Cite this article as: Adamu U. A., Saleh A. L. & Baraya I (2025). A Phonological Study of Hausa Short Genitive Linker: -r/-n Zamfara International Journal of Humanities, 3(3), 1-4. www.doi.org/10.36349/zamijoh.2025.v03i03.001.
A PHONOLOGICAL STUDY OF HAUSA SHORT GENITIVE LINKER:
-R/-N
Usman Ali Adamu
Department of Languages and Linguistics
University of Maiduguri
Ajid Lawan Saleh PhD
Department of Languages and Linguistics
University of Maiduguri
Ibrahim Baraya
Department of Hausa Language
Adamawa State College of Education, Hong
Abstract: This study is on the
phonological study of Hausa short genitive linker –r and -n. Descriptive method
is used in analyzing the data extracted from the existing literature (Galadanci
1976, Newman 2000, Abubakar 2001, and Jaggar 2001). This study found that, from
phonological point of view, the Hausa short genitive linker (-r/-n) in rapid
speech, there is only partial assimilation of the short genitive linker “-n”
with a following obstruent across word boundary in term of place of
articulation but not in term of manner of articulation. The only position where
assimilation within word boundary occur is when the enclitic “-r” is followed
by a short possessive pronoun within same word boundary. However, there is also
a constraint on the assimilation process across word boundary when the
following onset of the first syllable across word boundary is non liquid sound.
Also it is found that, the tone of the short genitive is not the same as that
of the preceding syllable as earlier claim by Galadanci (1976) nor toneless as
claim by Jaggar (2001), rather, the tone of these short genitive –n/-r
supersedes the low tone of the last syllable of the head NP; also, when the
tone of the last syllable of the head NP is high, the high tone and the
floating low tone coalesced into fallen tone. Moreover, the short genitive
linker, when used as referential, it functions as neutralization marker.
Because it conditioned the neutralization of the mid front unrounded vowel /ee/
and mid back rounded vowel /oo/ to short low central unrounded [a]. Finally, it
is found that, when the short genitive linker –n is used as possessive marker,
it conditioned the deletion of the glided vowel ([i] of /ai/ and /u/ of /au/)
of the diphthongs. This process of vowel change support the claim made by Abubakar
(1983) that in Hausa, the diphthong /ai/ and /au/ are combination of vowel /a/
plus approximate vowels /j/ or /w/. This occur as a result of the deletion of
the approximate vowels because sequence of three consonants at the word final
position is not permissible in the language in question.
1.0
INTRODUCTION
Genitive linker is one of the grammatical
elements that is usually used for connecting various grammatical words. In
Hausa, the short genitive linker is either “-n”, which marks for masculine
singular as well as plural; while “-r”, marks for feminine singular only (see
Galadanci 1976, Newman 2000, Abubakar 2001, Jaggar 2001 and Crysman 2009).
However, this paper focus on Hausa short genitive linker (-r/-n) from
phonological point of view and a descriptive method is used in analyzing the
data extracted from the existing literature (Galadanci 1976, Newman 2000,
Abubakar 2001, and Jaggar 2001).
2.0
LITERATURE REVIEW
Phonologically, Galadanci (1976), while
discussing genitive linker, states that the tone of Hausa genitive is same as
that of the preceding syllable. Consider:
-n baya - ciwòǹ baya
-r wata - tsaiwáŕ wata
-n Bala - dawakíń Bala
In the above examples, it is shown that the
genitive linker assimilates automatically to the tone of the coda of its
lexical head. This assimilation occurs when the following word is a lexical
noun. On the contrary, Newman (2000), morphophonologically, sees short genitive
in Hausa when used as referential as an element consisting of a floating low
tone followed by a consonant “-n/-r”. The low tone conditionally surfaces as
fallen tone if preceded by a syllable with high tone depending on the gender
and number of the word it is attached to. Consider:
Yaròn -
the boy (m.) previously referred to.
Tunkìyâr - the sheep (f.) previously referred to.
Dabbobîn - the animals (pl.) previously referred to.
In addition, the linker “-n” assimilates
automatically to the position of the following consonant within the same word
or across word boundary. Consider:
Dokinka [dookìŋka] “your horse”
Dokin kanar [dokiŋkanar]
Furthermore, when the enclitic “-n” is
followed by a bilabial nasal, it produces a surface geminate. Consider:
Gidanmu [gidammu] “our house”
The assimilation is total when “-n” is
followed by liquids which depends on speech tempo (Newman 2000). Consider:
Kawun Ladi [kaawùllaadì]
However, the enclitic “-r” on the other hand
assimilates to the following abutting consonant within same word boundary.
Consider
‘yarsa [ ‘yassa].
Thus, assimilation is obligatory with the
demonstrative as identify by Newman (2000). Consider:
Bishiyar nan → bishiyan nan
Corroboratively, Jaggar (2001) explains that
the attachment of the enclitic linker conditioned the automatic shortening of
long vowel of the last closed syllable of a word. Consider:
Mootàr malami ce “it’s the teacher’s car”.
In the above example, the long vowel /aa/ of
the last syllable of the noun “mootaa” has been shorten due to the presence of
the enclitic “-r”.
Additionally, the linker assimilates with
abutting consonant in some instances (as also mentioned by Newman 2000).
Consider:
Motar mamman [ motam mammaŋ]
Mostly, a short high front vowel /i/ is
epenthesis before the enclitic –n linker in certain nouns that are loan from
Arabic and English that have closed final syllable (Jaggar ibid). Consider:
Ladanin garinmu – the muezzin of our town
Furthermore, Crysman (2009) explains that,
phonologically, when a strong verbal noun precedes an object pronoun, it takes
the low tone genitive set (-sà) not the accusative set that operates with the
weak verbal nouns or main verb. Consider:
yaanaa tàmbayàrsà “ he is/was asking
him”.
However, the reduction of the non-pronominal
possessors “na/ta” (free genitive linker) to “-n/-r” phonologically deals with
the deletion of nucleus of the monosyllabic non-pronominal possessors, as well
as resyllabification of the last syllable of the preceding word by making it
the coda of the syllable with automatic shortening of the vowel of the last
syllable. In addition, the rule of rhotatism is what is applicable in the case
of “ta” → ”-r”(Crysman 2009). consider:
maataa ta Bello “Bello’s mother”(sic)
maatar Bello
“Bello’s mother”(sic).
In this section, we have reviewed related
literature on the Hausa short genitive linker (-r/-n) from phonological point
of view. In the following section, we will discuss the data collected and
contribution will be made.
3.0
DISCUSSION
In Hausa, the short genitive linker (-r/-n)
is phonologically realize contextually as discussed by various scholars. In
rapid speech, there is only partial assimilation of the short genitive linker
“-n” with a following obstruent across word boundary in term of place of
articulation but not in term of manner of articulation.
Consider:
Kawun Garba [kaawùŋgarba]
*Kawug Garba [kaawùggarba]
Kawun Kande [kaawùŋkande]
*Kawuk Kade [kaawùkkande]
ramin cinnaka [raminʧinnaka]
*ramic cinnaka [ramiʧʧinnaka]
Dokin Bala [dakimbaalaa]
*Dokin Bala [dakibbaalaa]
The only position where assimilation within
same word boundary occur is when the enclitic “-r” is followed by a short
possessive pronoun within same word boundary. Consider:
‘yarka [‘yakka] “your daughter”
‘yarmu [‘yammu]
“our daughter”
‘yarta [‘yatta] “her daughter”
‘yarsa [‘yassa] “his daughter”
The above examples show that the linker “-r”
assimilates automatically to the position of the following abutting consonant
(short possessive pronoun) within same word boundary. However, there is
constrain on this process across word boundary when the following onset of the
first syllable across word boundary is non liquid sound. Consider:
‘yar Asabe [‘yarɁasabe] “Asabe’s daughter/ a girl born on Saturday”
*‘yar Asabe [‘yaɁɁasabe] “Asabe’s daughter/ a girl born on Saturday”
motar Garba [mootargarba] “Garba’s car”
*motar Garba [mootaggarba] “Garba’s car”
‘yar Bala “Bala’s
daughter”
* ‘yab Bala *[
‘yabbala] “Bala’s daughter”
Mootar firsononi “prisoners’ van”
*Mootaf firsononi *[mootaffirsononi] “prisoners’ van”
maatar Bello “Bello’s wife”
* maatab Bello *[maatabbello] “Bello’s wife”.
In the above examples, the linker “-r”
doesn’t assimilate to the position of the following consonant across word
boundary. Nevertheless, this process across word boundary is possible when the
following onset of the first syllable across word boundary is liquid sound.
Consider:
faɽar-wutaa [faɽawwutaa] “Sulphur”
As observed, the tone of the short genitive
is not the same as that of the preceding syllable as earlier claim by Galadanci
(1976) nor toneless as claim by Jaggar (2001), rather, short genitive –n/-r has
tone. Firstly, the tone of this short genitive –n/-r supersedes the low tone of
the last syllable of the head NP; secondly, when the tone of the last syllable
of the head NP is high, the high tone and the floating low tone coalesced into
fallen tone. Consider:
tunkìya - sheep (f.)
tunkìyâr - the sheep (f.) previously referred to.
In the above examples, the first example has
high tone on its last syllable and has no genitive linker attached to it. As
for the second example, the high tone of the last syllable and the floating low
tone of the short genitive linker coalesced into fallen tone of the last
syllable.
Moreover, One of the function of the short
genitive linker –n/-r is that it is used as referential marker.
Morphophonologically, when the short genitive linker, is used as referential,
it functions as neutralization marker. Because it conditioned the neutralization
of the mid front unrounded vowel /ee/ and mid back rounded vowel /oo/ to short
low central unrounded [a]. consider:
Karee +n → /karaŋ/ “the dog”
Zoomoo +n → /zoomaŋ/ “the hare”
In the above examples, the mid front
unrounded vowel /ee/ and mid back rounded vowel /oo/ are neutralized to short
low central unrounded [a] because of the short genitive linker –n which serves
as referential marker. It is also clear that the short genitive linker –n is
also realized as velar nasal/ŋ/ at word final position. In addition, this
process is also the same when the short genitive linker –n is used as
possessive marker. Consider:
Keken Bala /kj eekj aŋ
balaa/ Bala’s bicycle
In Hausa phonology, there are various
instances where deletion occur. When the
short genitive linker –n is used
as possessive marker, it conditioned the deletion of the glided vowel ([i] of
/ai/ and /u/ of /au/) of the Hausa diphthongs. Consider:
/rai/ “soul”
/ransa/ “lit.
his soul” (his life)
/mai/ “oil”
/manta/
“her oil”
/kai/ “head”
/kansa/ “his
head”
/tabarau/ “spectacle”
/tabaransa/ “his
spectacle”
In the above examples, it is observed that
the diphthongs /ai/ and /au/ become [a]. This process of vowel change support
the claim made by Abubakar (1983) that in Hausa, the diphthong /ai/ and /au/
are combination of vowel /a/ plus approximate vowels /j/ or /w/. This occur as
a result of the deletion of the approximate vowels because sequence of three
consonants word final is not possible. Consider:
Mai “oil”
Maajii < maaj-ii </ mai / “oil”
mai +nta →/manta/ “her oil”
*maj +nta →/majnta/
In the above examples, the sequence of vowel
/a/ plus approximate /j/ making the diphthong /ai/ and short genitive linker –n
as well as the short possessive feminine marker “ta” (/-ajnt-/ conditioned the
deletion of the approximate /j/.
CONCLUSION
In conclusion, it is seen that from the
phonological point of view, the Hausa short genitive linker (-r/-n) in rapid
speech, there is only partial assimilation of the short genitive linker “-n”
with a following obstruent across word boundary in term of place of
articulation but not in term of manner of articulation. The only position where
assimilation within same word boundary occur is when the enclitic “-r” is
followed by a short possessive pronoun within same word boundary. However,
there is also a constrain on assimilation process across word boundary when the
following unset of the first syllable across word boundary is non liquid sound.
As observed, the tone of the short genitive is not the same as that of the
preceding syllable as earlier claim by Galadanci (1976) nor toneless as claim
by Jaggar (2001), rather, short genitive –n/-r has tone. Firstly, the tone of
this short genitive –n/-r supersedes the low tone of the last syllable of the
head NP; secondly, when the tone of the last syllable of the head NP is high,
the high tone and the floating low tone coalesced into fallen tone. Moreover,
as seen above, the short genitive linker, when used as referential, it
functions as neutralization marker. Because it conditioned the neutralization
of the mid front unrounded vowel /ee/ and mid back rounded vowel /oo/ to short
low central unrounded [a]. It is also found out that when the short genitive
linker –n is used as possessive marker, it conditioned the deletion of the
glided vowel ([i] of/ai/ and /u/ of /au/) of the Hausa diphthongs. This process
of vowel change support the claim made by Abubakar (1983) that in Hausa, the
diphthong /ai/ and /au/ are combination of vowel /a/ plus approximate vowels
/j/ or /w/. This occur as a result of the deletion of the approximate vowels
because sequence of three consonants word final is not possible.
REFERENCE
1. Abubakar, A. (1983). Generative Phonology
and Dialect Variation: A Study of Hausa Dialects. Ph.D. Thesis.
Unpublished. SOAS. University of London.
2. Crysmann,
B. (2005), A unified account of Hausa genitive constructions Universit¨at Bonn & Universit¨at des
Saarlandes Poppelsdorfer Allee 47, D{53115 Bonn..
3. Jaggar,
P. (2001), Hausa. John Benjamins, Amsterdam.
4. Galadanci, M. K. M. (1976) An Introduction
to Hausa Grammar. Ikeja: Longman Nigeria Ltd.
5. Newman,
P. (2000), The Hausa
Language. An Encyclopedic Reference Grammar,
Yale University Press, New Haven, CT.
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