Cite this article as: Bello F. D. (2024). Politicization of Religion in Nigeria: A Threat to National Unity and Social Integration in Kaduna, C. 1999-2011. Proceedings of International Conference on Rethinking Security through the lens of Humanities for Sustainable National Development Interdisciplinary Perspectives. Pp. 72-90.
POLITICIZATION
OF RELIGION IN NIGERIA: A THREAT TO NATIONAL UNITY AND SOCIAL INTEGRATION IN
KADUNA, C. 1999-2011
By
Fatimah
Dembo Bello, PhD
Arewa
House, Centre for Historical Research & Documentation
Ahmadu Bello
University, Kaduna.
Abstract: Human community is characterized by plurality in
terms of tribes, ethnicities and religions. In this regard, Kaduna metropolis
grew steadily from a garrison town in the colonial period, to a colonial
capital and then to an economic and an industrial town in the post-colonial
period. As a result of this and in addition to its centrality in location,
Kaduna became cosmopolitan in its outlook. Thus, despite their diverse
backgrounds, the people co-existed harmoniously and embraced one another which
brought about the socio-economic development of the area. However, with the
return of democracy in 1999, the harmonious co-existence and the confidence it
has bestowed on the inhabitants of Kaduna was shattered especially by the
elites who politicize religion for their own selfish interests and other
material gains. Therefore, this paper argues that, the politicization of
religion has threatened unity, social and cultural integration in Nigeria with
particular reference to Kaduna metropolis and the State as a whole. What
prompted all these? Who are the actors and factors at play in the
politicization of religion in Kaduna? What are the possible measures to be
taken especially by religious and traditional leaders to combat this problem?
Or are these leaders also guilty? What role can the masses play in their own
ways to put a final stop to such a menace? All these are analyzed and supported
by concrete and current examples with a view to suggesting possible ways of
finding lasting solutions to this problem. The method adopted is
multidisciplinary i. e. the study has drawn together the works of historians,
geographers, political scientists, economists, sociologists as well as
anthropologists in the form of written documents or records. Similarly, oral
interviews played a vital role in the reconstruction of this research because
the research is dealing with the contemporary period and because of this, the
actors and factors that have shaped the events in question are so much around.
This enables the researcher to interact with them and get first-hand
information.
Keywords: National Unity, Nigeria, Politicization, Religion,
Social Integration, Threat.
Introduction
Kaduna is considered to be a mini Nigeria by many intellectuals and
policy makers in contemporary times, especially the class of the elites who
originated from Northern and some parts of Southern Nigeria. It has also
assumed the position of one of the most important megacities in Africa and a
centre of socio-political and economic activities of the diverse people of
Northern Nigeria and beyond. This became glaring from the 1960s through to the
1970s when it was made the Capital city and seat of power of the defunct
Northern Region led by the late Premier Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardaunan Sokoto. Similarly, Kaduna has over the years become a
rich centre of commerce especially with the establishment of textile
industries, and some important markets like the Panteka and Kaduna Central
markets. Added to this was the peaceful movement of commercial entrepreneurs
from the South-Western and South-Eastern parts of the Nigerian area using the
railway lines.[1]
All these people co-existed harmoniously and lived in peace with one another
irrespective of their diverse backgrounds.
Even with this cosmopolitanism, Kaduna to a larger extent
especially in the pre-colonial and post-colonial periods up to the 1980s, was a
town that everyone wanted to stay in. This was obvious even in the settlement
pattern of the people where they (irrespective of socio-cultural backgrounds
and or religious affiliations) lived in the same compound, sharing many things
in common including eating from the same bowl together. Unfortunately, Kaduna
metropolis and by extension, the State has over the past few decades
(especially with the return of democratic rule in 1999), experienced the
politicization of religion. his has led to the outbreak of series of incessant
communal violent conflicts and crises that brought about population
dislocation, high loss of human and material resources as well as the
continuous search for common identity by the diverse people of the State. Thus,
this paper is structured into six major sections viz: the first introduces the
paper; the second historicizes the process of the establishment and growth of
Kaduna; the third analyzes the place of Kaduna as a melting pot of immigrants;
the fourth examines the factors for the politicization of religion in Kaduna
metropolis; the fifth highlights the implication of this on unity and social
integration of the people and finally, the conclusion pulls together the entire
issues in the discourse.
Research Methodology
All historical
reconstructions requires the use of a medium of reaching out to what, when,
where, why and how events happened or how they are shaped to make history.
Thus, the method adopted for this study is multidisciplinary i. e. the study
has drawn together the works of historians, geographers, political scientists,
economists, urban planners, sociologists as well as anthropologists, bearing in
mind the perspective of historical research method of inquiry and
investigation. However, these are broadly categorized into Primary and
Secondary sources. Therefore, the primary sources comprises of archival
materials such as colonial records which takes the forms of memos, minutes of
meetings, official letters and correspondences, manuscripts, e. t. c. and oral
information in the form of unstructured interviews with direct or indirect
witnesses. The secondary sources consist of published and unpublished books,
journals, theses, dissertations, newspapers, periodicals and online resources.
As such, the National Archives Kaduna, Arewa House Archives and Library,
History and Geography Departmental Libraries of Kaduna State University, Kashim
Ibrahim Library, and the Northern History Research Scheme of A. B. U. Zaria,
were utilized. Therefore, all information collected have been carefully
perused, corroborated and subjected to thorough scrutiny and analysis.
Kaduna as a Colonial Capital,
1913-1917
On January 1st, 1900, the Northern Protectorate was
created. Sir Frederick Lugard took over the administration of the area from the
Royal Niger Company and was made the High Commissioner of the new Protectorate.
However, one of Lugard’s major problems was the pacification and control of the
most southerly emirates of the Sokoto Caliphate, particularly Ilorin and Nupe
emirates. Another one was the extension of British domination over the other
parts of the Caliphate and Borno.[2] o
overcome these problems, Lugard thought of selecting some suitable sites, at a
central position that would serve as a permanent garrison and administrative
headquarters of the new protectorate. For that purpose, as early as May, 1900
Lugard set up a committee to search for the ideal headquarters. In his opinion,
it was imperative that the site should be removed from the unhealthy valleys of
the Niger and Benue, to which hitherto, Europeans had a number of reasons clung
determinedly He also maintained that the site should be close to the political
centre of the Hausa states.[3]
It was clear that between 1901 and 1906, the conquest of the
northern emirates had virtually been completed and the Northern Protectorate
was sub-divided into thirteen provinces. These were Bauchi,
Borgu, Bornu, Ilorin, Kabba, Kano, Kontagora, Muri, Nassarawa,
Nupe, Sokoto, Yola and Zaria.[4]
And on 1st January 1912, the railway line from Lagos to Kano, the
extension of which had begun in 1907 was officially opened. Similarly, the
earlier decision to amalgamate the Southern and Northern Protectorates was
confirmed in May, 1912 with the appointment of Lugard as Governor-General of
Nigeria. This afforded him the opportunity to review the whole question of a
capital for the Northern Protectorate as well as Nigeria.[5] It
should be emphasized that the capital of the Northern Protectorate was
variously moved from Lokoja (1899-1901), to Jebba (1901-1902), and then to
Zungeru (1902-1916). However, for various reasons which were mainly economic
and strategic considerations, they were abandoned. This is articulated by
Rufa’i who asserts that these earlier capitals
were neither emirates nor had real Native Authority in whose affairs emirs
might meddle for the interest of the British.[6]
Therefore, since Lugard’s
concern then was to secure a strategic site on a river which could be easily
reached from all directions, he was compelled to select Kaduna as the new
capital for its accessibility by water and for strategic considerations. Thus,
colonial administrative and economic interests necessitated the dispatch of
several reconnaissance committees by Lugard to look for a possible site for the
capital of the protectorate which
was what led to the Howell R. Palmer Commission that came to Kaduna and
discovered that Kaduna was the most suitable place and of strategic importance
to effect the conquest of other northern emirates that were not yet conquered.
That led to the establishment of Kaduna first, as headquarters of the West
African Frontier Force and later, as the capital of the Northern Protectorate.[7]
Thus, Lugard in order to convince the colonial government on the need to move
the capital of the Northern Protectorate from Zungeru posits that:
The
capital of the Northern Protectorate had been transferred in 1902 from Jebba,
which was merely the former strategic camp of the W. A. F. F. during the crises
of 1877 – 1898, to Zungeru. This was the most central place to which at that
time it was possible by the water way of Kaduna and a light line of 35km to
gain access. It has served its purposes well, but it is excessively hot, with
much surface rock and is infested with mosquitoes. The temporary wooden houses
urgently require replacement.[8]
Therefore, the search began for a new capital as a result of which
Lord Lugard asked the Palmer committee to recommend a suitable site for:
(a) The new capital
of the Northern Protectorate; and
(b) The capital of
Nigeria.[9]
Therefore, as a
result of the committee’s remarks, Kaduna was chosen as capital of the Northern
Protectorate in 1913 and Lugard elucidated the following reasons for his choice
of Kaduna:
I recommend therefore, that the capital should
be moved to the point where the railway having reached the top of the Plateau
at altitude of over 61 meters again across the River Kaduna at mile 572 from
Lagos. The climate here is invigorating, the soil is good and adapted for
vegetable and flower gardens, and the water supply pure and inexhaustible, the
site is within 81km of the trade centre of Zaria.[10]
It is obvious
therefore, that four attributes determined the choice of Kaduna as the seat of
the Northern Protectorate: Firstly, it had water from the Kaduna River, an
important tributary of the Niger; secondly, Kaduna was only slightly north of
the centre of gravity of the emirates that made up the then Northern
Protectorate which had by 1912, became fused with Nigeria as a whole and
amalgamated in 1914; thirdly, Kaduna has been served by the newly constructed
railway (in 1911) stretching from Lagos and Port Harcourt to Kano, therefore,
Kaduna’s strategic advantage as envisaged by Lugard was then realized and
finally, as an administrative and military centre, Kaduna was set up in the
heart of Zazzau emirate which was isolated from existing towns and would
therefore, be free from local political complications because as a
‘non-bourgeois’ society neutral of any emirate occupation, it became
attractive.[11]
Thus, the site then selected was where the Lagos-Kano railway
crosses the Kaduna River. The climate of the area was equable and it was a
remarkably central point for most of the Northern provinces.
The Place of Kaduna as a Melting Pot
of Immigrants
From the foregoing, it is clear that the foundation of Kaduna
metropolis was laid in 1913. Four years later, the city became the capital of
the Northern Protectorate when Zungeru lost this position. Certainly over the
years, the city of Kaduna was overshadowed by the enormous movement of people
into the area which was precipitated by the stationing of the troops in 1913
and the subsequent foundation of the city. Therefore,
with the completion of some military and civilian quarters by this period, the
movement of people into the area began in earnest. Although individual
migrations were known to have contributed most importantly to the growth of
Kaduna, two important group migrations were also known to have boosted the
demographic strength of the colonial capital. The first of these important
group migrations also formed the basis for the establishment of the colonial
capital. This involved the transfer of the West African Frontier Force (W. A.
F. F) from Zungeru to Kaduna in 1913. In all, about 3,000 people that included
both British and Africans were moved.[12]
This movement in turn, gave rise to a number of individual migrations into the
area. These latter set of immigrants basically ventured into the colonial
capital to provide essential services and to supply food items to those other
early immigrants that were predominantly engaged in full time colonial
services. The following table provides details of the W. A. F. F men that were
moved to the new capital from Zungeru.
Table
1: Ethnic Composition of Soldiers that were moved to Kaduna from Zungeru in
1913
|
Tribe |
No. of People |
|
Hausa |
1,171 |
|
Kanuri |
397 |
|
Fulani |
339 |
|
Zabarma |
172 |
|
Dakarkari |
147 |
|
Nupe |
63 |
|
Yoruba |
61 |
|
Shuwa Arab |
34 |
|
Senegalese |
16 |
|
Arewa |
08 |
|
Others |
432 |
|
Total
|
2,840 |
Source: NAK,
SNP/8/1/84/1914- Report of IG WAFF on the Northern Nigerian Regiment
The above table
glaringly shows that although amongst the African populations of the W. A. F.
F. there is no breakdown of the figure in terms of origins, it can however, be
deduced from the knowledge of the locality from which the men were recruited
that most of these soldier-immigrants were Hausa, others were from Jebba,
Zungeru and Borgu. But there were also quite a number of Nupe and Yoruba in the
force. In terms of sex, there is no doubt that most of the immigrants were
males while in terms of religion, it is obvious too, that the force included
Muslims, Christians and “others”. Lugard’s amalgamation report also states that
these immigrants to Kaduna were to test the site.[13] In
1917, the second wave of migration into Kaduna took place which involved the
movement of workers, clerks, administrators, professionals, artisans and
labourers’ as well as colonial firms and employees to the new seat of
government in Kaduna.[14]
The precise number of people involved in this second group migration into the
Kaduna region is not known. However, it is worthy of note that this second wave
of group migration also stimulated another wave of individual migrations into
the area basically for the same reasons mentioned in the first. In all,
migrants came largely from all parts of Nigeria and beyond. In terms of class
composition, the migrants to Kaduna consisted of colonial soldiers and
administrators who attracted both skilled and unskilled workers, artisans,
traders and so on.[15]
In summary, the movement of the colonial government to the newly established
capital of the Northern Protectorate was a gradual process, beginning with the
movement of troops of the W. A. F. F. in 1913 to the movement of
administrators, workers, clerks, professionals and colonial firms between 1916
and 1917.
In addition, the colonial government in 1926 gave wider publicity
to the plan of encouraging migrants to settle in Kaduna from other northern
provinces.[16]
Kano province was one of the areas from where the colonial government attracted
settlers to Kaduna. Although Kano city was a commercial centre, the
colonialists maintained that it had a “surplus population” of unemployed, those
that Bello and Oyedele referred to as “urban drifters” that needed to be
resettled. The unemployed men were those most affected by the harsh economic
policies and measures of the British such as trade regulations, currency and
taxation, customs and tariffs which aimed at dislocating the thriving Kano
economy centered on agricultural and industrial production and commerce. In
short, the impact of colonialism on a city like Kano was to destroy the close
rural-urban linkages related to manufacturing, to make the city into a centre
for the collection of agricultural commodities produced in the rural areas for
export overseas, as well as a centre for the distribution of imported
manufactured goods.[17]
By the mid-1940s, Kaduna as an
administrative and military base had about 2,500 soldiers and the army garrison
consisted of the first and fifth Battalions of the Nigeria Regiment, the First
Field Battery, the thirty-six Independent Squadron units of the West African
Army Service, the Ordinance Engineers and segments of the Signals and Military
Police.[18]
It was also the centre of rail traffic in the north, with the largest junction,
handling about 250 trains a week. No doubt, this facilitated the large influx
of southerners, who made up more than half of the population of the town. A
large percentage was also Igbos. The Northern Police Training College is
located in Kaduna which gave in-service courses to about 500 NA police
annually. Though the Government College was moved to Zaria, the former
buildings housed the Trade Centre, Technical Institute and Technical Secondary
School. The West African Institute of Trypanosomiasis Research is also located
in the town.[19] In
short, by 1956 Kaduna was a town of soldiers, railway workers, administrators,
educational institutions and a lot of immigrants from the world over.
Similarly, by the mid-1950s, Kaduna has several
industries located around Kakuri. These included the Textile Mills of which the
foundation for the construction of the first one was laid in March, 1956 by the
late Premier of the Northern Region Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardaunan Sokoto and by October 1957, production in the factory had
started. By 1961, the Kaduna Textile Mill had a labour force of 1, 650, who
worked twenty-four hours a day and produced twenty million yards of cloth from
locally grown cotton. By 1962, work has begun on a £1,000,000 textile factory
to be run by NORTEX, a company incorporated by the NRDC (20 percent), a
Sudanese financier (E. Seroussi) (53 percent), the Northern Nigeria
Developments Ltd. (20 percent) and local businessmen (7 percent). The factory
employed 5,000 people and used only locally grown cotton to produce dyed and
bleached shirting and poplin. Five northerners were sent to Germany for
advanced training in textiles.[20]
By 1965, the Northern Regional Government opened another textile factory (Arewa
Textiles Ltd.) worth about £1.6 million which is a joint venture between four
companies including the NRDC (later renamed Northern Nigeria Development
Corporation/NNDC), and the Northern Nigeria
Investments Ltd (NNIL). The Northern Regional Government stressed the
policy of processing northern raw materials so that people were not dependent
on imports, noted the plans for the training of school leavers so that they
could take their proper places in the technician and managerial sections of the
company, noted the contribution of the factory to employment, and stated that
the distribution of the finished products would be done by indigenous
businessmen.[21]
Eight textile industries all
together were established in Kaduna between this period and the 1970s.
In addition, by 1957, two breweries were also
established in northern Nigeria one in Kaduna and the other in Kano. The Kaduna
factory was opened by late Michael Audu Wazirin
Shendam and the then Minister of Trade and Industries on behalf of the Premier
of the Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello.[22]
All these no doubt, attracted immigrants from all over the country and beyond. It
should be emphasized at this juncture that, the major instrument for
development during this period was the Northern Regional Development Board
(NRDB - which later became Northern Regional Development Corporation, then the
Northern Nigerian Development Corporation and finally, the New Nigeria
Development Company). When later the Northern Nigerian Investment Limited
(NNIL) was established, the NNDC went into more experimental ventures to
support government policies. The NNIL concentrated more on viable
economic/commercial ventures. In addition, the Bank of the North was set up in
1960 with the Northern Government holding most of the shares (although
initially, the bank was mixed, public and private, with many Lebanese holding
the private shares).[23]
The table below shows the number of industries in Kaduna metropolis between
1950 and 1985.
Table 2: Number of Industries in
Kaduna Metropolis 1950-1985
|
Year |
Number of Industries |
|
1950 – 1960 |
6 |
|
1961 – 1970 |
36 |
|
1971 – 1980 |
174 |
|
1981 – 1985 |
116 |
|
Total |
332 |
Source: M. A. Isa, (2014), Collapse of Industries in Kaduna State
Also part of the symbolism of Kaduna with a northern value context
was that, it was a meeting ground for all racial groups and world
civilizations. This was seen in that Little
Commonwealth of Nations - the Capital Territory School (now Kaduna Capital
School) - a select school for children of all races.
Established in 1957, the school was an example of “integrated education”
breaking down racial and cultural barriers. Adebola admits that:
An
experiment in international living has succeeded in Northern Nigeria. It may
astounds racial bigots that both white and black children are living side by
side, studying together and having the time of their lives at the ultra-modern
£190,000 Kaduna Capital School. This is another shot in the arm and a fillip to
the educational policy of Northern Nigeria. This region can at least show the
world the way to racial harmony and mutual tolerance. The school is government
sponsored and perhaps the first of its kind in the federation. It is indeed a
miniature United Nations having representation from nearly all the continents
of the universe. There you have Americans, Britons, Germans, Chinese, Japanese,
Indians, Australians, Moroccans and of course, Nigerians. Here you meet a happy
collection of children who forget the colour of their skin - children with
different cultures and entirely different backgrounds. The novel idea was
entirely that of the Regional Government which felt that children from
differing surroundings and backgrounds can be educated together regardless of
colour or creed.”[24]
Further, Kaduna is well supplied
with schools and colleges, including two Mission training institutions for
girls. They include the Nigeria Police College, the Military College, a Nursing
School, a Federal Training School, the only Technical Institute in Northern
Nigeria. Another notable institution is the Kakuri Open Prison - the prison
without bars. Also significant in the gradual process of Kaduna’s growth and
cosmopolitanism were the ex-service men, soldiers who had retired from service
and decided to make the city their home. Some of them did not even serve in
Kaduna, but the city held considerable attraction to them as a place they could
live the rest of their lives. This trend may have gone as far as the years of
demobilization that followed the end of the WW I and the consequent lying off
of soldiers. In essence, the relevance of these ex-service men to the history
of Kaduna is that many of them were able to obtain and develop plots of land in
parts of Kaduna metropolis that were mere bush or farming areas at the time.[25]
In this way, they contributed not only to the expansion and development of the
city but also to its cosmopolitanism. Obviously, these WW I and WW II veterans
may have charted a course which many subsequent military retirees followed.
Likewise, many of the officers and men who fought in the Nigerian Civil War
that have retired have also built houses in Kaduna.[26]
According to Oyedele,
Kaduna
has since the colonial era ‘remains the main military city in the country where
the success and failure of military coups often depended on the plotters’
degree of control over Kaduna’.[27]
Subsequently,
Kaduna’s population grew rapidly from about 45,000 in 1952 to about
149,000 in 1963, which resulted in a four-fold increase within the eleven
years.[28]
Then, to an estimated 150,000 in 1965 and 500,000 in 1984[29] and
in 1991, the population increased to about 971,070, which comprised of 515,373
males and 455,697 females.[30]
Based on 2.7% growth rate, Akpu’s study estimated the population to have
reached 1,448,129 with 768,561 males and 679,568 females in 2006. By 2009, at
3.0% growth rate, the population was estimated to have hit 1,582,409 comprising
839,827 males and 742,582 females. Similarly, the population was projected
still by Akpu, to have reached 1,729,142 around 2011 with 917,702 males and
811,440 females.[31]
Table
3: Nigerians Resident in Kaduna by Tribe and Sex in the 1963 Census
|
Tribe |
Male |
Female |
Total |
|
Hausa |
29, 467 |
22, 764 |
52, 231 |
|
Ibo |
16, 557 |
11, 096 |
27, 653 |
|
Yoruba |
9, 639 |
7, 030 |
16,669 |
|
Kaje |
3, 414 |
2, 526 |
5, 940 |
|
Idoma |
3, 442 |
1, 788 |
5, 230 |
|
Nupe |
2, 711 |
2, 188 |
4, 899 |
|
Fulani |
2, 668 |
2, 045 |
4, 713 |
|
Kanuri |
1, 599 |
985 |
2, 584 |
|
Edo |
1, 463 |
1, 057 |
2, 520 |
|
Igala |
1, 498 |
731 |
2, 229 |
|
Tiv |
1, 434 |
726 |
2, 160 |
|
Gwari/Gbagy |
1, 072 |
1, 019 |
2, 091 |
|
Other
Nigerians |
11, 186 |
6, 955 |
18, 141 |
|
Total |
86, 150 |
60, 910 |
147, 060 |
Source: North Central State
Statistical Yearbook, 1973
Table 4: Population of Kaduna
Residents by Religion in the 1963 Census
|
Religion |
Population |
Percentage |
|
Islam |
73, 800 |
49.3 |
|
Christianity |
74, 200 |
49.4 |
|
Others |
1, 900 |
1.3 |
|
Total |
149,900 |
100.00 |
Source: North Central Statistical
Yearbook, 1973
Likewise,
the establishment of organizations such as the Jama’atu Nasril Islam (a
non-governmental organization) in Kaduna and the central committee consisted of
many senior civil servants such as Abubakar Gumi, Abubakar Imam, Ali Akilu,
Abubakar al-Nafaty, Ahmed Talib, Ahmad Joda and Haliru Binji whom were all
based in Kaduna. The organization built its headquarters in Kaduna, an
Islamiyya school, the Sultan Bello Primary School in Unguwan Sarkin Musulmi and Shaykh Sabah College (named after the
leader of Kuwait then who gave a donation of 3,000 dirham to the JNI) later
renamed Sardauna Memorial College all in Kaduna.[32] The
role of this and other organizations towards promoting peaceful co-existence
amongst the diverse people of Kaduna especially during the crises that engulfed
the town in recent years cannot be underestimated.
Thus, the extent to which Kaduna reflects a vision of northern
values during the 1960s became more apparent later i.e. around 1967-68 when the
north was divided into six states and Kaduna ceased to be the regional capital.
At that time, northerners reflected on the key role of Kaduna in blending the
ethnic identities which permeated northern politics into a cohesive sense of
citizenship. In essence, Kaduna was a symbol of the ability to transcend
tribalism.[33]
Tribe has all that time diminished in importance in social life. If tribe is
the bugbear of modern African life, then Kaduna ought to have been praised,
feted and emulated not pilloried. But then, history does not unfold to a
pre-arranged plan. Nonetheless, greatest disservice to the gesture made by
Kaduna and Gowon would be the misinterpretation of the creation of states and
turning it into an invitation to the re-assertion of tribal identity in the
former north and elsewhere in the federation.
External and Internal Factors for
the Politicization of Religion in Kaduna, c. 1999-2011
Kaduna based on the above analysis has thus, been proved to be a
cosmopolitan city. Its people came from all parts of the Nigerian area as well
as many neighbouring countries and Europe. Therefore,
the politicization of religion especially in urban Kaduna, Kafanchan and Zaria
is more or less the extension of the ethno-religious politics in southern
Kaduna. The situations in these three areas occasionally develop their
peculiarities, but they are better understood as a continuum than isolated
cases. The three urban centres have, inevitably attracted the greatest number
of job seekers, educational institutions and religious activities. Apart from
hosting prominent industrial and government institutions, the three cities also
houses major religious organizations. Years of economic and structural
adjustments have also created a huge reservoir of unemployed and militant
youths that are ready to strike on the slightest provocation. These, coupled
with recent history of religious extremism, state neglect and insensitive
policies have produced cities that have increasingly become susceptible to
ethno-religious violence. In this regard, violence is expressed at three
different levels: through the incessant ethno-religious riots in educational
institutions, spill-over effects (or reprisal killings) in other parts of the
state or other places, and through the combustible dynamics of urbanization.[34]
Another vital factor responsible for the politicization of religion
in Kaduna and by extension, Nigeria is the manipulation of religion especially
by the elites. Manipulation of religion is a phenomenon which is as old as the
history of mankind himself. It is viewed differently by different scholars. For
instance, while Brown defines it as “the art of twisting, or bending by force a
religion to achieve a desired political goal or for personal gain”,[35]
Ilesanmi describes it as “the art of using religion as a tool for cheating to
achieve one’s personal ambition”.[36] However, in this context, one could view the
manipulation of religion to be “the act of devising all means to inculcate in
the minds of followers of a certain religion the dislike of another which is
different from theirs as well as influencing their thinking and perception of
events”. It could also be described as the process of maneuvering or using
religious principles to change a political game by political lords to suit
their set goals and objectives. As a result, Adamu listed other factors for the
politicization of religion to include: parochial and emotional socialization,
political compellation with the adherents of other religions, long-standing
history of ethno-political antagonisms and religious intolerance.[37]
These rival ideologies could further give rise to a combination of several
factors which include: (i) when there are two or more religious groups with
memorial strengths that can significantly affect the outcome and direction of a
democratic political process, (ii) when religion is a legitimizing tool of
hegemony and the existing leadership fed the status quo is under threat, (iii)
when there is an ascendant radical thinking within a politically significant
religious group capable of upstaging hegemony;
and (iv) when the society is characterized by political, social and economic
hardship that can trigger off the messianic tendencies of the major religions.[38]
These conditions and other related ones could throw a nation into anarchy and
disrupt the channels of interaction among members in the nation as is the case
with Nigeria at the moment. Thus, religion and politics occupy a center stage
in the Nigerian society. In the words of Usman:
The systematic manipulation of religion is one
of the most important political issues facing the people of Nigeria today. It
threatens their security, their survival and the unity of their country. From
the Shari’a campaign in 1977-78; to
the Maitatsine uprisings of 1980-82;
to the OIC campaign of 1986; to the rioting and arson in some towns of Kaduna
State in March 1987, a clear pattern is emerging.[39]
Obviously, the meaning and significance of the increasingly violent
political campaigns built around religious differences in this country can only
be fully understood when seen within the larger context of what has been
happening to Nigeria, to Nigerians and to the whole of the African continent
over at least the last thirty to forty years or so. Central to this larger
context are the momentous changes in the objective conditions of life of the
majority of Nigerians and in their perception of the nature and causes of these
conditions, their future prospects and possibilities. Another important element
of this larger context is the way the basic economic and social relations at
the foundation of the system of the imperialist domination of Africa are increasingly
incapable of sustaining this system. These relations now increasingly generate
for it ecological, economic, social and political crises, which have worsened
over the last three to four decades, and for which it does not seem to have any
serious solutions, even of a temporary nature beyond more cosmetics. For
instance, within Nigeria, millions of Nigerians are increasingly realizing that
the present economic and social system in this country has nothing at all for
them and their families except landlessness, indebtedness, unemployment,
destitution, diseases, illiteracy as well as chronic and pervasive insecurity.
They are understanding more and more clearly how the vast wealth of their
country is being transferred abroad by multinational corporations and banks,
who are working for them, in control of the country, a very tiny group of very
rich and unpatriotic Nigerians. Usman posits that:
The
real basis of the manipulation and the subsequent politicization of religion in
Nigeria today is the need to obscure from the people of Nigeria a fundamental
aspect of our reality: that is, the domination of our political economy by a
class of intermediaries who are being increasingly exposed. And this is to
enable this class to cover themselves with religious and ethnic disguises in
order to further entrench division among our people, slow down their awakening
at any cost, even the unity of our country, for which so much has been
sacrificed.[40]
In addition, well placed individuals
have been using their positions in such a way that they entrench mutual
distrust and suspicion amongst the masses. For instance, the way religious
leaders like Reverend M. H. Kukah, Pastor Movel Wuye, and late Sheikh Mahmud
Gumi as well as other personalities such
as Odumegwu Ojukwu among others, used to address their
congregation and or people within the last three to four decades has
contributed immensely in politicizing religion and subsequently,
misunderstanding and conflicts in Kaduna metropolis and the State. This is
because they talked without considering the level of understanding and
perception of their followers or listeners as well as the implications of such
statements on the larger society. Today, important figures or religious leaders
no longer see public service as a means of bringing development to the society
but rather, they look at the highest and top positions in the state (civil
service) and see who occupies which places or who is in charge? Is the person
in control a member of my religion or tribe? They do not see the person as
capable of bringing positive changes and development to the society. Since the
inception of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), this competition
between Muslims under Jama’atu Nasril Islam (JNI) and Christians under CAN
began, it was seriously promoted in the 1980s and 1990s down to the present.
The allocation of higher and top government offices was politicized; religious
leaders in the country in general and Kaduna State in particular have become
enemies even amongst themselves. They tend to deviate from their religious
teachings and delved into struggle for the control of government machineries
which is why crises and violent conflicts in Kaduna State persisted for quite
some time.
It should be emphasized that this
problem of provocative speeches is peculiar to both Muslim and Christian
scholars. This can be deduced from their writings in books, newspapers,
magazines as well as public lectures. For instance, instead of Reverend Kukah
to think of and perhaps, present good people that will strive and work for the
development of Kaduna State in particular irrespective of which religion the
person belongs to or is representing, he ended up promoting issues of
marginalizing the Christians in occupying political offices especially in the
state. In a paper he
presented at a national conference which was later edited by respected
academics and published, he posits that:
If only we access the federal constituency
through the process of representations for the various states, how does a state
like Kaduna spell out that representation? Why for example is it that no
non-Muslim has ever governed Kaduna State since its inception? What is so
special about the state? After all, non-Muslims have been Governors in Kano,
Katsina and Kebbi for example? If this is merely an accident, then it is the
kind of accident that is both incendiary and retrogressive and thus, makes
integration difficult. It is instructive to note that even when General Buhari
took the unprecedented step to make someone from outside the Muslim area of the
State a Governor, it was ensured that even that military gentleman was a
Muslim……………….[41]
Furthermore, one of the immediate
causes of the 2000 Shari’a violence in Kaduna metropolis was a speech delivered
by Odumegwu Ojukwu with the support of the top members of the Christian
Association of Nigeria. The provocative utterances were made by Ojukwu at Hekan Church, Ibrahim
Taiwo Road, Kaduna, on Saturday 29th
January, 2000, and were widely publicized by the press thus:
I
think I speak for Christians. Before I left, that should there be any problem…
My brethren are here with you, they will stay with you, they will suffer with
you, and they will live to bear this with you. Since 1960, we have watched our
human rights as people coming from elsewhere to live here been trampled upon
with impunity, it is in the face of this massive, all embracing trampling down
of human rights that we have gathered here to review the situation and perhaps
to make the appropriate adjustment to our strategy of combating it. I will
appeal to all Christians in the North and in the South to join hands to stand
shoulder to shoulder and face these onslaughts on our rights.[42]
Pastor James Movel Wuye on 11th September, 2000 was quoted as
saying “I have a burning desire to evangelize the entire Northern Nigeria which
is my immediate constituency. My hate for non-Christians especially for the
Muslims in the past was fierce. I could kill a Muslim if I had the chance to do
so”. Although the statement was far made in 2000, the hate that Pastor Wuye had
for Muslims was believed to be lingering and could have contributed to the
build-up of violence and disharmony in Kaduna metropolis and the entire State.[43]
In fact, only God knows what Pastor Wuye and his like have been preaching to
their followers.
In the same vein, one David Ayuba of Diamond Bank Plc., was said to have
posted several messages inciting violence on Facebook among which was:
“We will slaughter
your likes (Muslims) in Kaduna. Ask any Muslim that is resident in Kaduna
South. I swear for the next donkey years your lots (Muslims), would dare not
call prayers at Kaduna South. In fact, a war should break out. We have had
enough of you wayward people. Jos, Wukari, Tafawa Balewa, Kaduna, Shagamu,
Onitsha. I swear by God’s grace we would divide this country and rest from you
wicked people”.[44]
In connection to this, Gwadabe
argues that, there is a relationship between the current state of disunity and
conflict in Kaduna metropolis, the state and northern Nigeria in general, and
the resurgence of radical reformist religious movements that developed among
both Muslim and Christian communities. These movements (Izala and Pentecostal), that resurfaced nearly at the same time,
created tendencies for division and militancy among their followers. The
existence of separatist religious groups have also contributed to this problem
because many of the leaders of these separatist groups see religion as nothing
more than a means of livelihood as well as social and political well-being and
so they do everything possible to protect and preserve their position.[45]
Side by side with the international politics and the deteriorating state of the
Nigerian economy due to merciless plunder of the national resources by the
political elite across the religions and ethnic groups, favourable conditions
for mass recruitment of insurgents becomes very easy. Thus, from the 1980s,
Kaduna state started experiencing clashes and continuing growth of enmity and
hatred encouraged and financed by the respective local political elites and
possibly other international financiers.
Overall, the Judicial Commission
of Inquiry set up by the Executive Governor of Kaduna State late Sir Patrick I.
Yakowa on the 20th of May, 2011 establishes in its findings that the
disapproval of the candidature of Goodluck Jonathan by the Arewa Consultative
Forum, the divisive preaching by both Christian and Muslim clerics as a result
of which places of worships were turned into centres of political campaigns,
the large number of unemployed youths who roam the streets of Kaduna metropolis
and almost every town in the country who became easy tools for selfish and
disgruntled politicians, lack of discipline and the deterioration in moral
values in youths, economic challenges and the lack of infrastructural
facilities in many sections of the metropolis and the state as a whole,
indigene-settler conundrum, deep-rooted animosity and suspicion as well as
religious intolerance were some of the reasons for the continued outbreak of
conflicts and crises experienced during electioneering processes in Kaduna
since the return to democracy. In a related
development, at the Federal level, President Goodluck Jonathan inaugurated a 22-member
Panel of Investigation into the 2011 post-Presidential Election Violence and
Civil Disturbances under the chairmanship of Hon. (Dr.) Sheikh Ahmed Lemu OFR and F. F. Ogunshakin (Esq) as secretary on May 11,
2011
and their findings also establishes that, deliberate politicization
of the news media by the political actors for the dissemination of falsehood
and propaganda, poor/irresponsible/incisive/unauthorized media reportage,
inter-party conflicts bordering on hidden and selfish agendas of the competing
political parties, politicization of ethnic, sectional and religious identities
and the political undertone of these identities as well as undeveloped culture
of opposition politics were among the factors for the politicization of
religion in Kaduna and the country at large.[46]
Politicization of Religion in
Kaduna: Implication for Unity and Social Integration in Kaduna
In
the pre-colonial times, most if not all the peoples of Kaduna state entered
into various relationships with their neighbours at different levels. Although
these relationships were not the straight jacket type, nevertheless, they were
not openly antagonistic as some colonial writers would want us to believe.[47]
There were relationships that were underpinned by cultural cross fertilization
in which religious and linguistic elements served as veritable bridges through
which inter-ethnic relations were promoted. Joking relations existed between various ethnic groups which constituted
the foundation of inter-ethnic relations. This is true of the relationship
between Hausa/Fulani and the Kataf as well as other ethnic groups within the
state in which diplomatic relations prepared the ground for strong inter-ethnic
relations. The process of socio-economic integration that followed the
settlement of the Hausa/Fulani in the southern area of Kaduna state in the late
14th and early 15th centuries was perhaps one of the most
important cases of inter-ethnic relations based on mutual economic interest.
This economic interest was largely on agricultural production and pastoralism.[48]
From the mid-19th century, the degree of integration between the
Hausas and the people of southern Kaduna had reached such a high integrative
degree with inter-marriages and to the extent that even their settlements could
hardly be distinguished from one another.[49]
However, the mutual trust and co-operation among the major ethnic
groups in Kaduna started deteriorating when the Kafanchan crisis broke out in
1987 which had a remote cause in the various degrees of bad leadership on the
populace (through patterns of appointment, patronage and the lack of provision
of essential social and economic services). The degenerating situation worsened
when in 1992 and 2000 the Zangon Kataf and Shari’a crises broke out. These
crises deeply affected the two groups and finally changed the long time
peaceful co-existence and harmonious relationships that had existed between the
major ethnic groups in the state.[50]
Henceforth, mass migration of the survivors of the crises to places within and
outside the state where people of their kind or of the same faith dominated
commenced. For instance, on the one hand, Muslims that lived in areas like
Kabala West, Narayi, Barnawa, Television, Sabon Tasha, Marabar Rido, Unguwan
Pama and Unguwan Romi among others in the southern part of the metropolis
relocated to areas like Tudun Wada, Rigasa, Hayin Malam Bello, Hayin Dan Mani,
Unguwar Hazo, Rigachukun, Kawo, Unguwan Kanawa and Unguwan Shanu among others
in the northern part. On the other hand, the Christians that used to live in
the areas above then moved and settled in areas that the Muslims left including
Gonin Gora on the Kaduna-Abuja express road. Those who owned houses and shops
in places where people outside their faith dominated sold them off and bought
or rented in places they felt their lives and property would be secured. This wave of migration did not only changed
inter-ethnic relations but also affected the pattern of settlement of the
people at least in Kaduna metropolis.[51] It should however be emphasized that almost
all of these settlements suffer from the lack or complete absence of
infrastructural facilities which also makes life unbearable.
Going further, another implication
of the politicization of religion in Kaduna metropolis is that the division of
the people along ethno-religious lines has set an ugly precedence at a time
when the feeling of enmity has transcended to the quest for extermination. It
is obvious that conflict/crises have bearing on our history, especially the
distortions inherent in the process of our development during the pre-colonial
through to the colonial periods. The division has created a permanent enmity,
hatred and the possibility of the outbreak of a major violence (in the future)
among the diverse social groups in the state. It is sad that the town has
become so segregated and divided to the extent that the people only see the bad
side of each other and living a life that is driven by fear and suspicion.
Unfortunately, the youths who are used in committing these dastardly acts are
mostly in their twenties and thirties. In other words, a generation has been
born around this period knowing only one side of the story that encourages
hatred, enmity and tribal or religious bigotry. No doubt, a child who is
twenty-five years today whether Muslim or Christian knows little about the
other, as he has spent his or her formative years with only people of his or
her faith and hence, do not see or regard anyone who does not belong to either
their religion or tribe. In essence, a whole generation of the community has
been destroyed since none has regard for the other. Very few of them, indeed, a
negligible percentage have been brought up to appreciate and understand our
diversity as a people. It should be emphasized that no people can ever live in
isolation of others. It is our diversity that makes us stronger and better
communities. Every people have particular knowledge and skills which God has
endowed them with and which when harnessed make us greater when we accept these
diversities for the progress and development of our common humanity. The
massive progress of most developed nations of today is the harnessing of these
diversities. The earlier we note that there is nothing like mono societies
anywhere in the present world, the better for our development and progress as a
people. Those of us who had the opportunities of inter and intra tribal or
religious upbringings are today, unfortunately, the architects of this
dichotomy and hatred enshrined in these youths.
In addition and very important, is the
inability of the Government at all levels to implement the recommendations of
previous panels/committees/commissions over the years, for example, Babalakin,
Karibi-Whyte, M. D. Yusuf, Danmadami, Ajibola and Niki Tobi at federal level,
as well as the Cudjoe, Ja’afaru and Bello’s commissions of inquiry at the state
level has gradually promoted/encouraged the culture of impunity leaving the
impression of the existence of sacred cows and the absence
of political will on the part of successive governments. The accumulation of
these grievances has played a role in the eventual violent outburst following
the declaration of election results. Below were the comments
or words to this effect that have been the cynicism expressed virtually by
every major Nigerian stakeholder with whom the Panel/commissions interacted in
the course of their assignments:
Many panels of investigations, administrative
panels of inquiry and judicial commissions of inquiry were set up by the
federal government over the past decades, and nothing was ever heard of the
reports, or governments’ views on them (white papers) not to talk of their
implementation. What makes you think the Federal/State Government Investigation
Panels on the 2011 Election Violence would be any different? It will go the way
of all the others as a joke since government does not have the courage, political
will or capacity to see them through to implementation.[52]
Recommendations
By and large, Good governance,
observance of the rule of law, interfaith dialogue, the roles of
non-governmental organizations, roles of religious leaders and religious
tolerance and enlightenment campaigns amongst other factors would go a long way
in restoring understanding, peaceful and harmonious co-existence that the
Kaduna residents had enjoyed for long. Similarly, provision of urban
infrastructures by the government such as housing that could accommodate civil
servants irrespective of religious or ethnic affiliation will greatly foster
unity and harmony amongst the inhabitants. In addition to this, most residents
of the metropolis believe that a proactive law and peace enforcement by the
government and her agents will also assist in reducing the incessant conflicts that keeps on re-occurring
as a result of the politicization of religion to the barest minimum.
Conclusion
From the discussion above, it is glaring that several factors
compelled people to migrate (push factors) and settled in Kaduna metropolis.
These include civil strifes, inter-tribal wars, family disputes and the search
for greener pastures among others. Similarly, what attracted them to Kaduna
(pull factors) apart from the natural factors such as the geographical and
environmental features were colonialism and its attendant exploitative features such as trading activities, construction of
the railway as well as the subsequent transfer of the capital of the Northern
Protectorate to Kaduna. The impact of this migration was that it brought
people of diverse ethno-religious and cultural identities together who settled
in harmony with one another. The
“new town” quality of Kaduna is its predominant characteristic and was
described by some people during this period as “the Sabon Gari of Northern
Nigeria” since it drew immigrants from throughout the north and beyond. As such, with the two important migrations to
Kaduna from 1913–17, a new era had begun in the history of Kaduna – the
beginning of the urbanization process and the creation of the city.
Therefore, the true sense of unity,
brotherhood and peaceful co-existence were sustained amongst the diverse people
of Kaduna metropolis from its establishment up to the mid-80s. However, by this
period, developments in the state began to make the hitherto existing cordial
relationship amongst the people to deteriorate. This endeavour demonstrates
that among other things, the politicization of religion by the elites and or
religious leaders have played tremendous roles in this regard. The paper argues
that the factors for the politicization of religion in general and in Kaduna
metropolis/state in particular include among others; the role of the elites,
ethnicization of religion for material benefits, misrepresentation and the
manipulation of religion, the question of identity, insecurity and a host of
others. Similarly, the paper stresses that, a major consequence of this is a
pattern of settlement sharply divided along ethno-religious lines in the
metropolis. The study discovered that there is residential and social
segregation with people of same religious faith and ethnic origins residing in
the same neighbourhood and this has political and socio-economic implications.
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Brigadier
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Kaduna, on 01/05/2017.
Cecilia Garba, civil servant, aged 49, at her
Residence in Unguwan Gado, Malali,
Kaduna, on 11/04/16;
Danjuma
Gaiya (a.k.a. DO), Retired Civil Servant, aged 71, At his Residence in
Dirkaniya, Kaduna, on 13/08/18; Malam Salihu Adamu, Farmer/Islamic Scholar,
aged 70, At his Residence in Dirkaniya, Kaduna, on 13/08/18.
Hadiza Danladi, civil servant, aged 45, at her
Residence in Karatudu, Unguwan Romi,
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Malam Aminu Ibrahim, retired civil servant and
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Isiyaka Idris, aged 62 and Mr. Sani Ebe, aged 63, Retired textile workers, at
the office of Dogarin Hakimin Kakuri,
on 04/09/16 and 18/09/16 respectively.
Muhammad
Nasiruddeen, retired Civil Servant, aged 60, at his Residence in Hayin Dan
Bushiya, Kaduna, on 17/06/18.
Mr.
Auta Zarmai, Dagacin Anguwan Yelwa ta
Arewa, aged 82, at his Residence in Anguwan
Yelwa-Television, Kaduna on 08/09/16;
Mr.
Wasa Yari, Dagacin Television ta
Arewa, aged 73, at his Residence in Television, Kaduna, on 06/09/17;
Mrs.
Sarah Matthew, Housewife, aged 70, At her Residence in Unguwan Rimi, Kaduna, on 25/04/16;
Mr.
Simon Atogo, retired army officer, Wakilin
Agaba Ikulu, aged 82, at his Residence in Unguwar Bulus, Sabon Tasha,
Kaduna, on 17/09/2016.
Malam Shu’aibu Adamu, Limamin Kwanan
Ashara-Kakuri, Kaduna, aged 75, at his Residence in Kakuri on 04/09/16.
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(1987), “Colonial Urbanization in Northern Nigeria……
[3] C. N. Ubah,
(2011), “Military Factor in Urbanization in Nigeria: The Example of Kaduna”, in
Ashafa, A. M., (ed.) Urbanization and Infrastructure in Nigeria…, pp. 61-79; E.
O. Oyedele, (1987), “Colonial Urbanization in Northern Nigeria….. and F. D.
Bello, (2022), “Urban Expansion, Crises and the Changing Pattern of Settlements
in Kaduna Metropolis, c. 1960-2011”, PhD Thesis, Department of History, A. B.
U., Zaria
[4] Northern
Nigeria Annual Reports for 1906-07, December 1907, No. 551
[5] E. O. Oyedele,
(1987), “Colonial Urbanization in Northern Nigeria….., F. G. I. Omiunu, (1977),
“The Declining Role of Rail Transport in Inter-regional Trade between….., and
M. B. Salau, (1992), “A Political and Economic History of
an Urban Settlement: A Case Study of Kawo, Kaduna 1913-1980”, M. A.
Dissertation, Department of History, A. B.U., Zaria, p. 64
[6] M. A. Rufa’i,
(2011), “The Railway Factor in the Emergence and Growth of Metropolitan Minna”,
in Ashafa, A. M., (ed.), (2011), Urbanisation and Infrastructure in Nigeria
since….. and T. N. Tamuno, “Genesis of the Nigerian Railway-II”, in Nigeria Magazine, No. 84, March, 1965,
p. 31
[7] C. N. Ubah,
(2011), “Military Factor in Urbanization in Nigeria: The Example of
Kaduna”…. S. Bello and E. O. Oyedele,
‘The City of Kaduna’ in Asiwaju, G., et. al. (1977), Cities
of the Savannah: A History of Some Towns and Cities of the…… pp. 32-33
[8] S. Bello and
E. Oyedele, (1977), “The City of Kaduna” in G. Asiwaju, et al; Cities of the Savannah: A History of Some
Towns and Cities of the Nigerian Savannah,
Nigeria Magazine, p. 63
[9] F.
D. Lugard, (1970), Political Memoranda -
Revision of Instruction to Political….. F. D. Lugard, (1965), The Dual Mandate in British….., op. cit., H. F. Backwell, (1969), The Occupation of Hausa Land….. and E. O. Oyedele, “Colonial
Urbanization in Northern Nigeria…..” pp. 47-72
[10] Ibid, p. 31
[11] Ibid, see also
F. D. Bello, (2022), “Urban Expansion, Crises and the Changing Pattern of
Settlements in…..” Y. Nadabo, (2000), Tarihin
Garin Kaduna….. and B. E. Mijah, “Globalization, Megacities and the
Challenges of Governance…,” in A. M. Ashafa (ed.), Urbanization and Infrastructure in Nigeria…..
[12] E. Oyedele,
(2011), “The British and the Making of a Capital City…..”, op. cit. and C. N.
Ubah, (2011), “Military Factor in Urbanization in Nigeria…..”
[13]
Ibid, p. 67; F. D. Lugard, (1970), Political
Memoranda - Revision of Instruction to Political Officers 1913 – 1918,
London, Frank Cass Co. Ltd.; F. D. Lugard, (1965), The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa, London, Hodder &
Stoughton and E. O. Oyedele, (2011), “The British and the Making of a Capital
City…” in A. M. Ashafa, (ed.), Urbanisation
and Infrastructure.....
[14] S. Bello and
E. O. Oyedele, “The City of Kaduna” in G. Asiwaju, et. al. (1977) ….. p. 66 and
I. A. Jatau, (1987), “The Role of Informal Sector in Urban Growth: A Case Study
of Kaduna”…..
[15] Ibid
[16] NAK, SNP
15/10, 222 – Kaduna Clearing of Tsetse Areas
[17] S. Bello and
E. O. Oyedele, “The City of Kaduna” in G. Asiwaju, et. al. (1977) …..
[18] C. N. Ubah,
(2011), “Military Factor in Urbanization in Nigeria…..”
[19] J. N. Paden,
(1986), Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto……
p. 319
[20] Ibid
[21] Nigerian Citizen, April 3rd, 1963, p. 16, “Premier opens North’s Nortex”
[22] Ibid
[23] Ibid; initially,
the Northern Regional Government did not worry about the sources of the
investment capital (public/private, domestic/foreign). The government was only
concerned about “catching up” in the industrial areas, and is confident that it
can monitor the companies in terms of their working within the law.
[24] Nigerian Citizen, “Capital Territory
School”, July 4th, 1964, p. 6. Unfortunately, the school today is no
longer what it was intended for. In fact, with the current settlement pattern
obtained in the metropolis, one majorly sees only the children of that ethnic
and religious group that dominates the area where the school is located.
[25] Oral interview
with Brigadier General Garba Muhammad (Rtd.), Sarkin Lere aged 70, at his residence in Kashim Ibrahim road,
Unguwan Rimi G.R.A., Kaduna, on 01/05/2017 and Mr. Simon Atogo, retired army
officer, Wakilin Agaba Ikulu, aged
82, at his residence in Unguwar Bulus, Sabon Tasha, Kaduna, on 17/09/2016. Oral
sources have also indicated that areas like Unguwan
Shanu, Unguwan Kanawa, Abakpa and Badarawa are examples of these
settlements founded by the ex – service men.
[26] Oral interview
with Brigadier General Garba Muhammad (Rtd.) …..
[27] E. Oyedele,
“The Military Factor in the Rise and Development of Kaduna Metropolis” in Nigerian Defense Academy Journal, Vol. 1, No. 2, p. 58
[28] AH/5:1/11/2139
- Population Census - 1962, “Enumeration Areas, Kaduna Capital Territory”;
AH/5:1/15/2182- “Population Total Summaries”, Kaduna Capital Territory and
Statistical Year Book (1969, 1970, 1971 & 1972), North Central State,
Military Governor’s Office, Economic Planning Division, Kaduna, Nigeria
[29] DFD Final
Research Report, (2003), Mapping
Urbanization for Urban Regional Governance: Kaduna in the Nigerian Federal
Context
[30] National
Population Commission, (1998), 1991
Population Census of the Federal Republic of Nigeria: Analytical Report at the
National Level, p. 29 and New
Nigerian Newspaper, March 20th,
23rd, and 25th, April 2nd, 4th, 6th, and 10th 1992
[31] B. Akpu, (2012), “An Analysis of the Spatio-Temporal Growth of
Kaduna Metropolis and its Environmental Consequences in Kaduna, Nigeria”, PhD
Thesis, Department of Geography, B. U., Kano, pp. 50-51
[32] J. N. Paden,
(1986), Ahmadu Bello Sardauna of Sokoto……
pp. 550-61
[33] New Nigerian Newspaper, “Verdict
Kaduna’s role”, March 30th,
1968, p. 11
[34] S.
K. Omorogbe & M. E. Omohan, (2005), “Causes and Management of
Ethno-Religious Conflicts: The Nigerian Experience”, in Yakubu, A. M., (et.
al.), Crisis and Conflict Management in
Nigeria since 1980: Causes and Dimension of Conflicts, Vol. 1 & Governance
and Conflict Management vol. 2, Kaduna: Nigerian Defense Academy, p. 555
and H. Abdu, (2010), Clash of Identities:
State, Society and Ethno-Religious Conflicts in Northern Nigeria, Kaduna:
DevReach Publishers, p. 101
[35] P.
Brown, (1957), “Patterns of Authority in West Africa”, The Champion Newspaper,
Vol.2, No. 4, Saturday 10th July, 1999
[36] S.
O., Ilesanmi, (1997), Religious Pluralism
and the Nigerian State, Athens: Ohio University Press
[37] S. Adamu,
(1994), “The Press and Nigerian Unity” in Mahadi, A., (ed.), Nigeria: the State of the Nation and the Way
Forward, Kaduna: Arewa House
[38] U. M. Ushe,
(2013), “Manipulation of Religion and the Task Before the Christian Leaders”,
in BEST: International Journal of
Humanities, Arts, Medicine and Sciences, Vol. 1, Issue No. 2, pp. 23-24
[39] Y. B. Usman, (1987), The Manipulation of Religion in Nigeria Today…… p. 1
[40] Y. B. Usman, (1987), The
Manipulation of Religion in Nigeria Today…… p. 20
[41] M. H. Kukah,
(2003), ‘’Orphans in Paradise: Settlers vs. Indigenes and the Politics of
Belonging in Nigeria’’ in A. M. Yakubu, (et. al), Management of Social Conflict in a Plural Society, Kaduna: Arewa
Consultative Forum, p. 20
[42]
Weekly Trust Vol. 3, No. 3, March 3rd
–9th, 2000
[43] White Paper on
the Report of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the Post-Presidential
Election Disturbances in Kaduna State, p. 27
[44] White Paper on
the Report of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the Post-Presidential…..
p. 26
[45] M.
M. Gwadabe, (2011), “Ideological and
Political Positions of the Major Islamic Sects, Schools and Tendencies in
Northern Nigeria: Implication for Peace and Security in Kaduna State and the
Northern States of Nigeria”, in MANDYENG,
Journal of Central Nigeria Studies, University of Jos, Mid-Rains, 2014 and
oral interviews with Hadiza Danladi, civil servant, aged 45, at her residence
in Karatudu, Unguwan Romi, Kaduna on
11/04/16; Cecilia Garba, civil servant, aged 49, at her residence in Unguwan Gado, Malali, Kaduna, on
11/04/16; Malam Shu’aibu Adamu, Limamin
Kwanan Ashara-Kakuri, Kaduna, aged
75, at his residence in Kakuri on 04/09/16 and Malam Aminu Ibrahim, retired
civil servant and Businessman, aged 70, at his residence in Kakuri—Makera,
Kaduna, on 19/08/16
[46] Main Report of
the Federal Government Investigation Panel on 2011 Election Violence and Civil
Disturbances, September, 2011
[47] M. Hamman,
(1999), The Changing Nature of
Inter-Ethnic Relations and the Development of Inter-Ethnic Conflict in Northern
Nigeria, Zaria: Gaskiya Publishing Company Ltd, pp. 10 – 20
[48] M. Hamman,
(1999), The Changing Nature of
Inter-Ethnic Relations and the….. p. 11
[49] Oral interview
with Muhammad Nasiruddeen, retired Civil Servant, aged 60, at his residence in
Hayin Dan Bushiya, Kaduna, on 17/06/18
[50] Almost if not
all informants have ascertained this fact as already noted previously in so many
sections of this study
[51] O. E. Larry
(2005), “Managing Ethno-religious Violence and Areal Differentiation in Kaduna
Metropolis”, in Yakubu, A. M., and Bobboyi, H., (eds.), Crises and Conflict Management in Nigeria….. p. 520
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