and who chooses not to accept anything from him directly. The extract
below, which is a dialogue between Kofi and the black woman, helps us to
appreciate how the use of non-standard English serves to affirm the race of the
black woman:
‘You say you come from Africa, Son?’ She said.
‘Yes, I said.
‘What are you doing here, son?’ she asked.
‘A student,’ I replied shortly.
‘Son, keep them dollars. I sure know you
need them more than I do,’ she said. Of course, she was Mother.’ (p. 156-157)
It is interesting to note that the diction
of the black woman not only affirms her race but also serves as a form of
stereotyping. The statements, ‘You say you come from Africa, Son?’ and ‘Son,
keep them dollars’ are examples of non-standard expressions. While commenting
on how language serves as a social marker, Mukheef et al (2019), argue that
grammatical markers have a way of showing the ethnicity of individuals which
show how the use of non-standard English serves as a form of social marker as
well as a means of stereotyping.
In Something
to Talk About on the Way to the Funeral, the use of non-standard English is
again presented as being associated with illiteracy. In the story, the two
characters through whom the story is narrated are presented as simple,
illiterate women who engage in gossiping about the events that have taken place
in their community. These interlocutors serve as the voice of their community.
Again, the use of broken English by these two women helps to make light of the
issues surrounding the death of Auntie Araba. There are instances of
transliteration, such as ‘So finish me the story.’(p. 143), ‘O our end!
Couldn’t the hospital doctors cut her up and find out?’ (146), ‘No. We hear
they had a church wedding. But Auntie
Araba did not put her feet there. And he never brought her to Ofuntumase.’ (p.
146-147), ‘Hmmm…it is their own cassava! But do you think Mansa will come and
wail for Auntie Araba?’ (p. 147). In all the examples, ‘finish me the story,’
‘cut her up,’ ‘we hear’, ‘did not put her feet there’ and ‘it is their own
cassava’ are all examples of the characters translating directly expressions
from their native Fante into the English language. The women also use the word
‘Chicha’ instead of the correct version of the word, ‘teacher’. Their lack of
linguistic competence trivializes the earnest discussion they are engaged in.
It is, however, their way of expressing themselves in a language they are not
most comfortable with. An important question is that since these two women
share a common language, why does Aidoo still present them as struggling to
express themselves in Standard English? It may be argued that the use of these
expressions shows the educational standard of these two women. Again, it is a
direct product of orality in Aidoo’s short stories. Here, the author tries to
capture as much as possible the oral conversation that ensues between these two
illiterate women. Due to their inability to express themselves in Standard
English, they end up using transliterations to convey meaning. The language they
use marks them out as uneducated.
The narrator in No Sweetness Here is a teacher who
speaks Standard English. At the same time, the various instances of
transliteration, pidgin, and broken English are assigned to the members of the
village community where she teaches. Maami Ama, who is the female teacher’s
friend, is illiterate. Interestingly, she and all the other members of the
community refer to the teacher as ‘Chicha.’ There are twenty-four instances of
the use of the word ‘chicha’ which is the wrong spelling of ‘teacher.’ The
language divide, therefore, becomes the teacher against the rest of the
community members. Linguistically, the teacher is the one who occupies the
place of power since all the others who speak pidgin and broken English are
presented as merely trying to sound literate.
In the community, English becomes a
language of status to which even the old want to attain. In their attempt to do
so, their efforts are represented in a way that makes them look ridiculous. The
English that the natives, especially the old, speak is described as a
‘Fanaticized form of the English.’ In other words, this kind of English is not
standard. It is rather a form of broken English, which is actually a blend of
English and Fante. The excerpt below gives us a clear insight into such an
example:
Maami Ama’s hut was at one end of the
village and the school was at the other. Nevertheless it was not a long walk
from the school to her place because Bamso is not really a big village. I had
left my books to little Grace Ason to take home for me; so I had only my little
clock in my hand and I was walking in a leisurely way. As I passed the old
people, they shouted their greetings. It was always the Fanticised form of the
English,
‘Kudiimin-o, Chicha.’ Then I would answer,
‘Kudiimin, Nana.’ When I greeted first, the response was ‘Tanchiw’.
‘Chicha how are you?’
‘Nana, I am well.’
‘And how are the children?’
‘Nana, they are well.’
‘Yoo that is good.’ When an old man felt
inclined to be talkative, especially if he had more than me for audience, he
would complement me on the work I was doing. Then he would go on to the
benefits of education, especially female education, ending up with quoting Dr.
Aggrey’ (p. 68-69).
It is interesting
how the members of a whole village are presented as being illiterates through
their use of non-standard English. There is the use of ‘chicha’ instead of
‘teacher,’ ‘kudiimin’ instead of ‘good evening’ and ‘tanchiw’ instead of ‘thank
you.’ What is obvious is that in this community, the proof of education is
one’s ability to communicate in English. It is therefore not surprising that
even the old people in the community aspire to express themselves in English.
However, their inability to use Standard English ends up betraying them as
being illiterate. Aidoo also reveals a significant cause of non-standard
English, which is the localization of English words and expressions. This is
usually an attempt by a native speaker who is not literate in English. What
usually happens is that since they do not possess competencies in either the
correct Received Pronunciation or the right vocabulary, a variation of English
gets created. In this context, it is called, ‘Fanaticized English’ as a result
of the natives blending the English language and the Fante dialect.
By sometimes
adopting these ‘Fanaticized English’ words and expressions, the teacher
demonstrates her position of power and how she is able to come low to the level
of the ‘other.’ She tells us, ‘As I
passed the old people, they shouted their greetings. It was always the
Fanaticized form of the English, ‘Kudiimin-o, Chicha.’ Then I would answer,
‘Kudiimin, Nana.’ When I greeted first, the response was ‘Tanchiw’” (p. 68).
The teacher serves as the standard and her linguistic competence enables her to
stand out in the community. She exercises her power by coming down to the level
of the community members in an effort to accommodate them.
The setting of Certain Winds from the South is Northern Ghana. The story is about a
gentleman who decides to go to the South to work and earn money to support his
wife and newborn child. His mother-in-law engages his wife in a conversation,
during which we learn that the narrator’s father-in-law was a soldier who died
in World War II. To explain the concept of the world war, the soldier said to
his wife, ‘O you people, have you not heard of the German-people? He had no
patience with us... You see, he said, since we were under the Anglis-people’s
rule and they were fighting with the German-people… (p. 63). Even though the
man was a soldier, the words and expressions he uses reveal that he was not
educated. According to Dako and Yitah,
Whereas, for instance, the colonial
administration encouraged the establishment of mission schools in both the Gold
Coast Colony and in Ashanti, this was discouraged and actually worked against
in the Northern Territories, which today constitute the Northern, Upper West
and Upper East regions. The policy was that the North was to be a labour pool
for the South, to supply manpower for the building of the railways and
labourers to work on cocoa farms. Men from the North were also taken into the
army and police, and there carved a highly respected role for themselves by
gaining the reputation of being highly disciplined and loyal in the execution
of their duties (p. 212).
Consequently,
‘…people sought to ridicule them because they did not speak English properly
and also had an accent when they spoke the languages of the South. Today’s
military and police barracks are still to a large extent pidgin speaking, even
though most personnel have at least secondary education.’ (p. 212). Aidoo’s
representation of this soldier from the North aligns with this kind of
stereotype.
In Aidoo’s The Message, language plays a critical
role in the story. Indeed, the whole plot is woven around an illiterate woman’s
inability to understand a message delivered to her concerning her granddaughter
having undergone a caesarean section. In this story, the members of an entire
village are portrayed as being illiterate. Interestingly, their illiteracy is
tied to ignorance. Concerning the representation of illiterates in the Ghanaian
literary text, Dako and Yitah posit that, ‘Quite often, illiteracy is
manifested as ignorance, or as an inability to make simple distinctions.’ (p.
241) In the story, the village is presented as the place of ignorance, while
the city represents a place of enlightenment. As two women from the village
engage in a conversation, this is what transpires:
‘Look
here my sister, it should not be said but they say they opened her up.’ ‘They opened her up?’
‘Yes,
opened her up.’
‘And
the baby removed?’
‘Yes,
the baby removed.’
(p.
44)
In the above extract, we see the two women
engaged in a conversation about the caesarean section in a way that reveals
their ignorance. The repetition of the expressions, ‘opened her up’ and ‘the
baby removed’, makes the two women look ridiculous. Instead of making the
situation appear serious, it instead turns them into objects of mockery. As
relatively younger members of the community, they are unable to help the old
woman to decode the message she received from the city appropriately. The
picture of a split stomach is again conveyed here:
And anyway how can she live? What is it
like even giving birth with a stomach which is whole…eh?...I am asking you. And
if you are always standing on the brink of death who go to war with a stomach
that is whole, then how would she do whose stomach is open to the winds? (p.
45)
We are told that the person who has
undergone surgery is ‘The only daughter of her only son... Kojo Amisa, who went
to sodja and fell in the great war, overseas?’ (p. 47). What later becomes
obvious to us is that the confusion about the caesarean section came about as a
result of the one who read the telegram for the old woman not being able to
properly explain it to her. We are told that, ‘The scholar, who read this tengram
thing, said it was made about three days ago’
(p. 49). Apparently, this supposed village scholar could not properly
decode the message for the old woman. A conversation that takes place in the
car between two passengers again confirms the notion that the village
represents a place of illiteracy. The use of non-standard English serves as the
norm:
‘I do not go putting my mouth in other
people’s affairs…’
‘Draba, here is me sitting quiet and this
lady of muscles and bones being cheeky to me…Keep quiet and let us think, both
of you, or I will put you down.’ (p. 50)
The use of words such as ‘draba’ instead
of ‘driver’, ‘tengram’ instead of ‘telegram’ and ‘sodja’ instead of ‘soldier’
is assigned to members of the village community.
Indeed, the first time the mention of
‘caesarean section’ is at the hospital in the city, and it is clearly seen
that the nurse who uses it:
‘What
is she ill with?’
She
came here to have a child…
‘…And
they say, they opened her stomach and removed the baby.’
‘Oh…oh,
I see.’
I
see. It is the Caesarean case.’ (p. 52)
Here, the city serves as a place of
enlightenment and knowledge. The nurse’s ability to understand the specific
case the old woman was discussing places her in a position of power. She knows
what a whole village could not understand. Illiteracy is, therefore, presented
as being closely connected to ignorance in the story.
In The
Cutting of a Drink, the title itself is a transliteration from the Fante
dialect into English. The story is about a gentleman sent by his family from a
village to look for a long-lost sister suspected of being in the city. As he
gets to the city, he comes to the rude awakening of the fact that his sister is
engaged in prostitution. As he returns home, he decides to take some alcoholic
drinks to put himself together. This calling for a drink serves as the
narrator’s way of managing what he has been through. The use of non-standard
English can be seen in this story as well. As the narrator tells us about his
experience, we are told that:
He asked me about the purpose of my
journey. I told him everything. How, as he himself knew, my sister Mansa had
refused to go to school after ‘Klase Tri’ and how my mother had tried to
persuade her to go…’ (p. 36)
‘Klase Tri’ is an example of broken
English, which actually means ‘class three.’ The use of ‘cut me a drink’ is
repeated in other instances, such as ‘Cut me a drink, for my throat is very
dry, my uncle…’ (p 39), ‘I sat with my mouth open and watched the daughter of a
woman cut beer like a man. (p. 40), ‘Cut me a drink…’ (p. 43), ‘My brother, cut
me another drink. Any form of work is work…is work…is work!’ (p. 43). There is
also the transliteration of an idiomatic expression from the Fante dialect to
the English language. To encourage the listeners to wait patiently for him to
finish narrating his story, he says, ‘I am cooking the whole meal for you, why
do you want to lick the ladle now?’ (p. 42). Here too, the narrator, attributed
with a significant number of sub-standard words and expressions, is from a
village and is presented as being illiterate. It is worth noting that there is
a village-city divide. It is the village that serves as the place of rude
awakening. As the narrator steps there, he is overwhelmed by the roughness of
city life. English is also presented as the language of the city. It is the
means by which the city dwellers communicate, including the illiterates. As he
narrates his encounter with some prostitutes at the bar they visited, the narrator
tells us:
Immediately one of them saw me, she jumped
up and said something in that kind of white man’s language which everyone, even
those who have not gone to school, speak in the city. I shook my head. She said
something else in the language of the place. I shook my head again. Then I
heard her ask me in Fante whether I wanted to dance with her. I replied ‘Yes’
(p. 41).
By
assigning English as ‘the white man’s language,’ it assumes the place of power
and relevance. This shows how, in order to fit in, the city dwellers have to
learn to communicate using English, including ‘those who have not gone to
school.’ Automatically, those who cannot speak English become secluded from
what is acceptable in the city. Not being able to speak English means being cut
off from opportunities in the city. It is therefore not surprising that the
narrator nearly lost a chance to dance with a lady because he could not
understand the English that she was speaking. Bamiro (1996) argues that,
As the language of the colonizer, English
serves as a powerful medium for producing and reproducing colonial and
hegemonic discourse. It is often used as a repressive form that reflects and
reinforces the unequal power relationships between the colonizer and the
colonized. (p. 32).
It is therefore not surprising that the
language of the colonizer becomes the language of the city, which all the
dwellers must speak if they want to fit in.
There is also the use of non-standard
English in ‘For Whom Things Did Not Change.’ In this story, we are introduced
to Zirigu, a Muslim from Northern Ghana. The story describes the
disillusionment that followed Ghana’s independence. After the colonial rulers
left, educated Ghanaians had to take over various sectors of the country. Sadly,
it was for these educated individuals that living conditions really improved.
For uneducated people like Zirigu, little changed. Pidgin became the language
they used to communicate, especially as they aspired to connect with the upper
class, who were known for speaking Standard English. Pidgin English was also
how Zirigu communicated with his white employers and the black leaders who
replaced them.
The plot of the story unfolds through
Zirigu’s conversations with Kobina, who comes to stay at the government guest
house where Zirigu was the caretaker. In the story, Zirigu calls Kobina, ‘My
white Massa!’ to which he responds, ‘…I am not a white man.’ (p. 16) The man
later on tells Zirigu, ‘Zirigu, I no be white man. And that is the second time
this morning I’ve told you that. And if you do it again, I’ll pack up and
leave.’ (p. 18) It is worth noting that the man’s use of ‘I no be’ is an
attempt to come down to the level of Zirigu. Even though the man mostly speaks
standard English during his conversations with Zirigu, he demonstrates
awareness of the power dynamics in language. To convince Zirigu that he is not
a white man and should be seen as a man like himself, Kobina chooses to use a
pidgin expression to achieve equality. Ironically, he quickly reverts to
speaking Standard English right afterwards.
It is worth noting that Zirigu’s use of
pidgin makes him appear naive. Again, his repetition of the word ‘Massa’, which
is actually ‘Master’ whenever he is referring to Kobina, makes him seem
childish. Here, Aidoo’s character, who speaks pidgin, is pitched against a
younger person who actually tells Zirigu, ‘You are old enough to be my father.’
(p. 16) For Zirigu, survival is all that matters. Standard English is projected
as the language of power. It is those who are in authority who are able to
express themselves well. Those in the same class as Zirigu aspire to speak
pidgin to communicate with their superiors. Pidgin English is, therefore, a
means of access and a bridge between the upper class and the lower class. At
the very beginning of the story, as Zirigu goes to wake Kobina up, this is what
transpires:
‘Massa, Massa, Massa…’
You say make I com’ wake you. Make I com’
wake you for eight. Eight o’clock ‘e reach.’
You say make I com’ wake you. Make I com’
wake you for eight. Eight o’clock reach long time.’ (p. 9)
This monologue by Zirigu affirms his place
as a servant. His master’s inability to wake up even becomes a burden to him.
This representation of Zirigu in a child-like manner is again made possible
through his use of pidgin. Pidgin is presented as a lower-class language while
Standard English is a language of power. In fact, this power dynamic runs
through the entire story. It is clear that Zirigu has come to accept his place
in society and has therefore learned to use words that help him fit in without struggle.
The call and response between Zirigu and his supposed master is another element
that presents him as a child. As Zirigu calls out, ‘Massa. Massa. Massa.’ the
man responds, ‘Y-e-s.’ The entire conversation, along with the diction used,
also indicates how Zirigu sees himself. Zirigu looks down on himself and
presents us with a clear understanding of his status as compared with his
master, as shown again in this excerpt:
‘Massa…’
‘Zirigu, how often should I tell you not
to call me that?’
‘But you are my massa!’
‘I am nothing of the sort. I was born not
six years when you were going to fight. How can I be your massa? And this is a
Government Rest House, not mine, I am not even you employer. So how can I be
your Master?’
‘But all the other Massas, they don’t say
make I no call them so?’
‘Hell they don’t. That is their business.
Not mine. My name is Kobina, not Maser.’
‘Kob-i-na…K-o…Massa, I beg, I no fit call
you that. I simple no fit.’ (p. 23)
It is interesting to note that Aidoo masterfully uses language to illustrate the power and social dynamics between the lower class and the upper class. Kobina’s attempt to help Zirigu change his mind concerning some of the things he has come to believe about himself proves to be difficult. In the end, the use of non-standard English serves as a key social marker.
6. Conclusion
The use of non-standard English in Aidoo’s
No Sweetness Here and Other Stories is
very significant. Non-standard English reveals the social, ethnic and
educational backgrounds of characters. It also contributes to building the plot
as well as creating humour in the stories. Again, it reveals the power and
social dynamics between characters that are represented in the stories. Pidgin,
broken English and transliterations were also identified as the forms of
non-standard English spoken by characters. Non-standard English is spoken by
illiterate people, villagers, and servants. Non-standard English is therefore
assigned to the lower class, while those in the upper class of society speak
Standard English. Consequently, the two groups have specific terms that are
peculiar to their class. Pidgin and broken English are presented as
non-standard English forms spoken as a means of communication and their use
becomes necessary to enable the lower class to interact with those above them. This study confirms Dako and Yitah’s
assertion that while Standard English serves as the language of status and
power, non-standard English and its speakers are presented as the other. The
representation of non-standard English helps the Ghanaian literary writer to
successfully represent the variations of English spoken in Ghana, aside from
what is generally considered to be Standard English.
References
Aidoo,
A. A., (2013). No Sweetness Here and
Other Stories. Isaac Books and Stationery.
Anyidoho,
K. (1985). Earthchild with Brain Surgery.
Woeli Publishing Services.
Bamiro,
E. O. (1996). The pragmatics of English in African Literature. LFE:
Revista de lenguas para fines específicos, (3), 13-38.
Boadi,
L.A. (1971). Education and the role of English in Ghana. In John Spencer (ed). The English Language in West Africa. London:
Longman. 49 – 65.
Berrian,
B. F. (1982). African women as seen in the works of Flora Nwapa and Ama Ata
Aidoo
African
women as seen in the works of Flora Nwapa and Ama Ata Aidoo. CLA Journal, 25, (3) 331-339.
Dako,
K. & Yitah, H. (2012). “Pidgin, ‘Broken’ English and ‘Othering’ in Ghanaian
Literature. Legon Journal of the
Humanities. 23. 124-152.
Ekpong,
M. O. (2011a). Thematic and Stylistic
Analysis of Aidoo’s Novels and Short Stories. LWATI: A Journal of Contemporary Research, 8(3). 122-148.
Ekpong,
M. O. (2011b). Ama Ata Aidoo’s the Girl Who Can and Other Stories:
Creating
Political
Space for Women in Social and National Domains. LWATI: A Journal of Contemporary Research, 8(3), 149-168.
Huber,M.(1999).
Ghanaian Pidgin English in its West
African Context.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia:
John Benjamins.
Ifechelobi,
J. C. (2016). An Analysis of the Use of Pidgin in Achebe's A Man of the People.
Journal Of Humanities and Social Science.
21, (1), 01-05.
Imbukuleh,
N. (2014). The effectiveness of using non-standard English as a technique in
writing fiction: Basing on Ken Saro-Wiwa’s Sozaboy and Brian Chikwava’s Harare
North.
Kachru,
B. B. (Ed.). (1992). The other tongue: English across cultures.
University of Illinois press.
Lloyd
W. B. (1974) Ama Ata Aidoo: The art of the short story and sexual roles in
Africa. World Literature Written in
English, 13, (2), 172-183
Mukheef
, A. H., Rijia, K., I., & Mohammed, G. A. (2019). Language as a source of
social markers: a study of language use variation. http://148.72.244.84:8080/xmlui/handle/xmlui/6209
Obeng,
R.E. (1998). Eighteenpence. Kari Dako
(ed). Accra: Sub-Saharan Publishers.
Ogede,
O. (1994). The Defense of Culture in Ama Ata Aidoo's No Sweetness Here: The Use
of Orality as a Textual Strategy. The
International Fiction Review. 21
Olaogun,
M. (2002). Slavery and Etiological Discourse in the Writing of Ama Ata Aidoo,
Bessie Head, and Buchi Emecheta. Research
in African Literatures,33, (2) 171-193.
Sekyi,
K. (1997). The Blinkards. Accra:
Readwide Publishers.
Stuart,
H. (2003), Representation: Cultural
Representations and Signifying Practices (ed). London:
Sage. Rosemary M. G., Helen S., and Aidoo A. A. (1993). "A New Tail to an Old Tale": An Interview with Ama Ata Aidoo. African Literature Issue. 26, (3), 297-308
0 Comments