Cite this article as: Aminu, H. A. (2025). The cognitive and ideological role of conceptual metaphors in framing post-war Gaza reconstruction: An analysis of the U.S. 2025 proposal. LALICO Journal of Languages, Literature, and Communication, 3(2), 58-63. www.doi.org/10.36349/sojolics.2025.v01i01.008
THE DECLINE AND
REVITALISATION OF THE AKYE LANGUAGE IN NASARAWA STATE, NIGERIA: EVIDENCE FROM
SCHOOLS AND MEDIA
By
Babanmama Hussaini
Nasarawa State College
of Health Science and Technology, Keffi
&
Abdullahi Abubakar
Adamawa State College of
Education, Hong
Abstract
Language remains the
primary medium through which culture, knowledge, values, and collective memory
are transmitted from one generation to another. Indigenous languages therefore
represent more than tools of communication; they embody the identity, history,
and worldview of their speakers. In Nigeria, many indigenous languages are
increasingly threatened by neglect, language shift, and unfavourable language
attitudes. This paper examines the phenomenon of indigenous language
endangerment in Nigeria, with specific focus on the Akye language spoken in
parts of Nasarawa State. Using both primary data obtained through field
questionnaires and secondary data drawn from existing literature, the study
investigates the sociolinguistic factors responsible for the declining use of
Akye and assesses the level of intergenerational transmission. Findings reveal
a sharp reduction in language use among younger speakers, dominance of English
and Hausa in education and public life, absence of Akye in formal schooling and
the media, and weak institutional support. The paper argues that without
deliberate and coordinated revitalisation efforts involving families, schools,
communities, government, and the media, the Akye language faces the risk of
gradual extinction. The study concludes by proposing practical strategies for
language maintenance and revitalisation that are culturally grounded and
policy-driven.
Keywords: Indigenous languages, language endangerment, language
revitalisation, Akye language, Nigeria
1. Introduction
Language is central to
human existence. It is the most important means through which people express
thoughts, preserve culture, transmit values, and organise social life. Every
human society relies on language to maintain continuity between past, present,
and future generations. Without language, cultural survival becomes impossible.
This makes language not only a communication system but also a marker of
identity and collective memory.
In multilingual
societies such as Nigeria, language plays an even more complex role. Nigeria is
one of the most linguistically diverse countries in the world, with between 400
and 500 indigenous languages. These languages vary in number of speakers, level
of development, and social status. While a few languages enjoy national
recognition and institutional support, many others remain marginalised and
endangered.
Indigenous languages are
languages that originate within a particular geographical area and are
traditionally spoken by the indigenous people of that region. Jibir-Daura
(2014) describes indigenous languages as native or local languages spoken by
distinct ethnic communities over several generations. Such languages function
as repositories of cultural knowledge, traditional practices, oral history, and
indigenous wisdom. As Solanke (2006) observes, indigenous languages serve as
indicators of historical continuity and self-identification.
The Akye language is one
such indigenous language. It is spoken by a minority ethnic group located
mainly in Lafia Local Government Area of Nasarawa State. Despite its cultural
significance, Akye is facing serious decline in everyday use. Younger generations
increasingly prefer Hausa or English, while Akye remains excluded from formal
education, mass media, and official domains.
This paper examines the
threats facing the Akye language and discusses the need for its revitalisation
within contemporary Nigerian society. It situates the Akye experience within
the broader discourse on indigenous language endangerment in Nigeria and argues
that language loss is not inevitable but the result of social, political, and
ideological choices.
2. Literature Review
Language endangerment
occurs when a language is no longer being transmitted to children as a mother
tongue and its number of speakers steadily declines. According to Crystal
(2000), languages can be classified as safe, endangered, or extinct. An
endangered language is one that is still spoken but under threat of falling out
of use, while an extinct language has no living speakers.
In Nigeria, language
endangerment has attracted scholarly attention, particularly in relation to
minority languages. Adegbija (1998) and Igboanusi and Peter (2004) identify
English and dominant regional languages as major threats to smaller languages.
However, declining pride, weak institutional support, and negative language
attitudes have further intensified the problem.
Igboanusi (2006) notes
that many Nigerian languages are endangered not because they lack speakers, but
because speakers no longer value them. This shift in attitude has led to
reduced intergenerational transmission, especially in urban and semi-urban settings.
Nigeria’s linguistic
hierarchy places English at the top as the official language, followed by
Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba as major national languages. Other indigenous languages
fall into media languages or minority languages with little or no official recognition.
This classification has serious consequences for language survival.
Owojecho(2020) argue
that the failure to adopt any indigenous language as a national language has
contributed to the marginalisation of local languages. English dominates
education, governance, commerce, and media, thereby limiting the functional
domains of indigenous languages.
Ndiribe and Aboh (2020)
propose localisedtrilingualism as a solution, where children learn their mother
tongue, a regional language, and English. This approach promotes multilingual
competence while preserving indigenous languages.
Although many studies
focus on major Nigerian languages, fewer studies address minority languages in
Nasarawa State. Kuju (1999) observes that even languages considered large
within minority settings are endangered due to language shift. Akye exemplifies
this situation.
Recent observations
indicate declining numbers of fluent Akye speakers, especially among youths in
villages such as Gwayaka, Kiguna, and Ugah. Babanmama (2023) attributes this
decline to language contact with Hausa, Eggon, and Koro, which has resulted in
code-switching and language shift.
3. Theoretical Framework
This study draws on
Language Endangerment Theory and Language Revitalisation Theory. These
frameworks explain how languages decline and how they can be revitalised
through deliberate intervention.
Language endangerment
theory emphasises factors such as reduced intergenerational transmission,
restricted functional domains, negative attitudes, and socio-economic pressure.
Language revitalisation theory, as discussed by Hinton (2003) and Grenoble and
Whaley (2006), focuses on reversing language shift through education,
documentation, community participation, and policy support.
Language ideology is
also relevant, as beliefs about language prestige and usefulness strongly
influence language choice. When speakers associate success and modernity with
foreign languages, indigenous languages become symbols of backwardness,
accelerating language loss.
4. Methodology
This study adopted a
descriptive survey approach combining both primary and secondary sources of
data in order to examine the threat of indigenous language endangerment with
particular reference to the Akye language of Nasarawa State. Fieldwork
constituted the primary source of data, during which structured questionnaires
were administered to native speakers of Akye. Four Akye-speaking villages were
purposively selected for the study because of the high concentration of Akye
indigenes and the active, though declining, use of the language in these
communities. Using a random sampling technique, fifty respondents were selected
from each village, giving a total sample size of two hundred respondents. Out
of the two hundred questionnaires distributed, one hundred and ninety were duly
completed and returned, representing a high response rate.
In addition to the
primary data, secondary data were sourced from relevant books, journal
articles, conference proceedings, theses, policy documents, and other scholarly
materials related to indigenous languages, language endangerment, and language
revitalisation in Nigeria. These materials provided theoretical grounding and
contextual support for the analysis of the Akye language situation.
The data generated from
the questionnaires were collated and analysed using simple descriptive
statistics, mainly frequency counts and percentages, to determine patterns of
language use, attitudes towards the Akye language, and perceptions of its
relevance in education, the home, and public domains. The use of simple
percentage analysis was considered appropriate, as it allowed for clear
interpretation and easy comparison of respondents’ views across different age
groups and social contexts. The analysed data were subsequently presented in
tabular form to enhance clarity and facilitate discussion of the findings.
5. Data Presentation and
Analysis
The data generated from
the field survey are presented and analysed using tables and simple percentage
calculations. This approach allows for clear representation of respondents’
demographic characteristics, language attitudes, and patterns of language use.
For manageability and relevance to the research objectives, four key
questionnaire items were selected for analysis out of the total responses
obtained from the field.
Table 1: Age
Distribution of Respondents
|
Age Range |
20–30 |
30–40 |
40–50 |
Total |
Percentage |
|
Questionnaires administered |
50 |
70 |
80 |
200 |
100% |
|
Questionnaires returned |
48 |
66 |
76 |
190 |
95% |
The study could not
cover the entire Akye-speaking population due to logistical constraints.
Consequently, data were collected from four Akye villages where the language is
predominantly spoken. As shown in Table 1, out of the 200 questionnaires
administered, 190 were returned, representing a 95 percent response rate.
Respondents aged 20–30 years accounted for 24 percent of the returned
questionnaires, those aged 30–40 years constituted 33 percent, while
respondents between 40–50 years made up 38 percent. This distribution indicates
that middle-aged and older speakers formed the majority of the respondents, a
factor that is relevant in assessing intergenerational language transmission.
Table 2: Attitude
towards Learning Akye Language
|
Response Category |
Number |
Percentage |
|
Strongly agree |
25 |
13.2% |
|
Agree |
56 |
29.5% |
|
Strongly disagree |
90 |
47.4% |
|
Neutral |
11 |
5.8% |
|
Total |
190 |
100% |
Table 2 presents
respondents’ views on whether the Akye language is worth learning. The data
show that only 25 respondents (13.2 percent) strongly agreed, while 56
respondents (29.5 percent) agreed that Akye is worth learning. In contrast, a
larger proportion, 90 respondents (47.4 percent), strongly disagreed with the
statement, indicating a generally negative attitude towards learning the
language. This finding suggests a serious decline in the prestige and perceived
relevance of Akye among its speakers.
Table 3: Preferred
Language of Instruction in Primary Schools
|
Language Preference |
Number |
Percentage |
|
Akye |
60 |
31.6% |
|
Hausa |
10 |
5.3% |
|
English |
120 |
63.2% |
|
Total |
190 |
100% |
Table 3 shows
respondents’ preferences regarding the language to be used in teaching children
in primary schools within Akye communities. The majority of respondents, 120
(63.2 percent), preferred English as the language of instruction. Only 60
respondents (31.6 percent) supported the use of Akye, while 10 respondents (5.3
percent) preferred Hausa. This result demonstrates the strong dominance of
English in educational settings and highlights the marginalisation of the Akye
language even within its native communities.
Table 4: Use of Akye
Language in Schools
|
Response |
Number |
Percentage |
|
Yes |
0 |
0% |
|
No |
190 |
100% |
|
Total |
190 |
100% |
As shown in Table 4, all
respondents (100 percent) confirmed that Akye is not used as a language of
instruction in schools located within Akye-speaking areas. This complete
absence of Akye from the formal education system significantly contributes to
the weakening of intergenerational transmission and reinforces language shift
towards English and Hausa.
Table 5: Use of Akye
Language in the Media
|
Response |
Number |
Percentage |
|
Yes |
0 |
0% |
|
No |
190 |
100% |
|
Total |
190 |
100% |
Table 5 indicates that
Akye has no presence in the mass media. All respondents agreed that the
language is not used in radio, television, or other media platforms. The lack
of media representation further limits the functional domains of Akye and
reduces opportunities for exposure, especially among younger speakers.
6. Discussion of
Findings
The findings of this
study clearly indicate that the Akye language is at a critical stage of
endangerment. Evidence from the survey data reveals a steady decline in
language use, weak intergenerational transmission, and unfavourable attitudes
towards the language among its own speakers. These patterns are consistent with
widely recognised indicators of language endangerment in multilingual
societies.
One major finding is the
age distribution of respondents, which shows that middle-aged and older adults
constitute the majority of active Akye speakers. Younger respondents were fewer
and, from their responses, less positively disposed to the language. This
imbalance suggests that the transmission of Akye from parents to children is
weakening. According to language endangerment theory, when children no longer
acquire a language as their first means of communication, the language enters a
stage of serious decline. The situation observed among the Akye aligns with
this position, as younger speakers increasingly favour English and Hausa over
their mother tongue.
Attitudinal data further
reinforce this concern. Nearly half of the respondents strongly disagreed with
the view that Akye is worth learning. Such negative attitudes towards an
indigenous language are strong predictors of language shift. When speakers perceive
their language as lacking value, prestige, or economic relevance, they are less
likely to use it in daily interactions or transmit it to the next generation.
This finding supports earlier studies by Igboanusi (2006) and Adegbija (1998),
which identify negative language attitudes as a major factor driving indigenous
language endangerment in Nigeria.
The preference for
English as the language of instruction in primary schools within Akye
communities is another critical issue revealed by the data. More than sixty
percent of respondents favoured English over Akye and Hausa. While the
importance of English as a global and official language cannot be denied, its
dominance at the early stages of education marginalises indigenous languages
and limits their functional domains. The absence of Akye in formal education
deprives children of the opportunity to develop literacy and communicative
competence in their mother tongue, thereby accelerating language shift.
Closely related to this
is the complete absence of Akye as a medium of instruction in schools, as
confirmed by all respondents. This finding underscores the institutional
neglect of the language. Education remains one of the most powerful tools for
language maintenance and revitalisation. When a language is excluded from the
school system, it becomes confined to informal and shrinking domains, often
restricted to older speakers and domestic settings. The Akye situation reflects
this reality and mirrors findings from similar studies on minority languages in
Nasarawa State and other parts of Nigeria.
The data also show that
Akye has no presence in the mass media. Media exposure plays a crucial role in
enhancing language visibility, prestige, and relevance in contemporary society.
The lack of radio or television programmes in Akye further limits its use and
reduces opportunities for language learning and reinforcement, especially among
the youth. This absence reinforces the perception that Akye is unsuitable for
modern communication, thereby strengthening preference for dominant languages.
Taken together, these
findings demonstrate that the endangerment of the Akye language is not the
result of a single factor but a combination of sociocultural, educational, and
institutional influences. The dominance of English and Hausa, negative language
attitudes, weak parental transmission, and lack of support from schools and the
media collectively place the language at serious risk. Without deliberate and
coordinated revitalisation efforts, the current trends suggest that Akye may
experience further decline, leading eventually to language loss.
7. Conclusion
This study has examined
the threat of indigenous language endangerment in Nigeria with particular focus
on the Akye language spoken in parts of Nasarawa State. The findings clearly
show that Akye is facing serious endangerment, evidenced by declining use among
younger generations, negative attitudes towards learning the language, and its
complete exclusion from formal education and mass media. These factors have
significantly weakened intergenerational transmission, which remains the most
important condition for language survival.
The dominance of English
and Hausa in social, educational, and public domains has further reduced the
functional relevance of Akye, even within its native communities. As the
language continues to lose prestige and everyday usage, it becomes increasingly
confined to older speakers, thereby placing it on a gradual path towards
extinction. This situation confirms the broader national pattern in which many
Nigerian indigenous languages are threatened not by lack of speakers alone, but
by social neglect and unfavourable language ideologies.
The conclusion drawn
from this study is that the survival of the Akye language depends largely on
deliberate human action. Language endangerment is neither natural nor
inevitable; it is the outcome of policy choices, institutional practices, and
community attitudes. Unless Akye is made functional and relevant in the lives
of its speakers through conscious use in the home, inclusion in early
education, and representation in the media, efforts at revitalisation may
remain ineffective.
Therefore, urgent and
coordinated measures are required to halt the decline of the Akye language.
Parents, schools, communities, and government institutions must work
collectively to restore pride in the language and ensure its transmission to
future generations. Preserving Akye is not only a linguistic task but also a
cultural responsibility, as the loss of the language would signify the loss of
an important aspect of the identity, history, and cultural heritage of its
speakers.
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