Citation: Jabbi, U.M. (2026). Processes and Developments of Art and Aesthetics in Traditional Architecture in Hausaland: Prospects and Challenges. Tasambo Journal of Language, Literature, and Culture, 5(1), 80-87. www.doi.org/10.36349/tjllc.2026.v05i01.009.
PROCESSES AND DEVELOPMENTS OF ART AND
AESTHETICS IN TRADITIONAL ARCHITECTURE IN HAUSALAND: PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGES
Umar
Muhammad Jabbi (PhD)
History
Department, Usmanu
Danfodiyo University, Sokoto
Phone no. +2348039273172
Email address:
umjabbi@gmail.com
Abstract
This paper examines the historical development
of artistic wall decoration in Hausaland, with particular emphasis on the
processes involved in the creation of decorative and aesthetic designs in
traditional Hausa architecture. It highlights indigenous building techniques,
roofing systems, decorative motifs, and the cultural, religious, and social
meanings embedded in wall ornamentation. The study also appraises Hausa
architectural aesthetics by examining both the finished architectural forms and
the critical responses associated with their production. The research adopts a
qualitative approach to data gathering and analysis, drawing on both primary
and secondary sources. Primary data were obtained through oral interviews, site
visitations, and careful observation of decorative designs on buildings, while
secondary data were sourced from relevant literature. The focus of the study is
Hausaland, and it demonstrates how Hausa builders use architecture as a medium
for cultural expression. The findings reveal that Hausa master masons developed
and mastered sophisticated decorative skills using locally available materials
to satisfy both functional and aesthetic requirements. The monumental palace
buildings found across Hausaland serve as clear evidence of the high level of
artistic achievement and technical ingenuity attained by Hausa builders.
Keywords:
Aesthetics, Architecture, Art, Hausaland
1.0
Introduction
The
evolution of architecture as a visual art form develops side by side with the
instinct for aesthetics. In fact, among Paleolithic man, who was chiefly
identified as a cave dweller, we find the development of special skills of
representation. Rock shelters in the Tissili region (the mountainous areas of
the Sahara dated to the 6th millennium B.C.) contain pictures of elephants,
antelopes, and birds as well as human beings (Ojo, 1982, 206). Though the
primary driving force for these pictures and paintings might not be artistic
display but magical, nevertheless, in the drawings there is a delight in line
and form, a pleasure in creating with the hand, that is similar to artistic
delight. It is then clear from this that, since very early times, man was not
satisfied with the mere utility of his buildings in providing shelter; he
sought to give them some attractive or decent consistency towards achieving
beauty. However, it was only with the coming of the Neolithic civilization that
the building art became an essential part of human life. For it was only with
the command over food crop production and animal husbandry that human beings
found a favourable condition for the establishment of permanent settlements
(Hamlin, 1953 p. 19–20).
In the
course of history, mankind has developed several important building types and
several methods of construction. The earliest form of building developed by the
Hausa man seems to be circular in form, using vegetal materials, before mud
became a chief building material. Similar situations have been reported in
relation to areas in Europe, Asia, America, and other parts of Africa (Ibid).
Therefore, in most parts of the world, as in Hausaland, rectangular buildings
are later developments.
Artistic
decoration on buildings as well as on clothes, leather, calabashes, and other
utensils has long been recognized as an integral part of Hausa culture. Relief
decoration on walls among the Hausa people dates back to several centuries
before the 19th century Jihad in Hausaland. The coming of Islam and Western
European ideas has stamped an indelible mark of influence on the practice of
artistic wall decoration in Hausaland.
1.1
Clarification of Concepts
A number
of concepts used in this work require some clarification to fit properly within
the context of this paper. It is in line with this that the concepts of art,
aesthetics, architecture, traditional, and Hausaland are clarified and
delimited to avoid any misconception.
1.1.1
Art
Art is
the product of creative human activity in which materials are shaped or
selected to convey ideas, emotions, or visually interesting forms. Art can
refer to visual arts like painting, sculpture, architecture, photography, or
visual works that combine material or form. The skill and creativity in doing
any activity can be described as art (Tetteh, 2010). By aesthetics, throughout
this paper, is referred to that which is involved in the creation,
appreciation, or criticism of works of art or architecture in relation to other
human activities or interests (Sa’ad, 1981, 7).
1.1.2
Traditional
Traditional
building practice forms a major branch of indigenous knowledge systems.
Webster’s Third New International Dictionary of the English Language defined
the word ‘traditional’ as “of or relating to tradition, handed down from age to
age, not introduced directly or indirectly, originating or developing or
produced naturally in a particular land or region.” For the purpose of this
study, the use of the term traditional does not preclude outside influences.
The term traditional building in this work embraces the vast areas of building
knowledge, skills, practices, and beliefs handed down from generation to
generation, and what the people themselves acquired over time from their daily
interaction with their environment. Hausa traditional building practices were
not static and unchanging. Rather, they are continually influenced by internal
creativity and experimentation, as well as by contact with external knowledge
systems. Hausaland has been in constant contact with the outside world for
centuries, most especially North Africa.
1.1.3
Hausaland
Hausaland
is the land of the Hausa people. It is a very vast territory, of which more
than half is now in the southern Niger Republic and the other portion in
northern Nigeria Sani & Umar (2018 p 17). Adamu, in line with Smith’s
geographical definition, gave the territorial expanse of Hausaland as
“stretching from Azbin in the Air mountain area in the north to a few
kilometres south of Kufena and Turunku in Zazzau in the south, and from the
middle of the Niger Valley in the west to the eastern boundaries of the Niger
Republic and Northern Nigeria in the east” (Adamu, 2010, 14–15).
2.0 The
Historical Development of Artistic Wall Decoration in Hausaland
The
first step in the erection of any form of building is to trace the outline of
the floor plan on the ground. As stated earlier, the length and breadth/width
of all structures to be erected are paced out in units of measure based on the
builder’s foot size. In the erection of square and rectangular building
structures, the builders go to great lengths to ensure the straightness of wall
outlines. Wooden pegs are erected at the end of each of the four corners of the
plot or the space provided, and the builders’ rope is tied to the stakes, after
which a shayi (a line, normally drawn by dragging the feet forward on the
ground) is drawn to define the ground surface and the length and breadth of the
structure to be erected.
On a
square-sized plot or area, some master masons measure only one side through
ritual foot-steppings. The measurement obtained from this process is
transferred to the builder’s thread or rope. Along the rope, a shallow ditch of
about one or one and a half feet is dug round for setting the foundation. In
some cases, foundations are not provided, most especially if the ground level
is plain and the topsoil is hard or stony. In addition, as observed by Sa’ad,
“ordinary men of small means rarely provide foundations for their walls; they
just scrape off the topsoil and start building.” To create a good foundation
with the required load-bearing capacity, builders ensure that the normal three
courses of foundation are wider than the ones on top.
The fact
that the shigifa is expected to be roughly rectangular and the tubali/kunku
is either round or conical in shape makes the corners a knotty problem
requiring expert management. When approaching the corners, the builders make a
break in the row above one or two bricks from the corner. The builder then
carefully fits the mud bricks through a kind of triangulation; if the open
space cannot accommodate one whole kunku, then fashi or kungu
(split from the mud brick) of equivalent size is used to fill in the gaps, and
mud mortar is used to plaster the structure. This difficulty in bridging the
corners could explain why amateur builders prefer building with rectangular mud
bricks.
2.1 Mud
Roof Construction
Indigenous
masons have invented several roofing styles to deal with different situations
ranging from the size of the shigifa (to create structural stability) to
the aesthetic requirements of clients who are members of the same society but
occupy different social positions and therefore have different tastes.
Prominent mud roofing styles in the area include the shimfiÉ—e (flat)
roofing style, the kuri roof style, the banche and tauyi
roofing styles, the ginshiƙi-supported
roof type, and the guga roofing style, which is considered the hallmark
of Hausa traditional architecture. The other roofing styles, excepting the guga
roofing style, are mainly of functional value, meant to provide shelter against
the elements of weather. The guga roofing style, however, is mostly
constructed for its aesthetic value in addition to the function of shelter
provision. It is for this reason that this section dwells more on this roofing
design.
2.2 Guga
Roofing Style
The
origin of the Guga roofing style in Hausaland has been traced back to the
mid-18th C. The Daura conference hall, built by the orders of its last
pre-jihad ruler, Abdu Sarkin Gwari (d. 1805), was said to be the earliest
evidence of this roofing style (Sa’ad, 1985, p. 9). The Guga roofing style is
the most advanced of all indigenous roofing styles in Hausaland. That explains
why it remained the preserve of the traditional elite and rich merchants. The
Guga roofing style enables builders to create a free span of up to 8 meters
without immediate support (Sa’ad, 209). The Guga roof is made up of two or more
arches coming from diametrically opposite walls and meeting in the middle to
form a vault-like structure. Therefore, there are Guga mai Masharuwa
(rainbow) having two, four, or even eight arches. These could reach up to
sixteen arches, as witnessed in the palace of Sarkin Gobir Madaoua (Niger
Republic).
After
meticulous treatment and processing of the mud mortar for arch construction,
short horizontal azara lengths of not less than two cubits are laid on
the wall to act as brackets (takalme) for the vertical azara
members to be inserted between them and cemented with mud. Builders using
rectangular mud bricks need not use wooden brackets. Spaces are created between
the blocks for insertion of the inclined vertical azara beams; the
blocks act as the brackets. At the first implanting, the azara will be
of two cubits in length; the second implanting will be increased to two cubits
and two taka. By the fourth implanting, it is increased to three cubits,
and the subsequent one will be a full azara length to meet the opposite kafa
in the middle. If there are still some gaps, smaller azara could be used
to join the two arches. In each case of the implanting, the azara
members are plastered with mud, leaving only about one cubit outside for the
next implanting and alignment. It is worth noting here that the arch and wall
building go side by side, and whenever the builder passes along the kafa
position in his wall construction, he sets the azara slightly inclined.
This process of elongating the arch through the implanting of new pieces at
their back is continued until the cantilevers coming from the opposite walls
meet each other. At this point, a rumfa (a raised platform supported by
wooden stakes) is erected upon which the builder mounts to complete the
finishing touches of the Guga and join the cantilevers from various sides. In
the Zaria Mosque building, Babban Gwani used double arches
connected to thin piers repeatedly through the space. This was done in order to
free up space and increase the stability of the building, and this gives a very
open and visually pleasing effect to one who walks through the space (Shehu,
2016, p. 39). The final roof is domed in shape.
3.0
Method of Data Collection
The
research adopted a qualitative approach to data collection and analysis. Data
were collected through both primary and secondary sources. Interviews were
conducted with some practitioners of the craft to uncover the materials
utilised and the skills involved in the creation of the decorative styles.
Moreover, visitations and careful observation of the designs imprinted on
individual buildings form part of the primary sources of data for this research
work. The secondary sources were obtained through extensive library work to
source related and relevant literature.
4.0
Decorative Elements
The
moment the mud roof is erected and coated with mud, the next important stage is
to secure and protect the building from the ravages of weather. Side by side
with the intention to provide protection to the building are the aesthetic
reasons—to make the building look good. For example, in addition to the mud
mortar used in binding the mud bricks or broken stones during the wall-building
construction process, the builder overlays his wall with an additional coat of
mud plaster, using his fingers to surface the wall with arched lines coming
perpendicularly from the top and at the low base of the wall, joining
tangentially in their course, or even forming a herringbone pattern.
To
protect the roof from the activities of rainwater, indigenous builders have
learnt to construct the kalankuwa perimeter wall. The kalankuwa
wall is built along the edges of the roof to conduct rainwater to the point of
discharge. The continuity of the kalankuwa wall is broken by slits where
the rainwater drains (indararo) are fixed. The rainwater drains were
made either from baked clay by potters or from hollowed upper trunks of trees.
On the kalankuwa
perimeter wall, cone-shaped pinnacles are erected along the corners and some
other desired places on the rooftop. The usual practice is to place three on
each side, with one each on the corners and the remaining one at the middle.
However, on the frontage of the building along the doorway, two pinnacles are
constructed. The tsoraye/zankaye (pinnacles), according to the builders,
are meant for the purposes of decoration. As reported by one expert on Hausa
culture, Sani Habou (staff at IRSH, Maradi, Niger Republic), Gidan da
baya da zanko kamar sa ne da baya da ƙaho (a building without pinnacles is like a bull
without horns), indicating that it will not be good-looking. The pinnacles also
provide protection for the roof, most especially as they are situated along the
corners, the most vulnerable parts of the roof.
To
further render the roof cover impermeable to rain, indigenous builders create
an additional layer of mud cover (laso) on the rooftop. The laso plaster
is of various types, ranging from the cheapest and most common to an advanced
form that only wealthy patrons could afford.
The most
common laso type in Hausaland involves the establishment of a layer of
ashes (obtained from traditional hearths) to block smaller openings and cracks
on the mud cover and also to protect the roof from termite infestation. Then, a
cover of well-treated mud, most preferably mixed with makuba (empty pods
of the locust bean tree) or bagaruwa (Acacia nilotica), is placed on top
to cover the ashes.
A more
advanced laso technique involves the creation of an admixture of
different elements through a long process that makes the cost of production
unbearable for low- and middle-income earners in the society. To produce the laso,
dagwalon marina (sediment from an old dye pit) is scraped out
during the pit-clearing process and moulded into lumps very much like the kunku
and allowed to dry. The dried lumps are arranged around a wooden framework
ready to be set on fire. The whole structure is then covered with thatch, corn
stalks, husks, etc., and fire is lit. The fire is allowed to burn for at least
a day. The final product is zarta and is whitish in colour. The zarta
is then pounded into a fine powder mixed with water, where again it is trampled
upon and mixed with some additives such as gashin jima (hairs
obtained from the tannery) to produce cement for laso plaster. The
cement so produced is used to plaster the roof, the pinnacles, and the kalankuwa
perimeter wall.
4.1
Surface Wall Decoration
Surface
wall decoration in Hausaland dates back several centuries. The first reference
to decorations on Hausa buildings is attributed to Shaykh Usman Danfodiyo, the
leader of the 19th-century Islamic revolution in Hausaland. In his criticisms
of Hausa kings for their lavish lifestyles, the Shaykh accused the Hausa kings
and their courtiers, among others, of living in decorated palaces
(Schwerdtfeger, 2007, p. 108).
Patterns
and motifs used by Hausa wall decorators have often been ascribed to two main
sources. These include indigenous designs and imported oriental patterns
resulting from Hausaland’s intercourse with the Islamic world. A third, more
important but often neglected source is the intellectual faculty of the
creative decorator (Sa’ad, p. 242).
4.2
Islamic Art and Culture on Wall Decoration
The
influence of Islamic art and culture on wall decoration cannot be denied, most
particularly as it affects the prohibition of lifelike forms and the use of
religious symbols and writings. Motifs such as the crescent moon, the allo
(wooden slate used for writing in Qur’anic schools), minarets, and kettles used
for ablution were usually used on the facades of Islamic scholars and patrons
who were more religiously inclined. The main pre-Islamic decorative motifs of
the Hausa were natural materials that were usually associated with the totem of
the group, and these may include representations of various animals such as
goats and sheep, among others.
4.2.1
Dagi
External
wall designs are normally concentrated around the main entrance doors. The
major individual patterns are often referred to as dagi, a star-like figure
(refer Appendix 1). This is the most ubiquitous of all Hausa decorative motifs,
appearing everywhere and taking a variety of shapes. Virtually every decorated
façade or ceiling has at least one stamp of dagi. During the regional political
arrangement of the First Republic in Nigeria, the dagi was the unofficial
heraldic symbol of the Northern Region and thus earned the name “Northern Knot”
(Sa’ad, p. 244). It is an older and traditionally established motif of Hausa
identity (Shehu, p. 13). The exact origin of the dagi motif is unknown;
however, it has been reported that it was a decorative element in North Africa
during the late Roman period around the 3rd century A.D. (Schwerdtfeger, pp.
67–68).
4.2.2
Talhatina
Another
distinctive element of Hausa wall decoration is the Talhatina, which is a
mixture of the circle and the triangle. The shape of the Talhatina is said to
resemble the shape and designs of a pre-Islamic Tuareg charm also called
Talhatina (Moughtin et al., p. 181). Other decorative elements include the
arabesque stripe locally known as Sarka (chain), which is used on house corners
to either divide motifs or provide a frame for other important decorations.
Moreover, other motifs used by Hausa wall decorators include faunal and floral
motifs such as Kan rago (head of a ram), Cibiyar Kura (navel of a hyena),
Dabino (date palm tree), or objects like Gafaka (satchel of leather used to
carry Islamic books), the Damara (Star of David) on colonial coins, Kan Sarki
(crown), Bindiga (gun), bicycles, cars, among others. Hausa builders also used
calligraphy as well as simple lines on their walls towards enhancing it as an
aesthetic element in the design (refer appendixes).
The
traditional wall relief decoration is usually designed using well-processed mud
mixed with some additives. The builder uses mud-based plaster to mould patterns
on the surface of the wall. After the mud is set, it is then whitewashed and
paints are applied on the surface (Sarkin Gini, October 1982, p. 3). Gummy
material obtained from local plants (Dafara) is added to the paints to enable
them to adhere to the wall surface. The paints are made in different colours
using local materials to satisfy the aesthetic requirements of Hausa patrons.
4.3
European Colonial Rule and Hausa Architecture
With the
advent of European colonial rule, Hausa culture came into contact with another
source of external influence. However, at the initial stage, traditional Hausa
architecture was only minimally affected; the areas of influence were mainly on
the design of windows and some sanitary prescriptions. The availability of
funds to the colonial government as a result of the Colonial Development and
Welfare Scheme after the Second World War led to the introduction of cement and
corrugated iron sheets into Hausaland. Gradually, cement was introduced into
traditional building practice for the plastering of walls for protection
against heavy downpours during the rainy season.
With the
new practice of cement plaster, another mode of wall decoration emerged. This
involved the scratching of a variety of motifs onto still-wet mud cement
plaster. The practitioners of this type of decoration are known as Masu shafe
(sing. Mai shafe) and do not belong to the building trade. Because this type of
wall decoration can be quickly carried out and is relatively cheaper, it gained
wide patronage from the common man (Schwerdtfeger, pp. 44–46).
Art
designs on walls in Hausaland were not merely imprinted for decorative
purposes. In fact, as the Talhatina designs are said to have taken root from a
magical object, this suggests that the early users of the design may have had
some spiritual or magical objectives. Moreover, in my interaction with
Abdurrahman Gabidan, the custodian of the regional museum in Zinder, he clearly
pointed out that in the past, some of the artistic symbols on Hausa wall
buildings were meant to serve magical purposes, for protection against thieves,
evil spirits, and for fertility.
4.4
Hausa Architectural Aesthetics
Architectural
aesthetics in Hausaland comprise the perceptual experience of the static
qualities of the final product as well as the dynamic experience of how the
master mason approaches his business and comports himself during the process.
The critic could be a master mason, a patron, or an interested member of
society.
Negative
criticism (Kushewa) is normally associated with rivals of the master
mason who wish to portray the architect as a novice or even insincere to his
patron by producing a shoddy piece of work. Kushewa is therefore a social
phenomenon where a new piece of architecture acts merely as an object that
provides rivals the opportunity to vent their latent antagonism (Sa’ad, p.
304).
Another
form of architectural criticism takes place during the process of construction
or decoration. In this criticism, deficiencies in the work are brought to the
fore for the purpose of correction (gyara). This is more common with architects
in the learning process or new graduates who invite their masters to criticise
their work.
A
positive appreciation of the work of an architect results in Yabo (admiration).
Yabo, as Sa’ad has observed, could be directed at the finished product or at
the process, like Kushewa. Yabo involves the showering of lavish praise on the
splendour of the work, the choice of colour in the decoration, or the ceiling
structure.
Another
aspect of aesthetic appreciation concerns the qualities displayed by the mason
such as Kwazo, Himma (dignity), Hakuri (patience), Natsuwa (composure), and
Fasaha. The inventiveness of a master mason and the originality of his work are
part of the catalogue of aesthetic qualities of the critic (Sa’ad, p. 311).
5.0
Conclusion
Hausa
traditional architecture has gone a long way from very simple circular
structures using very simple and natural materials such as grasses, wood, and
stones to complex rectangular structures. At every stage of its development,
the masons try to satisfy the aesthetic requirements of their patrons through
the employment of art to adorn their buildings. The various building forms
signify the high artistic achievement of the Hausa builders as well as a
thorough understanding of the potentials of their materials.
With the
current wave of globalisation, the technical achievement of Hausa architects is
facing its greatest challenge and the threat of extinction. Foreign ways of
doing things, with heavy reliance on imported materials, are threatening to
consume our future. This paper is not advocating for a total rejection of
modern technical advancement, but rather that the new culture should grow from
the old. A genuine marriage between the advances of science and technology and
the technical achievements of our forefathers should guide us to the desired
destination. Furthermore, government agencies should focus on the preservation
of our monumental buildings so that future generations can have a source of
knowledge about the achievements of their forefathers and inspiration.
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Appendixes
Source: Sa’ad H.T., ‘Between Myth and Reality: the aesthetics of Traditional Architecture in Hausaland’ PhD Thesis, University of Michigan, Armabor, 1981
Dellise L.F., Sago da Taurarwa: Enquete Sur 1’architecture et la decoration Murale a Zinder (Damagaram) Niger, June 1970-Dec. 1971
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