Citation: Adamu Shede (2017). A Study of Metaphorical Style Among Sorooɓe Epithets. Yobe Journal of Language, Literature and Culture (YOJOLLAC), Vol. 5. Department of African Languages and Linguistics, Yobe State University, Damaturu, Nigeria. ISSN 2449-0660
A STUDY OF METAPHORICAL STYLE AMONG SOROOƁE EPITHETS
By
Adamu Shede
INTRODUCTION
Fulfulde is the language of Fulɓe, Fulani folk (singular, Pullo) who are predominantly found in West African sub-region. They are so much attached to their culture of which soro (flogging game) is a component. This game is wildly practiced by most of the Fulɓe and is a way of testing endurance and bravery among them. The exponents of the game are called sorooɓe (singular, coroowo/ soroowo) and they employ all possible ways that will help them to succeed in any given contest. These ways include the use of praise epithets. The Fulfulde word for the praise epithet is maantooje. It has many stylistic devices therein which help in making the praises achieve the purpose for which they are meant. These devices include figures of speech which have to do with the use of words beyond their literal meaning (Arnott, 1970, Beier 1964, Shehu, 2008 and Ahmed, 2010).
The figures of speech are basically divided into figures of comparison or contrast and figures of sound. The figures of comparison or contrast include, among others, metaphor, simile, personification and synecdoche. The metaphor is one of the most important and widespread figure of speech which use one thing, idea or action to refer to another thing, idea or action so as to suggest some common quality shared by the two (Baldick, 2004).
The soro game involves praises. These praises are in form of songs and praise epithets. The songs are normally sung by praise singers who eulogize the contestants and encourage them so that each can put in his best during the contest. The praise epithets on the other hand, are employed by the contestants themselves and by their supporters. The aim of the praises is mainly to motivate the contestants and to vilify and frighten their opponents.
2.0 SORO (FLOGGING GAME)
Soro have been defined as a ceremonial public flogging which is a test of manhood that proves one worthy of a bride (Beier, 1964). It is also the game of testing bravery of the Fulɓe youths through striking one another with a supple (Ahmed 2010). Shehu (2008) opines that soro refers to the game which is geared towards moral and physical training which is given to Fulɓe youths. It is aimed at instilling some important components of pulaaku such as courage, hard work, patience and perseverance. The etymology of the word for the game shows that it is made up of a verb root, sor- which means to strike and –o which is derived from the class marker for fijo, ‘game’ ie ngo (Ahmed, 2010). As a borrowed word in Hausa, it is pronounced as sharo.
The game is usually carried out in a corner of a market-place or any other open space that can accommodate the attendants of the event. The time for the event is normally during the dry season around the guinea corn harvest period and during eid festivals. The type of soro having described above is called soro ɓorngol. This is the highest category of soro among the Fulɓe whose duration is normally between one and two weeks. But there is yet, another type of soro called soro sorooji which normally last for only one or two days. The occasions that may warrant this type of soro include marriage or naming ceremony, especially, that of the first child of soro exponent, during chief coronation and to settle claims of greater prowess between two communities (Beier 1964 and Ahmed, 2010).
The game is widely practiced by many Fulɓe clans such as Kaceccere’en, Iyaasanko’en, Jawranko’en, Gamanko’en, Danagu’en, Weeweɓɓe and so on. But it is not practiced by some few clans like Tooroɓɓe and Wooɗaaɓe. Its origin has been linked to the Jaafunanko’en sub-clan of the Weeweɓɓe according to certain myth (Ahmed, 2010).
On the costumes of the contestants and how the game is carried out, Beier (1964) and Ahmed (2010) contend that most of them are normally stripped to the waist, wearing ornamental leather loin-cloth ‘deedoore’ over their shorts and charms locked in horns of various sizes meant to serve as protective devices. The contestants are normally surrounded by spectators and they, one after the other, recite self-praises which signifies the climax of the event. One of the contestants who is receiving the cane will fix his gaze onto a mirror. His counterpart will be wielding a specially prepared, strong, supple cane which he finally settles on the ribs of the recipient after several aims. This causes majority of the spectators to feel pity for the recipient contestant. But for the relations and friends of the recipient, they shout for joy especially when the recipient smile and did not show any sign of pain and instead, demands for more strokes. Girls normally present token of their gifts to the successful contestant which the latter ignores. But if the recipient manifest pain by whatever observable sign, he is disgraced and may find conditions generally made uncomfortable for him, though not like the one who refuses at all, to participate in the game. Therefore, the game is generally aimed at testing endurance and bravery and serves as an avenue for fetching heroes among the Fulɓe clans and lineages who practice it.
During the soro contest, labour is normally divided among the various age groups. For instance, the youths are the contestants who include testers and challengers. The testers are the first to be flogged while the challengers are the first to challenge their co-contestants by flogging them. Kori’en (singular, koriijo) ‘retired contestants’ serve as the advisers and protectors of the contestants as well as umpires during the contest. Each contestant has his koriijo who advise him on the proper techniques to be employed, protect him from harmful strokes and praises him as well. Ndotti’en (singular, ndottiijo) ‘elders’ also have their own role to play. They present gifts to the winners and those who exhibit heroism in the contests (Shehu, 2008 and Ahmed, 2010).
3.0 METAPHOR AS A FIGURE OF SPEECH
Figures of speech are an important component of literary stylistics. Garba (2011) relates Crystal (1991) and Olusegun and Adebayo (2008) to have said that literary style is mostly concerned with the devices used by an artist to ornament his text especially through the use of figures of speech. Mukhtar (2004) posits that figures of speech can be divided into grammatical and lexical categories, phonological categories and tropes. He adds that tropes are those figures of speech that arise from departures from the linguistic code. Tropes can also be described as those figures of speech which use words in senses beyond their literal meanings. The major figures of speech that are agreed upon as tropes include metaphor, simile, personification synecdoche etc (Baldick, 2004). Metaphor is “the most important and widespread figure of speech, in which one thing, idea or action is referred to by a word or expression normally denoting another thing, idea or action so as to suggest some common quality shared by the two” (Baldick, 2004:153). It is “the application of a distinctly different kind of thing to a word or an expression that in literal usage denotes one kind of thing without asserting a comparison” (Abrams and Harpham, 2009:119).
4.0 METAPHOR IN FULƁE PRAISES OF SORO EXPONENTS
The praises of exponents are adorned with a lot of literary devices among which, metaphor is so outstanding. The contestants and their praise singers directly compare the soro exponents with different phenomena which the Fulɓe see as great, strong, disastrous, frightening, and dangerous all in an attempt to motivate them and to frighten their opponents. The metaphors include names of animals both wild and domestic which are believed to be very strong. Such animals include lion, elephant, bull-cow, camel and hedgehog. The Fulɓe believe that lion and elephant are the strongest and powerful wild animals. They also believe that although hedgehog is neither strong nor powerful, but by its nature, it can hardly be touched not to talk of being maltreated. Regarding the bull-cow, there is a general understanding among the Fulɓe that it is the strongest domestic animal, just like the way camel is believed to be a very enduring animal. So whenever strength is inferred in somebody or something, the Fulɓe describe such a person as a lion, an elephant or a bull-cow. Consider the following examples:
Min o’o mawndu
Min fa mi mawndu
(Shehu, 2008:33)
I am lion
I am a lion
The lion has several names in Fulfulde and each is denoting power, strength or leadership. The name used in the above quotation mawndu literally means the big one. This signifies that lion is seen among the Fulɓe as the most powerful wild animal. Another name for lion in Fulfulde is baaba ladde which literally means the father of the bush. This implies that the lion is seen among the Fulɓe as the leader of the wild creatures. The other name which the Fulɓe call lion is sembinndu which refers to as the strong one. This implies that the Fulɓe believe that lion is a very strong animal if not the strongest among the wild creatures.
In Fulɓe culture, each cattle is normally tagged with a name. This could be based on its hair coloration, shape of its horns or some other factors. Therefore, the specific name of a bull-cow is sometimes used as metaphor in the praises of the soro exponents. Consider the following excerpt which is a self-praise of soro exponent in Kamuru Ikulu, Z/Kataf L.G.A of Kaduna State where the name of the bull-cow is kuurii:
Min woni kuurii na Gudali
Tuggere diingaali
Sankara kashe goro
Nyiiwa mannga barooɗe
I am the light-coloured bull-cow of Gudali breed
The stump of gardenia erubesiens
The kola-nuts insect pest that renders it useless
Elephant, the biggest wild animal
In the above illustrations, apart from the names of lion, elephant and bull-cow, stump and insect pest of the kola-nuts are also used metaphorically to refer to the soro exponents. Apart from the fact that stump of any tree is normally very strong, the type of tree diingaali (gardenia erubesiens) is one of the sturdiest plants in the bush. This signifies enormous strength. The insect pests of the kola-nuts on the other hand are insect pests that normally affect kola-nuts and render them useless. This therefore, is signifying that, the person praised is not only dangerous but also very harmful to his opponents.
The metaphors in the praises of soro exponents can also be names of some dangerous and disastrous things such as fire. It is a known fact that although fire is useful to man in many aspects, it is a dangerous and disastrous phenomenon. So describing someone as fire has the inference that such a person is not only dangerous but also disastrous. In the quotation below which is a self-praise of soro contestant in Kachia, Kaduna State; the hero depicts himself not only as a fire, but also as the fire whose fuel is igneous rock. This implies that he is not only disastrous but also enduring when it comes to soro contest.
Min woni hiite tapaare nge rosshataaɗ\
I am the fire kindled on igneous rock that is always a hot fine ash
Soro is a game in which a supple cane is used. The supple canes have various effects on the body of the recipient. Some have immediate consequences while others have their effects delayed.
The supple cane is sometimes used as a metaphor in the praises of soro exponents. An example is cited below where the hero is portrayed as a supple cane whose effects become severe only at night. This implies that the hero is the type of contestant whose canes may seem to have less pain but later on the situation may get to the worse. Below is the excerpt:
Min Yuusufa loosol jemma
Min woni loosol jemma
Bannda min walaa goɗɗo
Loosol jemma miijaaki
(Shehu, 2008:33-34)
I am Yuusufa the night supple cane
I am the night supple cane
I am the only one
The night supple cane hesitate not
There is also the category of people who the Fulɓe consider as powerful and dangerous as well. In the recent time, soldiers become known to most Nigerians including the Fulɓe as not only dangerous but also deadly probably because of their combatant nature. As such, the soro exponents are sometimes, especially in the recent time, described as soldiers. The word soldier, therefore, is among the metaphors in the praise of soro exponents as in the following praise of a soro contestant recorded in Ikara, Kaduna State:
Ashee soja ɓaleri
Oh! Soldier, the dark-skinned
Another thing used as a metaphor in praises of soro exponents is the razor. The exponents of soro are likened to the razor in an attempt to describe how sharp and devastating their supple canes are. Every soro exponent wants to show that, in addition to his dangerous nature, his supple cane is also of harmful effect. This is mostly one in other to create fear in the mind of the opponents. Consider the following illustrations:
Ali reeja nanataa
Koo a anndi mo?
Ali reeja ɓe mbiima
Moye nee Ali reeja?
Ɗume ne Ali reeja?
Min nee Ali reeja
Loosol am woni reeja
Kayfi ngol wi’anaa reeja
(Shehu, 2008:34)
You hear of Ali, the razor
Do you know him?
They tell you about Ali, the razor
Who is Ali, the razor?
What is Ali, the razor?
I am Ali, the razor
My supple cane is the razor
It is called razor because of its sharpness
In the above quotation, both the soro exponent and his supple cane are metaphorically described as a razor. In this case, the soro exponent is trying to convey a message to his opponents that he is not only dangerous but also disastrous to whoever confront him in a contest. Also, apart from himself being so, his supple cane is also of the same danger and disaster.
5.0 CONCLUSION
This paper discusses the role of metaphor in Fulɓe praise epithets particularly those of the soro exponents. It is established that the soro exponents use praise epithets as a mechanism for motivation and encouragement and as a means of frightening their opponents. The praises could by self-praises by the contestants themselves or by their supporters and praise singers. From the analysis, it is clear that metaphor is a notable figure of speech that is employed in the praises of soro exponents. The metaphor is used in creating an imaginary picture of the person being praised in the mind of the audience who include his opponents. This is achieved by employing all sort of powerful, strong, dangerous, disastrous and malicious things and phenomena and comparing the contestant directly with them. Therefore, the role of metaphor in making the praises of soro exponents achieve the purpose for which they are meant can never be overemphasized.
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