Citation: Ibrahim AHMED (PhD) (2023). Lexicographic Treatment of Hausa Ideophones: Old Approaches versus Contemporary Trend. Yobe Journal of Language, Literature and Culture (YOJOLLAC), Vol. 11, Number 1. Department of African Languages and Linguistics, Yobe State University, Damaturu, Nigeria. ISSN 2449-0660
LEXICOGRAPHIC TREATMENT OF HAUSA IDEOPHONES: OLD
APPROACHES VERSUS CONTEMPORARY TREND
By
Ibrahim Ahmed (PhD)
Abstract
This paper ascertains how the Hausa ideophones,
as a grammatically distinct class of words, are lexicographically treated
across major Hausa dictionaries. Thirty (30) Hausa ideophonic words are used as
a sample with seven Hausa dictionaries comprising one monolingual i.e. the
Hausa-Hausa type and six bilingual i.e. the Hausa-English types also selected
for the study. The selected dictionaries are further split into two
generational types i.e. the old generation types and the contemporary
generation types. Each of the dictionaries is examined in the light of the
sampled ideophones to ascertain the ideophones’ occurrences and how they are
labeled as head entries. The labels assigned to the ideophones as head entries
in the particular dictionaries are the major determinants of how they are
lexicographically treated across the two generational divides of the
dictionaries. The study discovers that: (1) Hausa ideophones that occur as head
entries in the old generation Hausa dictionaries are either not labeled at all
or are mostly treated not as ideophones but rather as adverbs (Adv/adv), which
is the ‘old approaches’. (2) In the contemporary generation Hausa dictionaries,
ideophonic words that occur as head entries are treated not as adverbs but
mostly as ideophones (id/idph), which is the ‘contemporary trend’.
Introduction
Lexicographic practice in general has a long
history. It is believed to have passed through different stages, times, and
civilizations, dating as far back as 2500 BC in the pre-Babylonian world of
Sumeria and Akkadia. It is also believed to have emerged, in that ancient
period, out of the desire among the Sumerian-Akkadian writers to codify, i.e.
to commit to writing, information that used to be very important e.g. producing
lists of words using different methods of compilation. This is precisely when, where,
and how the lexicographic activity started. This is also how African languages,
including Hausa, acquired the insight of documenting their lexical resources
(Green, 1996, pp. 13 – 14; Ibrahim, 2015, pp. 8 – 9; Ahmed, 2023, p. 61).
The term ‘lexicography’, from which the
adjectival form ‘lexicographic’ is formed, is originally from the Greek
word lexikographos, itself a combination of lexikos,
which means ‘wordbook’, and graphos,
which means ‘to scratch, inscribe, or write a word or speech’ (Green, 1996, p.
1). Lexicography entails the writing of dictionaries, be it for practical use
or for any other purpose(s) (Svensén, 1993, p. 1; Green, 1996, p. 39; Matthews,
2007, p. 225). However, as Svensén cautions, defining lexicography in this way
tends to lay emphasis on the product i.e. the dictionaries when it is quite
possible to work on lexicography without engaging in the writing of
dictionaries. Thus, in a more inclusive and plausible sense, Svensén posits
that lexicography is a branch of Applied Linguistics that is concerned with
observing, collecting, selecting, and describing units from the stock of words
and word combinations in one or more languages. Syal and Jindal (2015, p. 163)
beam more light on what the term lexicography is by postulating that, it is a
professional activity with its own established practices and basically involves
‘words’ as well as the theoretical principles required in tackling or
explaining the meanings or use of the words.
As a sub-field of linguistics, lexicography
deals, partly, with the compilation of words (as the lexemes of a language) for
specific needs. Thus, words are the subject matter of lexicography i.e., at the
center of any lexicographic activity is the words of a language (Ahmed, 2023,
p. 3 & 13). What then are ‘words’? According to Crystal (2008, p. 522):
Words are the physically definable units, which
one encounters in a stretch of writing (bounded by spaces), or speech (where
identification is more difficult, but where there may be phonological clues to
identify boundaries, such as pause, or juncture features. ‘Word’ in this sense
is often referred to as the orthographic word (for writing) or
the phonological word (for speech).
Several though somewhat related definitions of
‘word(s)’ abound in the linguistic literature because, as Arkadiev and Klamer
(2016, p. 1) argue, the notion has proven to be notoriously difficult to define
and, as Aronoff and Fudeman (2011, p. 34) also caution, no definition is
entirely satisfactory. Sharing their view on the meaning of ‘words’, Haspelmath
and Sims (2010, p. 15) draw the distinction that, words are either ‘dictionary
words’ or ‘concrete words’, hence they label the former as ‘lexeme’ and the
latter as ‘word form’. They argue that, words as dictionary entries carry the
core meaning shared by other similar forms. To substantiate the argument, they
exemplify the verb form live, as may be found in the array
of head entries in typical English dictionaries, as a lexeme having abstract
sense and, therefore, carries the core meaning shared by other similar forms
like live, lives, lived,
and living. They crown their argument by affirming that, in
most languages dictionaries are organized according to lexemes.
Methodology
Hausa dictionaries are relatively many, and are
also of different types (in both size and content), used for different
purposes, and belong to different generations as well. Hausa ideophones are
also extremely many with quite a number of them incorporated into some of these
dictionaries as head entries. To ascertain how the ideophones are treated as
head entries in the dictionaries, this work categorizes the Hausa dictionaries
into two generational types namely, the old generation types, and the contemporary
generation types. This work adopts tabulation as the approach to data
presentation and analysis. In all, two (2) tables are involved, table (1) and
table (2) with the former presenting/analyzing data for the sampled old
generation dictionaries, and the latter presenting/analyzing data for the
sampled contemporary counterparts. Accordingly, three (3) dictionaries from
‘the old’ and four (4) from ‘the contemporary’ are selected for the study. As
for the ideophones, thirty (30) out of the over one thousand extracted from
Bargery (1934) by Ahmed (2014) are selected as sample. In statistical sense, a
minimum of thirty (30) elements suffice as a sample to conduct an empirical
study (Emmanuel, 2013, p. 165). The HEL ‘head entry label’
assigned to each of the sampled ideophones in the selected dictionaries forms
the basis for ascertaining the lexicographic treatment of the ideophones. Where
a particular ideophone does not appear in a dictionary as a head entry, this
fact is stated on the tables as NID ‘not in (the) dictionary’,
and where an ideophone is not assigned any head entry label in a particular
dictionary, such a fact is also indicated on the tables as NEL ‘no
entry label (assigned)’. In addition, the work adopts orthographic
representation with tone marking and vowel lengthening in presenting and
analyzing the sampled data. For ease of reference, the page number (PGN) on
which a particular ideophone appears in a particular dictionary is also
indicated. Moreover, English glosses for all the ideophones analyzed are also
incorporated in the analysis.
The Notion ‘Dictionary’
In general, dictionaries are reservoirs of the
lexical resources of the languages for which they have been compiled, perhaps,
surpassed only by the native speakers’ mental lexicon (Ahmed, 2014, p. 1). The
term ‘dictionary’ originates from the Medieval Latin word dictionarium or dictionarius,
which means a repertory of words or phrases. Thus, dictionary simply refers to
any reference book that provides information about the words (or phrases as the
case may be) of a language. A dictionary may deal with the individual words of
a language or with some specific classes of words. A dictionary provides
information about its entry words e.g. in form of spelling, pronunciation and
meaning in a systematic form, usually in alphabetical order. Dictionaries vary
in both content and size i.e. they could be small or large, monolingual or
bilingual etc., reference or specialized, terminological or pedagogical, and so
on. More often, apart from defining the head entries, larger dictionaries
provide additional information on other linguistic and paralinguistic issues
like synonymy, etymology, pictures, etc. (Syal & Jindal, 2015, pp. 163
-169; cf. Ahmed, 2014, pp. 1 & 2).
Hausa Lexicographic Activity
Hausa lexicographic practice dates back to as
early as 1790, a time when European explorers and travelers across the West and
North African sub-regions began to note down numerals and a few nouns in Hausa,
a task that culminated into the more extensive wordlists of Koelle (1854) and
Barth (1862/1866). However, a more modern lexicographic activity began with the
emergence of Schön (1843), a work published in London by the then Church of
Missionary Society. Thereafter, several other Hausa lexicographic publications
emerged cutting across four functional areas namely, reference, pedagogy,
specialization, and terminology, with Newman and Newman (2020) as the most
recent. In their somewhat comprehensive survey of Hausa lexicographic works,
Newman and Newman (2001) identified no fewer than fifty-nine (59) lexicographic
works, dictionaries inclusive, that have so far been produced for Hausa.
According to Schuh (1982), among the finest dictionaries of African languages
two, i.e. Bargery (1934) and Abraham (1958), are for the Hausa language (Newman
& Newman, 2001; cf. Ahmed, 2014, p. 2; Ahmed, 2023, p. 62).
Hausa Dictionaries
Hausa dictionaries, as those in other languages,
are also systematically compiled in form of alphabetically arranged head
entries with most of the entries labeled according to the word class or
category they belong, in tandem with one of the general conventions of
lexicographic practice i.e. labeling a particular entry as a noun, verb, or an
adjective, etc.
Since the inception of Hausa lexicographic
practice, several dictionaries have been compiled for the language to serve
different purposes. Worthy of mention in this work are the seemingly active
Hausa-English and Hausa-Hausa dictionaries namely, Henry and Robinson (1913),
Bargery (1934), Abraham (1958), Newman and Newman (1977), Awde (1996), CNHN
(2006), Newman (2007), Abubakar (2015) and, quite recently, Newman and Newman
(2020).
Hausa Ideophones
Linguists often group words in languages into
classes based on the morpho-syntactic behaviors the words exhibit (Strazny,
2005; cf. Ahmed, 2014, p. 12). One of such word class in Hausa is the class of
‘ideophones’, as evidenced in (Hausa) grammar/linguistics books e.g. Galadanci
(1976), Skinner (1977), Zaria (1980), Newman (2000), Jaggar (2001), and
Abubakar (2001), among others. Ideophones are found in all the languages of the
world. However, languages differ in the extent they use ideophones. In Hausa
and Bura languages for instance, they are used as adjectives, adverbs, and
nouns. In Bantu, they are used as subtantivals and adverbials, and as
adjectives in Tera (Adamu, 1984, p. 17). In Kanuri, ideophones function as
adverbials (Hutchison, 1989, pp. 31 – 38).
Matthews (2007, p. 183) defines, ‘ideophone’ as
a term used by Africanists to name a distinct class of forms characterized by
phonological structures that tend to be peculiar to them, for example by
patterns of sound symbolism, reduplicative structures or distinct tone
patterns. A frontline Africanist Doke (1935, p. 118) defines the term as “a
vivid representation of an idea in sound, a word often onomatopoeic, which
describes a predicate, qualificative or adverb in respect to manner, color,
sound, smell, action, state or intensity.” Schlegel (2007) shades more light by
asserting that, sometimes ideophones are referred to as ‘or ‘mimetics’ and are
found abundantly in Asian and African languages but are very rare in
Indo-European languages, and in all these languages they form a distinct class
of words definable by phonological, morphological, syntactic and semantic
criteria. Samarin (1965, pp. 117 & 121), also a frontline , crowns it all
by asserting that, African languages are characterized typologically by ideophones,
which by count constitute a major part of the total lexicon of these languages,
next to nouns and verbs. Newman and Newman (1977, p. xii) affirm this by
positing that, ideophones are extremely numerous in Hausa. According to
Galadanci (1971, p. 12):
What are normally treated as ideophones in Hausa
are utterances marked by distinctive phonological features, describing visual,
tactile, auditory, or other sensory experiences. They do not belong to a single
syntactic class, but cut across a number of different categories, in that the
same individual ideophones may have syntactic behavior that is typical of, say,
a dynamic noun and of a simple adverb. This cross-category behavior, however,
is itself distinctive and it is therefore convenient to consider together under
the heading ‘ideophone’, all those words that have such cross-category
behavior.
Galadanci (1971, p. 13) exemplifies words
like bìrjík ‘abundantly’, shár ‘very
greenish’, hái}àn ‘exceedingly’, dàgàjèejèe ‘sth.
messy-looking, fàrcák ‘run like a strike of
lightening’, gàndàndàn ‘giant-looking’, bùs ‘extremely
unpleasant smell’, gwàngwàràn ‘sound of a heavy but
empty falling object’, }ìi}àm ‘stand silently and
listlessly’, and cákwái ‘very sweet’ as typical Hausa
ideophones:
An excursion, by the present work, into one of
the very few Hausa-Hausa (monolingual) dictionaries and other selected
Hausa-English (bilingual) dictionaries discovered that among the lexemes
enlisted as head entries (in the dictionaries) are words belonging to the class
of ideophones. For example, in Bargery (1934) a lone about (i.e. plus or minus)
one thousand (1000) ideophones were discovered to have been incorporated as
integral parts of the dictionary’s head entries, but are not treated/labeled as
such in the dictionary, instead they are labeled as ‘Adv’ i.e. ‘Adverbs/Adverbials’
(Ahmed, 2014). The same class of lexemes may have been treated similarly in
other Hausa dictionaries contemporaneous to Bargery, for example Abraham
(1958). Thus, in the context of this work, this category of Hausa dictionaries
is considered as the ‘old generation dictionaries’, in tandem with the
historical period they emerged on the Hausa lexicographic scene. Interestingly,
the same stuff of head entries mostly labeled ‘id’ or ‘idph’
i.e. ‘ideophone’ across Hausa dictionaries that emerged after the old
generation types i.e. from the late seventies to the present day, for example
Newman and Newman (1977) and others. These Hausa dictionaries are viewed, in
this work, as ‘contemporary generation (Hausa) dictionaries’. Hence, the claim
in the study that the two categories of Hausa dictionaries – the old and the
contemporary – differ in the way they treat/label ideophones as ‘head entries’.
In other words, Hausa ideophones as head entries are treated or labeled
differently by the two generations of Hausa dictionaries. This is mainly what
the study sets out to ascertain. Consider tables (1) and (2) below:
TABLE 1: The Old Approach to Lexicographic
Treatment of Hausa Ideophones Exemplified and Analyzed
|
S/N |
Ideophone |
Old Approach |
Gloss |
|||||
|
Henry & Robinson (1913) |
Bargery (1934) |
Abraham (1958) |
|
|||||
|
HEL |
PGN |
HEL |
PGN |
HEL |
PGN |
|||
|
1. |
bàzàr-bàzàr |
NID |
- |
Adv |
100 |
NEL |
94 |
in rags |
|
2. |
Bìrís |
NID |
- |
Adv |
111 |
Adv |
104 |
in great quantity |
|
3. |
Bìrjík |
NID |
- |
Adv |
111 |
Adv |
104 |
in abundance |
|
4. |
cák |
NID |
- |
Adv |
146 |
NEL |
130 |
completely |
|
5. |
càncák |
NID |
- |
Adv |
149 |
NEL |
132 |
completely |
|
6. |
cárkwái |
NID |
- |
Adv |
152 |
NEL |
134 |
emphasizes pains, sweetness,
sufficiency |
|
7. |
dá~ás/dà~às |
NID |
- |
Adv |
175 |
NEL |
159 |
firmly/ emphasizes shortness |
|
8. |
dá}áu |
NID |
- |
Adv |
196 |
Adv |
174 |
emphasizes hardness/ firmness |
|
9. |
dúmúu-dùmùu |
NID |
- |
Adv |
277 |
Adv |
233 |
red-handed |
|
10. |
fácál(-fácál) |
NID |
- |
Adv |
287 |
NEL |
240 |
sound of something falling into
shallow water |
|
11. |
fát/*fet |
NEL |
87 |
Adv |
312 |
Adv |
259 |
completely (of whiteness) etc. |
|
12. |
fátá-fátá |
NEL |
86 |
Adv |
312 |
NEL |
260 |
completely (of driving off), etc. |
|
13. |
hùlùlù(u) |
NID |
- |
Adv |
468 |
NEL |
391 |
abundantly/ in great quantity or number |
|
14. |
Jágáb |
NID |
- |
Adv |
485 |
Adv |
412 |
very wet |
|
15. |
kácá-kácá/ *kacha kacha |
NEL |
157 |
Adv |
516 |
Adv |
439 |
very untidy, etc. |
|
16. |
}éeméemée |
NEL |
188 |
Adv |
596 |
NID |
- |
blunt refusal |
|
17. |
}írín/*}erin/ *}irim |
NEL |
194 |
Adv |
610 |
NID |
- |
very black/dark |
|
18. |
kwál/}wál |
NID |
- |
Adv |
671/2 |
Adv |
459 |
well washed/very white/ snow-white |
|
19. |
Láu |
Adv |
230 |
Adv |
722 |
NEL |
616 |
quite well |
|
20. |
Lílís |
NID |
- |
Adv |
727 |
Adv |
620 |
well pounded/ thrashed |
|
21. |
rà]à]à |
NID |
- |
Adv |
829 |
Adv |
713 |
crackling sound of bush/forest
fire |
|
22. |
ràk(w)àcàm |
NID |
- |
Adv |
835 |
Adv |
717 |
very untidy/ littered/ crowded, etc. |
|
23. |
ràmbàtsàu(-ai) |
NID |
- |
Adv |
837 |
Adv |
719 |
untidy/ littered/in excess |
|
24. |
Sák |
NID |
- |
Adv |
884 |
Adv |
765 |
straight away in one direction,
etc. |
|
25. |
sákáyáu |
NID |
- |
Adv |
886 |
Adv |
768 |
very light in weight |
|
26. |
sàmàmà |
NID |
- |
Adv |
892 |
Adv |
778 |
emphasizes the sound of movement
of a large body of people or animals |
|
27. |
tángárán/m |
NID |
- |
Adv |
990 |
Adv |
849 |
emphasizes clarity of sight |
|
28. |
Tìnjím |
NEL |
366 |
Adv |
1014 |
Adv |
866 |
emphasizes abundance |
|
29. |
Tsáf |
NID |
- |
Adv |
1022 |
Adv |
871 |
emphasizes thorough cleaning/ fullness |
|
30. |
Wúf |
NEL |
402 |
Adv |
1092 |
NEL |
938 |
emphasizes sudden action e.g.
standing up |
TABLE 2: The Contemporary Trend in Lexicographic
Treatment of Hausa Ideophones Exemplified and Analyzed
|
S/N |
Ideophone |
Contemporary Trend |
Gloss |
|||||||
|
Newman & Newman (1977) |
CNHN ( 2006) |
Newman (2007) |
Newman & Newman (2020) |
|
||||||
|
HEL |
PGN |
HEL |
PGN |
HEL |
PGN |
HEL |
PGN |
|||
|
1. |
bàzàr-bàzàr |
Id |
12 |
a-k |
43 |
NID |
- |
NID |
- |
in rags |
|
2. |
bìrís |
Id |
13 |
NID |
- |
NID |
- |
NID |
- |
in great quantity |
|
3. |
bìrjík |
Id |
13 |
a-k |
48 |
id |
21 |
idph |
27 |
in abundance |
|
4. |
cák |
Id |
18 |
b-fl |
69 |
id |
31 |
idph |
38 |
completely |
|
5. |
càncák |
Id |
18 |
b-fl |
71 |
NID |
- |
NID |
- |
completely |
|
6. |
cárkwái |
Id |
19 |
a-k |
72 |
id |
32 |
idph |
39 |
emphasizes pains, sweetness,
sufficiency |
|
7. |
dá~ás/dà~às |
Id |
22 |
a-k |
83 |
NID |
- |
idph |
45 |
firmly/ emphasizes shortness |
|
8. |
dá}áu |
Id |
24 |
b-fl |
89 |
NID |
- |
NID |
- |
emphasizes hardness/ firmness |
|
9. |
dúmúu-dùmùu |
Id |
29 |
a-k |
112 |
id |
48 |
idph |
58 |
red-handed |
|
10. |
fácál(-fácál) |
Id |
33 |
a-k |
129 |
id |
56 |
idph |
67 |
sound of something falling into
shallow water |
|
11. |
fát |
Id |
36 |
a-k |
137 |
id |
61 |
idph |
72 |
completely (of whiteness), etc. |
|
12. |
fátá-fátá |
Id |
36 |
a-k |
137 |
id |
61 |
idph |
72 |
completely (of driving off), etc. |
|
13. |
hùlùlù(u) |
Id |
53 |
a-k |
202 |
id |
90 |
idph |
107 |
abundantly/ in great quantity or number |
|
14. |
jágáb |
Id |
56 |
b-fl |
210 |
id |
96 |
idph |
112 |
very wet |
|
15. |
kácá-kácá/ *kacha kacha |
Id |
59 |
b-fl |
222 |
id |
102 |
idph |
120 |
very untidy, etc. |
|
16. |
}éeméemée |
Id |
76 |
b-fl |
280 |
id |
129 |
idph |
152 |
blunt refusal |
|
17. |
}írín/*}erin/ *}irim |
Id |
76 |
a-k |
282 |
id |
130 |
idph |
154 |
very black/dark |
|
18. |
kwál/}wál |
Id |
71 |
a-k |
290 |
id |
134 |
idph |
158 |
well washed/very white/ snow-white |
|
19. |
láu |
Id |
81 |
a-k |
303 |
NID |
- |
NID |
- |
quite well |
|
20. |
lilis |
Id |
82 |
b-fl |
306 |
id |
140 |
idph |
166 |
well pounded/ thrashed |
|
21. |
rà]à]à |
Id |
97 |
b-fl |
363 |
id |
164 |
idph |
194 |
crackling sound of bush/forest
fire |
|
22. |
ràk(w)àcàm |
Id |
98 |
a-k |
365 |
id |
166 |
idph |
196 |
very untidy/ littered/ crowded, etc. |
|
23. |
ràmbàtsàu(-ai) |
Id |
98 |
a-k |
366 |
NID |
- |
NID |
- |
untidy/ littered/in excess |
|
24. |
sák |
Id |
104 |
a-k |
383 |
id |
175 |
idph |
207 |
straight away in one direction,
etc. |
|
25. |
sákáyáu |
Id |
104 |
a-k |
384 |
id |
176 |
idph |
208 |
very light in weight |
|
26. |
sàmàmà |
Id |
105 |
b-fl |
386 |
id |
177 |
idph |
209 |
emphasizes the sound of movement
of a large body of people or animals |
|
27. |
tángárán/m |
Id |
117 |
b-fl |
426 |
id |
197 |
idph |
232 |
emphasizes clarity of sight |
|
28. |
tìnjím |
Id |
121 |
a-k |
437 |
id |
202 |
idph |
238 |
emphasizes abundance |
|
29. |
tsáf |
Id |
122 |
a-k |
449 |
id |
203 |
idph |
240 |
emphasizes thorough cleaning/ fullness |
|
30. |
wúf |
Id |
133 |
a-k |
473 |
id |
220 |
idph |
260 |
emphasizes sudden action e.g.
standing up |
Note that, in tables (1) and (2) above, items
marked with asterisk (*) reflect the orthographic practice of the time the
dictionary in which the items occur as head entries were compiled.
Discussion
Tables (1) and (2) above analyze the
lexicographic treatment of Hausa ideophones in the two divides of Hausa
dictionaries. Both tables, as could be observed, comprise equal number of the
same items (ideophones). Whereas table (1) focuses on the old generation
dictionaries, table (2) on the other hand looks at the contemporary generation
counterparts.
From table (1) above, it is vivid that out of
the thirty (30) sampled ideophones, in Henry and Robinson (1913), only one is
labeled Adv; seven others are marked NEL for
having no entry label while the majority (twenty-two in number) are
marked NID because they are not in the dictionary as head
entries. In Bargery (1934), however, all the sampled ideophones occur as head
entries thus are all labeled Adv. In Abraham (1958), whereas
eighteen of the total sample are labeled adv (same
as Adv), ten others are marked NEL for not
bearing entry labels, and the remaining two are marked NID for
not being in the dictionary as head entries.
It is equally clear from table (2) above that,
all of the thirty (30) ideophones used as samples in this study occur in Newman
and Newman (1977) as head entries with each labeled id. The
scenario is slightly different in CNHN (2006), as one ideophone is marked NID because
it is not in the dictionary as head entry; ten others are treated as adverbs,
hence the Hausa label ‘b-fl’, i.e. ‘bayanin fi’ili’,
which means ‘modifier of verb’ or ‘adverb’ while the majority (nineteen in
number) are labeled a-k i.e. ‘amsa-kama’,
which means ‘ideophone(s)’. In Newman (2007), except in the case of seven
ideophones that are marked NID ‘not in the dictionary (as head
entries)’, all others that occur as head entries are labeled id.
In Abraham (1958), whereas eighteen of the total ideophones used as samples are
labeled adv (same as Adv), ten
others are marked NEL because none bear any entry label, and
the remaining two are marked NID for not being in the
dictionary as head entries.
Conclusion and Findings
From the onset, this work was set out to
ascertain how the Hausa ideophones, as a grammatically distinct class of words,
are lexicographically treated. To achieve this, thirty Hausa ideophonic words
were used as sample with seven Hausa dictionaries comprising one monolingual
i.e. the Hausa-Hausa type and six bilingual i.e. the Hausa-English types also
selected for the study. The selected dictionaries were further split into two
generational types i.e. the old generation types as well as the contemporary
generation types. The labels assigned to the ideophones that occur as head
entries in the particular dictionaries were the major determinants of how the
ideophones are lexicographically treated across the two generational divides of
the dictionaries. Finally, the following major findings are made by the study:
1. Hausa ideophones that occur as head entries in
the old generation Hausa dictionaries are either not labeled at all or are
mostly treated not as ideophones but rather as adverbs (Adv/adv), perhaps,
because at the time these dictionaries were compiled, ideophonic words,
especially in African languages generally, were not yet recognized as a
grammatically distinct class of words. This particular finding represents the
old approaches to the lexicographic treatment of Hausa ideophones.
2. In the contemporary generation Hausa
dictionaries, the ideophonic words that occur as head entries are treated not
as adverbs but mostly as ideophones (id/idph). The reason is not farfetched; at
the time dictionaries in this cluster were compiled, ideophonic words across
African languages have already gained recognition as a grammatically distinct
class of words and, therefore, are named and labeled accordingly in most if not
all subsequent grammatical and/or linguistic discussions. This particular finding
demonstrates the contemporary trend in the lexicographic treatment of Hausa
ideophones.
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