Cite this article as: Hamadou A. (2025). Displacement stereotypes, acculturation orientations, and assimilation: the case of Mandara Mountains’ migrants in the Northern Cameroon. Zamfara International Journal of Humanities,3(3), 62-71. www.doi.org/10.36349/zamijoh.2025.v03i03.008
DISPLACEMENT
STEREOTYPES, ACCULTURATION ORIENTATIONS, AND ASSIMILATION: THE CASE OF MANDARA
MOUNTAINS’ MIGRANTS IN THE NORTHERN CAMEROON
By:
Alioum
Hamadou
University
of Maroua, Ph.D. Student
Abstract: This study examines the perception of the Mandara
Mountains migrants by the host societies, which influences the orientations of
the migrants’ culture. Between the years 1970s and 1980s, the said Mandara
Mountains’ societies due to the politico-economic factors and
socio-geographical crises were displaced to other regions of the northern part
of Cameroon. Therefore, the settlement, insertion, integration, and adaptation
of these communities outside their zone of origin present some challenges that
lead to different stereotypes. To come out with this result, field studies were
carried out in the zones of displaced migrants with the use of variable
approaches (questionnaires to collect oral sources and document exploitations
done in different libraries of the Garoua and Maroua archive centres). Though,
results show, in the northern regions of Cameroon particularly the Mandara
Mountains migrants did not only developed a way to integrate their zones of
destinations but also readapted their culture in other to perceive better
images from the host societies. Lightly, this dynamic acculturation of the
migrants threatens sometimes the condition of social coexistence, which is one
of the Cameroon pillars of socio-economic, socio-cultural as well as
socio-political development.
Keywords: displacement stereotypes, acculturation,
assimilation, Mandara Mountains, and settlement
Introduction
Displacement is a major challenge for our societies
today, but the context of integration, adaptation and perception of the
displaced societies in the destination sites presents certain variance. In
Africa and Cameroon in particular, forced or voluntary migrants were faced with
cases of differentiation, leaving them no choice but to assimilate into the
host society’s culture. Human categorization by other humans is part of the
word’s characteristics. People were considered and regrouped by size, culture,
religious belonging, skin color and even ways of living. Even though, it is
difficult to assert for any group or society in the Northern Regions of
Cameroon to be originated in the settlement that they lived actually. Over time
people pick up the associated character they were categorized and, in a case,
become a form of stereotype to the culture and societies of the migrants. The
situation harbored by the Mandara Mountains migrants is almost the same. The
mixture of different groups’ processes shapes acculturation such as
stereotypes, prejudice, and threat perceptions as was expressed by Brown Rupert
and Zagefka Hanna (Brown & Zagefka, 2011). The feature of these group
mixture experiences by both groups results to turn the acculturative
orientations held by the majority host to the minority guest society
(Lutherback and Beelmann, 2013, p.02). When immigrants settle into a new area,
variations in their well-being are commonly found, due to several factors
affecting their activities, their specific settlement context, and their
strategies of economic implantation, which developed certain stigmas and
stereotypes on their societies.
Around the 1970s to 2010s, rural societies in Northern
Cameroon constantly migrated from rural to urban centers in search of work,
education, facilities etc. but the reality would not turn in the same favor for
certain societies because of the activities they carried out in these cities
and towns (Barbier et al., 1977, p.16).
For that, the Mafa society which forms a homogenous group
and occupies the Mandara Mountains today captured our curiosity. This is
because of the systemic tendency of displacement ideas newly developed by those
societies through different socio-economic activities they offered as services
in Maroua and Garoua that in a long term affected their societies. Whereas, the
period of their venture was determined based on; historical links, dry season,
and the interest put into the work gained (Mandjeck, 1993, p.425).
However, displacement
stereotypes emphasis natural acculturation and cultural assimilation in the
city of Maroua and Garoua by mostly the Mandara Mountains immigrants. Based on
different analyses, we ought to evaluate and carry out rigorous research to better
understand the challenges, the stereotypes, the cultural assimilations and the
opening of stereotypes based on displacement on behalf of the Mandara Mountains
societies under different panorama.
1. Background and displacement in the Mandara
Mountains
The mobility of societies
in the northern regions of Cameroon particularly those of the Mandara Mountains
societies present some complexes as far as their origin is concerned. Faced by
many form of displacement due to different factors, their integration in the
cities of Cameroon particularly that of the Northern Cameroon after 1970s and
1980s, raised certain forms of stereotypes.
1.1.
The Mandara Mountains’ societies and the
occupation of Mandara Mountains
The
Mandara Mountains areas in Cameroon are recognized for their high population
density and socio-cultural diversities. Described by Diyé Jeremie, these zones
cohabit large proportion of people, characterize by a form of equalitarian
societies (Diyé, 2016, p.72) with more than 30 different ethnics societies
(Seignobos, 2000, p.44). The existence of these groups’ mixture was possible
thanks to the nature of relief formation from the hills and plateaux of Mandara
Mountains that sip different societies. As a result, it has favoured the
diversity that exists today, while the questions of origin and socio-cultural
structures in Northern Cameroon, particularly from the Mandara Mountains areas
remain very pragmatic.
The demographic situation of the Mandara Mountains areas
as concerned with the origin and socio-cultural structures was very complex.
Certain researchers provide a synthesis on the difficulties of coming out with
the exact number ethnic groups that composed this area as well as the origin
from where they migrated. Reasons why Lembezart Bernat (1950, p.31) affirms the
difficulties of meeting a group in the Mandara Mountains who claimed to live
today on the lands already occupied by their distant ancestors, even though
some groups in the mountains claimed of having their origin from the East.
Concerning certain myths, the occupation of the Mandara Mountains started after
the 16th century. Such myths refer to societies like Zekpleng
(Zidim), Mozongwo (Mofou Dimeo), Mofou Wazang and Mupang, they are said to be
out from a rock of a water cave, while others follow the migrating birds and
grasshoppers. Christian Seignobos in his description of a myth advanced, the
penetration of Mandara Mountains by groups like Mofou, Mouktele, Podokwo etc.
was based on the research of missing Taurus, for reasons why today these
societies used animals for the cultural aspects (Seignobos, 1982, p.23).
Contrary to them, Jean Yves Martin clarified the Mandara Mountains were occupied by these people since the Palaeolithic period and surrounded by a melange of Chadic-Semitic and Saharan-speaking people (Martin, 1970, p.25). The most known group were considered pagans and farmers who also constantly migrate due to factors like razzia, colonisation and the emergence of cities after the independence of Cameroon. However, the table below shows the different ethnics groups that inhabit the Mandara Mountains from the both sides of Cameroon and Nigeria. It should be noted that Mandara Mountains is limited in one part of Nigeria as far as space area is concerned.
Table
1: The
composition societies groups of Mandara Mountains
|
The
mountainous groups |
The
plain and plateau groups |
|
-Mafa, -Kapsiki, -Mofou, -Podokwo, -Mbokou,
-Ouldeme, -Mouktele, -Mada, -Zoulgo/Guemchek, -Molkwo, -Mouyengue, -Ouzal,
-Kotchi, -Tchede, -Teleki, -Mabas , -Mofou, -Hide, -Oula, -Mineo,
-Vame/Mbreme |
-Mbokou, -Daba, -Kola, -Bana, -Djimi,
-Goude, -Fali, -Ndjengn, -Guidar, -Foulani and others |
Table 1 above shows the
classification of the between the ethnic groups who live within the territorial
boundary Mandara Mountains. It is clearly shown that the habitation on the
hilly areas was preferable for these groups than the plains. This was due to
the advantage of security that the hilly areas offer to them. We can enumerate
more than 31 groups whose socio-cultural, economic as well as political
organization differs. Like any other societies that live in the Mandara
Mountains region, the Mafa, Mofou, and Podokwo societies were among the most
important groups referring to regular migration, demography, socio-cultural
dynamism and politico-economic institutions that they represent.
1.2. Immigration and socio-economic activities of
Mandara Mountains’ societies in the Northern Cameroon cities: the case of the
Mafa migrants in Maroua
The Mandara Mountains’ societies were among
the largest group who frequently migrate from their zone of origin to another.
Their displacement was generally motivated by economic reasons. Some migrate
for a long period while others for a short period especially during the lean
period. Integrating into the host areas depends on the interest of the economic
activities of the migrants.
The Mafa society, which forms a homogenous
group started to emigrate from their area before the colonial era, as Christian
Seignobos mention, their presence in Maroua lasted from the Guiziga period and
even though they constitute a minority group (Seignobos, 2000, p.151). The
influx of people to the Northern regions was gradual andbecame home to many
different ethnic groups in particular the Mafa society where they hold
different class societies and occupations (such as carriers, civil servants,
farmers, herders, idle etc.). As certain jobs were considered unattractive to
urban people, the Mafa people seized that opportunity as an excuse for their
immigration to Maroua. They settled where the geographical nature of the place
is identical to their environment. Thus, quarters like Ouro Tchede and
Djoudandou, represent a favorable environment for them to settle. Most
immigrants who came to Maroua got houses to live in either for free or by
rents. This is why, most men at first worked as: farmer, water strollers,
carriers, bricklayers, butchers, and security guards in shops or offices,
cleaners, or haircut stylers.
On the other side, women at first who were
absent from this process of migration would later change their nature to
compile in the venture with their husbands and families. These women were
coping with housework, but also doing small businesses in the quarter to help
their husbands as they commonly stayed in the same milieu. Hawamma Djockom
advanced during an exchange with him, when they arrived in Maroua by the end of
the 1980’s they settled in Ouro-Chede and a piece of land was offered to them
by the Lamido even though it is far from Maroua city with the condition, they
had to practice karal for the Lamido. After working for some years, his family
joint him and does other informal activities.
Today, many women are engaged in informal
activities in Maroua especially along the road leading to the Abbatoir Market.
When we asked these women the details of these activities, they respond “it is
their “yamdou” which means food; it
is their “Saboulou” it is their “manda” etc”. Some of them sell
vegetables cultivated from their hometowns, dry fish, groundnuts, salt,
potatoes, sweet potatoes, beans, millet, corn etc. This small market is mostly
dominated by women from the Mandara Mountains. While the Mafa women are more
concerned with the brewing of millet beer, bil
bil. The men were more concerned with temporary or other activities in the
city’s center of Northern Cameroon. Hence, through these different economic
activities, most of the Mafa migrants choose to be installed in Maroua and
Garoua, even if, they regularly practice the return migration.
The cities of Northern Cameroon became a new el dorado for the Mandara Mountain
migrants today. The rural population
in the quest of what to do, move to the cities to get involved in the informal
sector, even though the economy of Cameroon since independence in 1960 was
dominated by the primary sector, given the fact that, the concentration of the population
was quietly important to the activities found in the different regions.
The following histogram elaborated during the fieldwork, an illustrative chart is presented by comparing the aspect of Northern Cameroon cities total population and Mandara Mountains immigrants from 1982 to 2023.
Chart 1 above represents the total population
in the cities of Northern Cameroon, we observe the increase of rural exodus in
the different cities of Northern Cameroon, from the differences of 19% in 1982
to 31% in 2014 of the total population. Whereas, emigration to these cities
thanks to certain conditions and other factors gratefully influence.
Consequently, these cities have registered mass development from internal
migration of different localities. Their acceptance by the host, their
adaptability, and integration became challenging, which in return developed
certain stereotypes leading to cultural orientation and assimilation of the
displaced migrants.
2.
Displacement Stereotype and socio-cultural
reconfiguration of the Mandara Mountains’ societies in the Northern regions of
Cameroon
The set of unfavourable
conditions faced by the Mandara Mountains migrants, particularly the Mafa and
Mofou migrants cause significant migratory flows to the cities of Northern
Cameroon regions seeking economic opportunities. According to the NIS (National
Institute of Statistics), the increase in immigration level registered due to
rural exodus, gave Maroua and Garoua the regions with the fastest urbanization
rates in Northern Cameroon, with an average growth rate of 3.8% and Garoua 2.3%
during the last two decades (NIS, 2018). Likewise, certain mechanisms of
stereotype and acculturation as well as assimilation under social and cultural
aspects were faced by the displaced rural migrants in these cities. What were
the causes of this socio-economic disdain? How do they face the challenge? And
what were the impacts of these challenges on both the host and guest societies
in the Northern region of Cameroon? The following paragraph would provide a
thorough analysis to these questions.
2.1. Displacement
Stereotype of the Mandara Mountains’ migrants in the Northern Cameroon
The stereotypic expectation directed at
various groups differs as well as the case of Mandara Mountains’ migrants in
Northern Cameroon. This stereotype rang from one environment to another. In
developed countries like Europe and America, Africans are seen as “not willing
to adapt” and “underdeveloped,” Italians are regarded as “well educated”
(Jäckle, 2008); in Spain, immigrants from Latin America are stereotyped as
being “lazy,” while Chinese immigrants have the image of being “hard-working”
and “smart” (Enesco et al., 2005) and
in Maroua and Garoua, the Mandara Mountains migrants were regarded as
“unpleasant”. That was why each region tend to accumulate its proper vision of
a group. Through our research, the Mandara Mountains migrants faced different
forms of stereotypes resulting to the detriment of their culture. These
stereotypes were done through insults, class discrimination, and work given to
the displaced migrants.
Although, various theoretical schools have
emphasized different aspects of changes that result in stereotypes between the
host and guest population. For example, the Marxist theory suggests, changes in
the modes of life of migrants can lead to changes in class systems, which also
prompt other new forms of change in the destination areas that can incite class
conflict and consequently lead to the stereotypes of the displaced group
societies under aspects like insults (Tajbakhsh, 2001, p.35). In the case of our
research, this change was regarded as the changes in societal cohabitation
between the guest societies and the host societies. Viewed this way, social
change is an ever-present phenomenon in any society. These processes modify the
structure that can be attributed to certain insults, detriments of societal
culture and consequently stereotype factor that occurs on behalf of the
displaced communities. Therefore, the displacement stereotype can be considered
as the conditions of rural migrants’ life were undergoing in the cities.
Contrary to the structural-functional theory according to Garner Roberta,
changes in social life is another form of understanding a society in their
difference (Garner, 2019, p.41).Whereas, the specific stereotype depends first
on the social entity considered. Changes in a small group may be important on
the level of that group itself but negligible on the level of the larger
society. Similarly, the observation of displacement stereotypes depends on the
conditions of certain groups and the time they spend in a place. Most
short-term displacements are negligible when examined in the long run. Any
scale of displacement changes are characteristic of human societies, because
customs and norms changes, new techniques and environmental changes produce new
forms of adaptations that lead to discrimination in society. For Jacqueline a
housemaid asserts, “The effect we presently induced by our activities will
surely affect our culture in the cities of Cameroon where we immigrate”. In
this case, it is rooted in the flexibility and adaptability of one society to
other societies to accept displacement stereotypes where they are destinated.
On the other Matakon Zoubi adds, “it was quietly not easy for us if we say, our
displacement didn’t represent a stereotype impacts on our daily life in the
cities. It has greatly changed our nature and regards on our culture”. For this
migrant, displacement stereotypes he faced were replicators of their movement.
Mostly, they were insulted by a connotation that the guest doesn’t understand. “Matakam”, “Golla”, “Boyy”, “Mairoua” and many other qualifications were advanced on behalf of these groups who migrated from the Mandara Mountains. Each qualification is designated with a specific occupation. People who were qualify as Golla in Maroua for example are considered porters, carriers, agriculturers, and street vendors who came from the Mandara Mountains in the market. It is considered as a stereotype because of the way it is attributed and the sense it took on the ego of the guest people. For them, it seems a qualifier that distinguished them occupying higher classes from the immigrants who occupies the lower class. As seen from the plank below are certain activities done by the Mandara Mountains migrants in the cities of northern Cameroon.
Plank 1: Migrants and their
activities in the cities of northern Cameroon
Source: Alioum Hamadou and Adamou Ibrahim, Maroua and Garoua street, May 2023
Plank 1 above shows individuals identified as
Mandara Mountains’ migrants strolling water, selling perishable commodities,
and unloading vehicles within the street of Maroua and Garoua. There were
concentrated on their activities even if the rate of social changes as
explained in the theory above is at the level of 0% to them, and at the same
time considered as what brought contempt to their community. All these
activities are considered second-class jobs or unwanted jobs by the inhabitants
of the cities. Thus, these migrants enjoy pleasure of work from any job they
acquired.
The displacement stereotypes in the cities of
northern Cameroon can also be identified through the settlement of the
immigrants. Most of the Mandara Mountains’ migrants in Maroua and Garoua chose
to reside in an area where they could improve their domestic incomes and
sustain their households left behind. In Maroua for example, migrants however
did not have such privileges of choice as their residents (Fati, 2019, p.184).
They reside where the is no consideration for their welfare. Hence, they were
constrained to settle where land is cheaper. This settlement in the long run
developed conflict over rejection and disrespect of migrants’ cultural values.
For Hamman Toukour a civil servant,
“settlement in an informal area aggravates the situations of social contempt
the migrated societies in the destination because it project a regard of
poverty”. These migrants usually settled in areas that are usually vulnerable
to natural disasters, such as floods and landslides as shown below.
Plank
2: The
Mandara Mountains migrants’ settlement areas in Maroua
Source: Alioum Hamadou and Adamou Ibrahim, Maroua, Zokok; Sarare, 12/08/2022
Plank 2 above shows the settlement of the
Mandara Mountains’ migrants in their various destination areas, which cop with
decrement nature of the location vulnerable to natural disaster. It is one of
the main displacement stereotypes accorded to the migrants in the regions of
Northern Cameroon. This relied on the fact that there is a lack of constant
local authorities’ attention accompanied by the migrant’s habit to cohabitate
on this form land.
2.2.
Acculturation orientation and assimilation of
Mandara Mountains societies in the northern Cameroon: The case of the Mafa
societies in Maroua and Garoua
Most of the migrants we concern in this
research have little or no formal education, they found themselves in the
informal sector with low income as a reward, unable to improve their dwellings
and living standard. For these reasons, cultural disequilibrium is created
between them and the host societies. The differences that existed between them
with that of the inhabitants of either Maroua or Garoua brought some
difficulties in the cultural adaptation. These could be seen in the domain of
dialect, religious practices and lifestyle, which they practice. The Mafa
people who were displaced for different objectives were left with more choices
to adopt new habits, hence the dominant culture absorbed their way of living.
The host societies as described by Whitaker Thomas may not easily comprehend
the culture of the migrant but showed some form of resistance in accommodating
migrants (Whitaker, 2015, p.3). For this reason, some migrants often lose their
identity when they arrive in urban areas. To adapt and to be accepted, migrants
throw nearly all their customs and cultures by wanting to associate themselves
with host societies. Though, this situation was very complex with the Mandara
mountains’ female migrants, even if their duration in displacement processes
was limited at first. For the young women who migrated early, the cultural
values of the host places overtook their own culture more rapidly than that of
men. Some were pushed to aspects like depigmentation, while others were pushed
on buying expensive clothes. The reality here was the amount of money received
for wages doesn’t equate to the money spent on furniture.
Peter Stalker (1999) through his work
emphasizes the stereotypes faced by immigrants in the streets and places of
work (Nkoko, 2012, p.34). In Maroua, the usual insult of “matakamjo” and “golajo”
were common to qualify Mandara Mountains migrants, especially the Mafa people,
whereas these words have a pejorative connotation to a limit of cultural
discrimination. Reasons why Crush Jonathan and Bruce Frayne (2006) work on
racism, make clear; cultural discrimination is a key feature of immigration
legislation. However, the case of northern Cameroon migrants was not seen as
humans having the same value as the guest inhabitants. Rather, some of their
brothers who succeeded through this process turn not recognised them too as
their brothers, what a migrant advanced to us during the field investigations.
The majority groups constraint the choices of minority groups’ acculturation
and assimilation strategies by either openness to cultural diversity or
endorsement of ethnocentrism and discrimination (Lutterbach and Beelmann, 2021,
p.04).
On the other hand, problems faced by the
Mandara Mountains migrants in these areas were challenges over their beliefs
and practices. The cultural shock they faced resulted to produce emotional
distress and reinforces feelings of not belonging in the same social
environment as the inhabitants of the host cities. In some cases, it may imply
rejection, which results in a tendency of migrants to isolate themselves and
reduce their ability to overcome certain difficulties (Okok, 2012, p.23). Waya
Vohod says, “in his village, he believed in African traditional religion, but
arriving in Garoua, he was constrained to be Islamized by his employee due to
the fact of receiving better wages”. For this migrant, he was pushed to accept
another belief than the one he migrates with.
Assimilation of migrants is a much-contested
notion whereby entering a new immigrant group are encouraged, through social
and cultural practices and/or political machinations, to adopt the cultural
traits and social behaviors of the host territory to benefit from certain
advantages. Although the assimilation of minority groups into dominant culture
has taken place in many societies over the course of history, often for
migrants displaced for a long period. Assimilation, sometimes known as
integration or incorporation, is the process by which the characteristics of
members of immigrant groups and host societies come to resemble one another
giving greater advantages to the guest. Different aspects of assimilation may
also vary in completeness at any point in time. For example, some Mandara
Mountains’ immigrants were obliged to learn faster the Foulbe dialect which is
commonly spoken in the cities of northern Cameroon. Another form of
assimilation is intermarriage. The longterm migrants in some cases were constraint
to get married to the native, particularly for those who stay long in the
destinated areas. Thus, the incompleteness of assimilation may be similarly
affected across groups if the economic or other structure of the displaced
migrants changes (Safi, 2008). But is it worthy enough to accept these changes?
Conclusion
The paper aimed to analyse the process of
Mandara Mountains’ migrants’ integration, perceptions and accommodations into
the host areas from the socio-economic points. Within a few decades, a
successive number of societies who inhabit the rural areas of northern Cameroon
migrate frequently to the cities of headquarters, especially during the lean
period in search of better life and jobs like carriers, lumberjacks, street
vendors, farmers and sometimes night guard and bricklayers. Based on certain
pull and push factors, these cities were regarded as the most important point
of destination for the Mandara Mountains societies. The quest for different
opportunities and openings will make them faced with numerous difficulties and
challenges such as stereotypes, acculturation, assimilation social abuses,
housing etc. that lead to social clashes in the destination areas with the
guest societies. It is therefore possible to advance, the displacements of
these migrants in the cities produce enormous calamities on migrant societies
due to the different activities they practice in the cities, to a limit where
certain are pushed to hide their identities which are very important for social
cohesion today. But the displacement stereotypes are shown on their behalf
rather encouraged certain in their activities. However, their nature, their
economic activities, and their daily stereotypes become today elements of
differentiation among societies in northern Cameroon.
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