A Study of Vowel Adaptation in Hausa-Fulfulde Loanwords

Citation: Dr Mohammed Musa Kukuri (2022). A Study of Vowel Adaptation in Hausa-Fulfulde Loanwords. Yobe Journal of Language, Literature and Culture (YOJOLLAC), Vol. 10, Number 1. Department of African Languages and Linguistics, Yobe State University, Damaturu, Nigeria. ISSN 2449-0660

A STUDY OF VOWEL ADAPTATION IN HAUSA-FULFULDE LOANWORDS

By

Dr Mohammed Musa KUKURI

 Abstract

This paper focusses mainly on vowel adaptation as one of the processes of assimilating Hausa words into Fulfulde. The data for the research is derived using the Interview and Observation methods. However, the analysis is based on the Generative Phonology theory where distinctive phonological features are used to justify the processes each of which is subjected to a given phonological rule. From the analyses, it is clearly shown that the vast majority of Hausa loans in Fulfulde pre-suppose prio application of the various processes and vowel adaptation inclusive. Therefore, the findings revealed that for a Hausa word to be fully adapted into Fulfulde language some vowels encounter series of changes to suit the borrowing language’s phonology. These include: deletion, substitution, and shortening. As a matter of fact, a number of examples are found showing that vowel adjustment is a productive pattern in the adaptation of Hausa loanwords. Some evidence relied upon shows that, phonologically, the case of vowel shortening mostly affects high tone syllables. in a few cases, it has been observed that there is a close link between vowel length and the CIM affixation. There is no proper generalization as to whether the CIM always follows a short or tense vowel even in the native Fulfulde words.

Introduction

Studies on genetic classification of languages revealed that Hausa and Fulfulde languages hailed from distinct language phyla. Whereas Hausa is classified under Chadic languages of the Afro-Asiatic phylum, Fulfulde belongs to the Niger Congo family (Greenberg 1963, p.159, Hansford et al 1976, p.98). Besides, the two languages are supra-segmentally distinct because while Hausa is a tone language, Fulfulde is a stress language (Mohammad 1987, p.17)). Despite that, Fulfulde language has abundantly employed the borrowing method from other languages with which its speakers had contact and common example of these donor languages is Hausa. Therefore, the influence of Hausa now has a permanent effect on Fulfulde which permits a large number of new words in its lexicon. The situation is very common to every language which linguists believe that it is one of the peculiar ways a language enriches its vocabulary. Despite all this, the degree of borrowing and adaptation as observed by Smeaton (1973, p.74) “varies among dialects” of the same language so much so that a loanword adapted in one dialect becomes synonymous to indigenous word used in another. For instance, in the Central Fulfulde dialect, which this paper uses, the words nʤakardi (cock) and masardi (maize) are equivalent to vusugumri and butaali in the Adamawa dialect. The Central Fulfulde dialect, as opined by different scholars such as Mohammad (1987) and Daudu (2001), Girei, (2008; 2018), is spoken in Katsina, Kaduna, Plateau, Kano, Jigawa, Nasarawa, Benue, Bauchi, Gombe, Borno and Yobe States which are assumed to be a large Fulfulde speaking zone.

One of the major distinctions between these languages is that Hausa is a tonal language while Fulfulde is a stress one. Based on previous studies, Hausa language has three major tone patterns i.e. High, Low and Falling (Sani 2005). With regard to Fulfulde, Mohammad (1987) observes that the language has two major stress rules i.e. the main and secondary stress where each is placed in accordance with the number of syllables in a word. İn the course of this study, only the high tones in the Hausa words are marked while in the Fulfulde forms we used the primary stress only.

Method

In this research, methods of data collection used are observation and interview. We observed our population closely as they discuss in their native language among themselves. The observation was done with their consent that it was meant for a research exercise where their voices are carefully recorded and subsequently processed. As for the interview, questions related to ethnic identity, origin, place of birth, age, educational background, etc have been asked. It was a face to face interview in which the respondents were fully aware that their voices were being recorded. Some corpus of Hausa loanwords in Fulfulde are analyzed with the purpose of investigating the vowel adaptation processes applied to these incoming lexical items in the process of their adaptation. Similarly, our analysis is based on the Generative Phonology theory. The term was first used by Noam Chomsky in 1950s which was designed to focus on the study of syntax and address other aspects of language’s structure including morphology and phonology.  Generative Phonology specifically aims at providing a firm foundation in the theory of distinctive features, phonological rules and rules ordering which is essential to be able to appreciate recent developments and discussions in phonological theory. Therefore, Generative phonology deals with the task of establishing the set of distinctive features and the properties of phonological rules of world languages. Distinctive features are minimal elements which according to McGregor (2012), are ad hoc abbreviations for features bundles that can take one of the values: + (plus) or – (minus). Our choice of adopting this theory is reasonably based on its ability to ‘address fully all the currently known mechanisms of regular phonetic change’ (Stampe 1979a, p.xix).

Literature Review

Borrowing and adaptation have been areas of keen interest to many scholars which triggered a lot of scholarly studies. In the view of Crystal (1997) it is possible to have languages that belong to different families having several important phonological features in common citing examples with the Indo-European and Dravidian language which share retroflex consonants. Relevant to this Crystalian view, Ibrahim (1978) observed that this case of inter-languages similarities also manifests between Hausa and Fulfulde despite the fact that they hail from distinct language phyla. But according to Kukuri (2022), in spite of their apparent similarity in speech sounds, Hausa and Fulfulde are profoundly distinct. In essence, out of the 46 Fulfulde phonemes, there are basically 5 consonants and 5 diphthongs not existing in Hausa based on Sani (2005). The sounds are: Consonants: p, nj, ƴ, ng, mb, nd, Diphthongs: ey oy ew iw ow. On the other hand, there are 11 Hausa consonants which are not typical of the Fulfulde language. Mohammad (1987) is of the view that the Fulfulde loanwords of any source must adjust to suit the pronominal classes as in moota-wa (the lorry) which belongs to the nga class. This happens as a result of the –wa suffixation, (which is one of the Class Identification Morphemes) to the noun moota just as the word mota-jel that belongs to the ngel class. He is of the view that any borrowed word that does not have the CIM, which warrants it to fall under one of the 22 pronominal classes, is grouped under the xum class. With regard to vowel adjustment, the scholar is of the view that whereas the English vowels assume different forms based on phonological environment, Fulfulde vowels assume only two forms i.e. short and long.  Miyamoto (1990), used a descriptive approach to discuss Hausa loanwords in the Adamawa dialect of Fulfulde. Hausa was described by this scholar as the most influential in the Eastern part which is a prominent phenomenon even in the Central part where our study has been based. Miyamoto (1990) was of the same view with Arnott (1970) that most loan-words are associated with continuant suffixes. However, the scholar posits that verbs and adjectives are not found in the borrowed words of Adamawa dialect. Daura (2002), studies the morphological adaptation of Arabic loan-words in Hausa. İn relation to that, Salim (1981) looked at the assimilation processes of English loan words in Hausa. Salim (1981) argues that in every borrowed word the underlying representation should be closely related to the surface form. He argued further that the grammatical order of the borrowing language has to be respected, advancing, in support of his position, raising arguments from scholars such as Hudson (1974) and Hooper (1976). As far as English is concerned, Salim argues that there are only two types of vowel insertion in the assimilation of English loanwords that is postvocalic and post-consonantal while deletion affects only consonants.

Discussion

It is observed that vowels also experience a series of adjustments in the adaptation of Hausa loans in CNNDF. In fact, in the course of this research we realized that this process was well accentuated. Moreover, the process is able to make some Hausa words have the correct Fulfulde pronunciation when fully adapted into the dialect in question. In relation to that, vowels can be substituted, deleted or sometimes shortened. It should however be noted that vowel insertion, which is commonly used to break consonant clusters in the adaptation of English-Hausa loanwords, does not play any role in the adaptation of Hausa loanwords in Fulfulde. In fact, neither the SL nor the BL accepts consonant cluster in single syllable hence vowel insertion is not observed. However, based on our observation, only three processes have been identified in the adaptation of Hausa loans into the CNNDF as far as vowel aaptation is concerned. The processes are deletion, substitution, and shortening.

 Vowel Deletion (VD)

Deletion of vowel is one of the common adaptation processes in which a vowel of the source form is entirely removed to accommodate a borrowed word into the BL. The condition on the deletion of vowel has a straight forward syllabic basis that has been noted by many scholars such as Mohammad (1987) and Miyamoto (1990) indicating that a vowel could be deleted word-medially or at the word-final position. In the adaptation of Hausa loans in the CNNDF to be specific, two different cases have been reported as below:

                                                            a  →   Ø                                          

            The first plausible evidence for the existence of vowel deletion has been where a cntral vowel /a/ is deleted when the word is fully adapted into the BL. Consider the following examples:

    1a masàraa →  /¹masar-di/   [¹masar-di] (maize)

     b àsaaràa →   /¹asar/    [¹asar]  (loss)

     c zàkaɽàa → /¹njakar-di/    [¹nʤakar-di] (cock)

Taking the above examples in cognizance, a vowel whose features consist of [+back] [-round] is deleted in word final position amounting to a complete reduction of the word’s syllables. With the exception of (1b) àsaaràa →   ¹asar (loss) the deletion occurs to give room for Class Identification Morpheme suffixation. For instance, in 1a the word has its syllable structure changed from ‘masàraa’ CV-CV-CVV in the source form to ¹masar-di CV-CVC-di in the adapted form. If the word is presented as ¹masara-di as it might be expected to be, it might not sound phonologically Fulfulde hence re-syllabification comes up. In the same vein, example (1b) was originally borrowed from Arabic (khasara) but has attained a complete Hausa language structure. One major observation is that the co-occurrence of closed syllable before a CIM suffix is noticed even in the native Fulfulde words as in the words ¹nangar-xam (ablution), gasir-gal (digger), jooxor-gal (chair). This shows that the case is not reserved for borrowed words only.                                                       

                                 i  →    Ø

Another form of vowel deletion identified is where a high front vowel /i/ is deleted as can be seen in the following examples:

                       2a zaamànii →  /¹jaman/    [¹ʤaman] (era)

                        b teeburii  /teebur-wa/      [teebur-wa]  (table)

                        c baatirii  /¹baatir-wa/     [¹baatir-wa]   (battery)

One major observation in all the examples is that the pattern of deletion exhibited seems to show the same fact that only final vowels are affected. Similarly, the /i/ vowel has been found to be deleted which has the feature [+high] [-back]. The phonological implication of this deletion has to do with the common closed syllable structure of Fulfulde as in the following words: ¹ndiy-am (water), ¹kos-am (milk) and ¹shaasham (pepper soup). Similarly, the situation in all the examples has been an effort to go by the famous Fulfulde rule of Class Identification Morpheme where -al stands as the CIM as in the native Fulfulde words ¹gex-al (luck), ¹kev-al (gain), ¹annd-al (knowledge). However, based on the above illustration vowel can be deleted word finally only.

            One of the most salient observations from the data earlier presented is the tendency of the CNNDF speakers to employ vowel deletion, word-finally, which to some extent reveals a clear manifestation of close syllable ending feature of Fulfulde words. Fulfulde has closed syllable structure usually before some of the CIM suffixes as in the words ¹unir-gal (mortar) and ¹fiʤir-de (joke). This confirms that final vowel deletion in Hausa-CNNDF loanwords apply sometimes, when the adapted form will have its last syllable become a closed one. Therefore, this recurring pattern of deletion, as stated earlier, has the likely function of re-syllabification in conformity to the Fulfulde phonology. The last syllable coda is allowed. As such, the tendency to drop a final vowel seems to be productive and applies to determine a specific Fulfulde phonological pattern. In Hausa, the system is mostly reserved for idiophone and some function words such as zàlàm, sumul, kacal, and sam (Skinner 1982, p.67). Besides, it can be seen from the above analysis that the choice of which vowel to delete could not be dictated by the consonant which precedes it. Despite that, out of the examples given only (2a) is found not affecting a syllable with trill sound /r/. Obviously, all the indicators of vowel deletion happened in the same phonetic environment; word finally, a phenomenon that circumstantially renders the consonants to be in the coda position.

To sum up on vowel deletion, the analysis indicates that final vowels are deleted in order to satisfy a preference for closed syllables in the CNNDF. However, this phonological process is generally attributed to a combination of factors. Since Fulfulde allows coda in final syllables, it is an explicit evidence of re-syllabification where in some cases CV-CV-CV changes to CV-CVC as in àsaaràa → ¹asar ‘lost’. This might not be unconnected with the fact that in the Fulfulde lexical structure, there is a tendency to predict the syllabification rule in that the final syllable usually ends with either a consonant or a short vowel. This rule is equally applicable to both the native and foreign words as in the words: ¹∫obbal ‘pounded millet’, ¹ndiyam ‘water’ (closed syllables), ¹mbaala ‘sheep’, ¹reedu’ ‘stomach’ (short vowels). Therefore, it might not be unusual to see Hausa loans such as àsaaràa ‘lost’ and masàraa ‘maize’ has been transformed to ¹asar and ¹masar-di, where the final vowel of the source form is deleted.

 A glance at the above examples shows that the deletion pattern varies and as a result the vowels in the first and penultimate syllables do not delete. Similarly, there has been a clear exception which shows that whereas some vowels manifest deletion (a, i) others do not (e, o, u). Therefore, the ultimate criterion for vowel deletion as the above analysis suggests, is that the attitude and tolerance of vowel deletion as far as Hausa-CNNDF is concerned is restricted to few vowels. However, there are mutual dependences between vowel deletion and the principle of closed syllable in the CNNDF more especially syllable-finally. Using Kiparsky (1965)’s rule by simplification method we can collapse the above deletion rules as follows:   

            V        

-round            

+high                                       Ø              — #   

+back                                                                 

The rule reveals that either vowel /a/ or /i/ is found deleted word-finally.

Fulfulde structure accepts closed syllable structure usually before some of the CIM suffixes as in the Fulfulde words ¹unir-gal (mortar) and ¹fiʤir-de (joke). This confirms that final vowel deletion in Hausa-CNNDF loans adaptation applies mostly when the output will have its last syllable becomes a closed one. Therefore, this recurring pattern of deletion, as stated earlier, has the likely function of re-syllabification in conformity to the Fulfulde words structure where the last syllable coda is allowed.

Vowel Substitution (VS)

            Vowel substitution also serves as another common phonological process used to assimilate some Hausa loans into the CNNDF. In this case, some vowels of the SL are replaced by others in the BL. Despite the fact that vowels are sometimes deleted in consonance with closed syllable privilege, in some cases there has been also possibility of substitution between one vowel and another. This phonological adjustment becomes operational not necessarily because the affected vowel does not exist in the BL’s phonetic inventory. In essence, the two languages have the same and equal number of vowels. Apparently, it just became necessary for this phenomenon so as to simplify the pronunciation of loanwords and to suit the RL’s phonological patterns.

            There are five cases at different instances of vowel substitution identified which are discussed as follows:

                                                        a → o

A sound altered for purpose of adaptation is a low central vowel /a/ which has been replaced by its corresponding mid back vowel /o/ as in the following examples:

             3a bàrkònoo  →  /borkon¹noo-je/ [bork^won¹noo- ʤe] (pepper)

              b bàrgoo →   /¹borgoo-re/    [¹borg^woo-re] (blanket)

                 c tagùwaa  → /¹toggoo-re/    [¹togg^woo-re] (shirt)

                d dàddawaa → /¹doddow-a/    [¹doddow-a]

            Based on examples (3a) and (b), the substitution is manifested in the first syllables of the source forms. The syllables contain a [+back] [-round] vowel which later changes to [-high] [-back]. However, going by these instances, the vowel that is to be used as substitute is determined by the vowel of the following syllable consider examples (3a) and (b). What might seem to be different from this phonological prediction is in (3c) where the following vowel happens to be [+high +back] /u/ in the word tagùwaa  → ¹toggoo-re (shirt) instead of [–high] [+back] /o/ as it is in bàrkònoo  →   borkon¹noo-je (pepper) bàrgoo → ¹borgoo-re (blanket).

                                                 a → e

            Here also the same vowel /a/ was replaced by another ie a mid-front vowel /e/. This can be justified in the following example:

                           4a dàbaaràa  →   /daba¹ree-re/  [daba¹ree-re] (trick)

                            b àlmakàshii → /¹mekes-je/   [¹mekes- ʤe] (scissors)

                           c kyandir    →  /¹kendir -yel/   [k¹endir -yel]  (candle)

            Unlike in the above instances, here a [-front] [-back] vowel is taken over by another vowel with feature specification [+mid] [-back] thus /a/  → /e/. This nacessitated vowel change in the final syllable (example 4a), second and third syllables (example 4b) and first syllable (example 4d). İn fact, no specification as to which syllable of the source forms this phonological process occurs.

What emerges from the aforementioned analysis is that in the CNNDF-Hausa loans, even vowels that are equally found in Fulfulde are potentially subjected to substitution, which indicates a flexibility of the adaptation strategies. As far as the Hausa-CNNDF loan is concerned, our contention here is that only /i/, /o/, and /e/ vowels lend themselves to substitution. However, it is observed that in the CNNDF, one of the common solutions used in vowel substitution is vowel harmony. To sum up, based on the above analysis, it transpires that vowel substitution is a productive process in the adaptation of Hausa loan words in the CNNDF. Interestingly, all the cases involve a low central vowel which agrees to give room for many vowels particularly /i/, /o/ and /e/. This might not be a case of under-differentiation as observed in some languages.

Meanwhile, the following rule has been suggested to bind the above analysis together as members of the same phonological process:                  

 V                                  -back                                                                                                                                                                

+back                            +round                    C—C                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                          

-round                                                                         

The rule indicates that a low central vowel /a/ is substituted by either a high front vowel, mid back vowel or mid front vowel either at the first syllable or end of the source form.

Vowel Shortening (VS)

Another adaptation process that has been identified is the vowel shortening. As established earlier, Hausa language has two forms of vowels i.e the short and the long. This enables the tendency of varied syllables in the language such that some syllables carry short vowels while others tend to go with the long ones. On the other hand, one common phonological feature of Fulfulde is that all words that end with vowels have short vowel terminals. In Fulfulde, the shortening of vowels is automatic (Mohammad 1987, p.72). In accordance with this vowel length assignment, some Hausa words (those that end with tense vowels) have lost this phonological pattern in the course of their assimilation into the CNNDF. This might not be unconnected with the Fulfulde phonological constraint of vowel length. In this research, it has been established that out of the five Hausa vowels four have been affected by this process. This observation can be justified as follows:

                                                            aa  →  a

            Another common vowel affected by the shortening process is where a long low central vowel /aa/ becomes short /a/ usually word finally. One may say here that this is another complementary step in the adaptation of Hausa loans in the CNNDF. Some examples are as illustrated below:

         5a laayàa  →  /¹laya-ru/   [¹lajaa-ru] (amulet)

b qootàa  →  /¹?oota-wal/    [¹?^woota-wal]  (handle)

           c gwaazaa  → /goo¹ja/   [g^woo¹ʤa] (cocoyam)

           d taabàa  →  /¹taaba/    [¹taaba] (cigarettes)

e mandaa  →  /¹mannda/    [¹mannda] (salt)

           f kàtiifàa → /katii¹fa-wa/   [katii¹fa-wa] (mattress)

g gùugaa → /¹guuga-wal/  [¹g^wuuga-wal] (well-bowl)                      

The examples above show that in (5a-d) some long vowels (of the first syllable in (5a) and final syllables in (5b-g) in the source forms have been shortened from aa to a. For instance, in (5a) with CVV-CVV syllables, it changes to CV-CVV; (5b), (d) and (e) with CVV-CVV transformed to CVV-CV while (4c) with CVC-CVV reduced to CVC-CV respectively. Besides, two of the instances (5a) and (d) might be in line with the CIM rule application. Therefore, this process can be expressed by a rule like: [+syllabic, -back, -round] → [+tense] which simply means a low central vowel /a/ becomes short.

                                                    ii   →   i

Another kind of vowel shortening that is immediately evident here is where a long high front vowel /ii/ becomes short /i/ to enable the word to assimilate into the CNNDF. This is exemplified as follows:

                        6a cookàlii  → /shooka¹li-yel/    [∫ooka¹li-jel] (spoon)

                        b jirgii → /¹jirgi-wal/   [¹ʤirgi-wal] (aeroplane)

                        c xantòofii → /too¹fi-yel/   [too¹fi-jel] (under-wear)

                         d xankwaalii → /kaa¹li-yel/ [kaa¹li-yel] (headtie)

            The illustration above shows that a long high front vowel /ii/ is modified in the final syllable of the Hausa form to short /i/ in the adapted form in lieu with the affixation of the CIM. As a result of that the word whose syllable structure used to be CVV-CV-CVV in the source form cookàlii changes to CVV-CV-CV –jel shooka¹li-yel where the –jel suffix is the CIM.

                                                  uu  →  u

            Further evidence of vowel shortening as has been observed is where a long high back vowel /uu/ becomes short /u/ which can be illustrated thus:

                     7a ɽùmbuu   →  /¹rummbu-wu/   [¹rummbu-wu] (store)

                     b bùhuu   →   /¹mbuhu-wa/   [¹mbuhu-wa]  (sack)

                      c guuruu   →  /¹guuru-wol/   [¹g^wuuru-wol]  (charm-belt)

            In example (7a and b) the above mentioned vowel becomes [-tense] before the suffixing of a CIM, which is a common Fulfulde suffix. Therefore, by this process, the syllable structure of the source forms has undergone a change i.e CVC-CVV → CVC-CV-wu (rùmbuu → ¹rumbu-wu) and CV-CVV→ CV-CV-wa (bùhuu → ¹mbuhu-wa). 

                                         oo  →   o

            In addition to the cases examined above there has been also a case of vowel shortening affecting a long mid back vowel /oo/. There has been only one instance identified whose evidence is given in the following example:

            8a kwàndoo  →  /¹konndo-wa/   [¹k^wonndo-wa] (basket)

             b àgoogoo → /a¹googo-yel/    [a¹g^woog^wo-yel](wrist-watch)

             c liiloo → /¹liilo-wol/   [¹liilo-wol]  (nylon-thread)

             d sòosoo → /soo¹so-wa/    [soo¹so-wa] (sponge)

            Shortening of /oo/ vowel has to do with the common Fulfulde CIM rule ie, the need for suffixing /-wa/ in ¹konndo-wa, soo¹so-wa; /-yel/ in a¹googo-yel; and /-wol/ in ¹liilo-wol in this case. This process renders the second syllable of the adapted form short, thus: CVV /doo/, /goo/, /loo/, /soo/ (in the source forms) changed to CV /ndo/, /go/, /lo/, /so/ (in the adapted form) following the typical Fulfulde phonological pattern.

The above cases can be represented in a single rule thus:

                V                                                       

­­            ∝back                         [ -tense ]            [—CIM# ]   

+tense                                                                   

The above rule implies that either a long back vowel (aa, uu, oo) or long front high vowel (ii) becomes short before the CIM affix.

Conclusion

The total disposition of the above examples interprets the essence of vowel shortening. As a matter of fact, a number of examples are found showing that vowel shortening is a productive pattern in the adaptation of Hausa loanwords in CNNDF. It is important to point out that some evidence relied upon provided in this analysis have been that, with the exception of examples 2c whose final vowels carry low tones, the remaining carry high tone vowels. Some evidence relied upon shows that, phonologically, the case of vowel shortening mostly affects high tone syllables.

Similarly, in a few cases, it has been observed that there is a close link between vowel length and the CIM affixation where the vowels are determined to be short in Hausa-Fulfulde loans mostly within the singular nouns. For the plural nouns long vowels are generally retained. One generalized observation therefore is that there are six singular CIM suffixes that determine this phonological process in Hausa-Fulfulde borrowed words. These are –jel, -hi, -wa, -wu, -jum and –wal as in the words ¹keeke-jel, ¹maina-hi, a¹sana-wa, ¹rumbu-wu, ¹liilo-wol and ¹guuga-wal. It is of interest, therefore, for linguists to note that in the CNNDF the process mostly occurs in order to give chance for the suffixation of CIM. But despite that, there is no proper generalization as to whether the CIM always follows a short or tense vowel even in the native Fulfulde words as in the words ¹viraa-xam (fresh milk), ¹lammu-xam (sour milk).

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Stampe, D. (1979). Prosodies as interesting rhythmic and feature constraints on natural phonological processes. Invited talk. University of London.