Cite this article as: Okongor, T. A., & Okolie, O. N. (2025). Languages at the border: Comparative French/English language use in the Benin-Nigerian border region. Sokoto Journal of Linguistics and Communication Studies (SOJOLICS), 1(1), 27-35. www.doi.org/10.36349/sojolics.2025.v01i01.005
LANGUAGES AT THE BORDER: COMPARATIVE FRENCH/ ENGLISH
LANGUAGE USE IN THE BENIN-NIGERIAN BORDER REGION
By
TakimAjomOkongor
(PhD)
Department of
English and Linguistics, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences,
Federal University
Dutse, Jigawa State, Nigeria
&
Osita Nicholas
Okolie (PhD)
Department of
English and Linguistics, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences
Federal University
Dutse, Jigawa State
Abstract
This study
investigates how French and English are used along the Benin–Nigerian border,
where two distinct colonial languages intersect in everyday communication. The
aim is to compare the roles and functions of these languages within social,
educational, and commercial interactions across the region. Data for the study
were drawn from both primary and secondary sources, including interviews with
local residents, traders, and teachers, as well as existing studies on
cross-border language practices. The research adopted a qualitative approach,
relying on purposive sampling to gather information through semi-structured
interviews and direct observation of interactions in markets and schools.
Content analysis was employed to interpret the data, allowing patterns of
language choice, code-switching, and preference to emerge. Findings reveal that
while English dominates in Nigerian border communities, French maintains strong
influence in Beninese contexts, with both languages often coexisting in trade
and informal communication. Multilingualism, code-switching, and pragmatic
borrowing were observed as strategies to overcome communication barriers. The
study recommends the promotion of bilingual education in schools, improved
cross-border language policies, and the establishment of community language
centers to strengthen mutual intelligibility and foster regional integration.
Keywords: English,French,Border, Translanguaging,
Code -Switching, Cross –linguistic accommodation
1. Introduction
Language plays a
central role in human interaction, particularly in border regions where diverse
linguistic traditions converge. The Benin–Nigerian border represents a unique
space in which English, the official language of Nigeria, and French, the official
language of Benin, meet and compete for functional relevance. Beyond their
symbolic status as colonial legacies, these languages influence trade,
education, politics, and cultural exchange in the region. This study examines
the comparative use of French and English within this border zone, highlighting
how individuals negotiate linguistic choices in their daily lives and the ways
in which multilingualism serves as a resource for communication and integration
across national boundaries.
Multilingualism in
border regions reflects the linguistic complexity inherent in such settings,
where speakers navigate their repertoires according to competence and
contextual demands. Mahootian (2001) notes that language choices are regulated
by interlocutors and situational factors. In the Benin–Nigerian border area,
code-switching, code-mixing, and translanguaging are common communicative
practices, and this study investigates their patterns and sociolinguistic
features among residents.
Historically,
Nigeria, as a former British colony, institutionalized English, while Benin,
under French colonial rule, adopted French as its official language. The
artificial colonial boundary divided several ethnic and linguistic groups, such
as the Yoruba, across two language regimes. Consequently, cross-border students
and residents often require operational literacy in both English and French,
while traders, drivers, and officials navigate multilingual communication
daily. The study explores how these languages function as official,
educational, and contact languages, and how residents strategically employ them
in interaction.
The increasing
prominence of French and English in border communication may, however,
contribute to the gradual marginalization and endangerment of minority
languages. Younger generations may abandon indigenous languages under the
pressure to acquire official languages, and the reduced presence of local
languages in formal settings may undermine educational outcomes, cultural
identity, and local knowledge systems. Despite these implications, there is
limited research on the specific communicative challenges faced by border
dwellers and the measures that could address these challenges. This study seeks
to fill this gap by investigating the comparative use of French and English,
the functional domains of each language, the extent of code-switching and
translanguaging, and the role of indigenous languages in cross-border
discourse.
A brief review of
border towns between Nigeria and Benin further underscores the significance of
the study. These towns serve as hubs for trade, cultural exchange, and social
interaction, yet they also face challenges related to governance, security, and
cross-border cooperation. The complex relationships among border communities
illustrate the interplay between shared and divergent national interests and
provide the context for examining linguistic negotiation in everyday life.
2. Literature Review
Language dynamics in the Benin–Nigeria borderlands are deeply rooted in
the colonial legacies that shaped both states’ linguistic identities. During
colonial rule, language policies reflected the differing ideologies of the
British and French empires. In Nigeria, British authorities adopted a
relatively indirect approach, promoting English as the language of governance
and education while allowing indigenous languages to persist in local
administration and missionary activities (Bamgbose, 1991). In contrast, the
French administration in Benin (then Dahomey) implemented an assimilationist
model that positioned French as the exclusive language of instruction,
administration, and social mobility (Calvet, 2002). These divergent policies
entrenched contrasting linguistic hierarchies that continue to influence the
present. English remains the primary medium of power and prestige in Nigeria,
while French holds a similar role in Benin, often at the expense of local
tongues such as Yoruba, Bariba, Fon, and Dendi. Scholars such as Adegbija
(2004) argue that this legacy produced a form of linguistic dependency, where
ex-colonial languages function as “gatekeepers” to socioeconomic advancement.
Consequently, the border region has become a linguistic crossroads where inherited
colonial languages intersect with deeply rooted indigenous multilingualism.
The Benin–Nigeria border is among West Africa’s most linguistically
diverse zones. Communities on both sides frequently possess multilingual
repertoires that include indigenous, regional, and colonial languages. As
Blommaert (2010) observes, multilingual speakers do not treat their languages
as separate systems but rather as interconnected resources that are drawn upon
flexibly depending on context. In practice, a trader in Seme or Idiroko might
converse in Yoruba when negotiating prices, switch to French or English for
documentation, and employ Dendi or Pidgin English to accommodate other
cross-border interlocutors. Lüpke and Storch (2013) describe such patterns as
“complex multilingual ecologies,” where communicative competence involves
managing fluid language boundaries. Similarly, Busch (2012) conceptualizes the
speaker’s repertoire as a “biographical resource,” shaped by everyday mobility
and interaction. In this sense, the border functions not as a dividing line but
as a space of linguistic convergence, where individuals cultivate flexible and
adaptive repertoires suited to transnational life.
A central feature of communication along the Benin–Nigeria frontier is
code-switching, the alternation between two or more languages within a single
exchange. Rather than reflecting confusion or lack of proficiency,
code-switching often signals competence, identity, and situational awareness
(Myers-Scotton, 1993). In markets, schools, and family networks, speakers shift
between Yoruba, French, and English to convey solidarity, assert authority, or
facilitate comprehension. Research on African multilingualism (Makoni &
Pennycook, 2007) emphasizes that these linguistic shifts carry social meanings
beyond basic communication. In border communities such as Kraké and Idiroko,
code-switching allows speakers to navigate power relations between French- and
English-dominant institutions while simultaneously expressing shared border
identities that transcend national divisions. This hybrid linguistic
performance demonstrates how everyday communication in border regions functions
as both a practical strategy and a symbolic expression of transnational
belonging.
Several studies have explored language use in border towns, emphasizing
the dynamics of multilingualism and cultural exchange. These towns often serve
as melting pots of diverse linguistic communities due to their proximity to
different national borders. Research has examined how languages such as
English, French, and indigenous languages coexist and influence communication,
as well as how individuals navigate linguistic boundaries depending on context,
audience, and social settings. Furthermore, studies have highlighted the role
of language in shaping identity and fostering cooperation or conflict between
neighboring nations, with border areas experiencing complex language practices
influenced by historical, political, and economic factors. Trade, cultural
exchange, and governance challenges, including security and cross-border
cooperation, further shape local linguistic dynamics.
Language contact, a key feature of border communication, occurs when two
or more languages coexist within a community, and speakers use them
alternatively in specific situations. Mahootian (2001) emphasizes the pragmatic
and social functions of code-switching, including identity marking, solidarity,
exclusion, topic shift, and emphasis, showing that it is a natural and
strategic feature of bilingual and multilingual communication rather than a
sign of deficiency. This view is supported by Auer (1995), who describes
code-switching as a structured communicative strategy, alongside code-mixing
and translanguaging, which speakers use to manage conversations, demarcate
topics, and express social meanings. In border communities such as Idiroko in
Nigeria and Seme-Krake in Benin, multilingual speakers fluidly alternate
between French, English, Yoruba, and other indigenous languages, particularly
in marketplaces and at border posts. Observations by Obinna (2023) and Saliu
(2020) suggest that such language mixing reflects more than convenience; it
demonstrates how speakers navigate identity, power, and social understanding.
Language contact in this context, from the perspective of individual
multilingual speakers, involves managing a repertoire of communicative resources
acquired in different settings or from diverse interlocutors in ways that align
with audience expectations across interactional contexts.
Overall, the Benin–Nigeria borderland represents a linguistically diverse
and pragmatically rich region, shaped by colonial history, indigenous language
networks, and daily cross-border interactions. Understanding language use in
this area requires consideration of colonial language policies, multilingual
practices, language contact dynamics, and the communicative strategies employed
by border communities.
3. Methodology
This study adopted a qualitative, comparative design to explore patterns
of French and English language use across the Benin–Nigeria border region. The
qualitative approach was chosen to enable an in-depth understanding of how
individuals draw upon and negotiate multiple languages in daily life.
Ethnographic observation, semi-structured interviews, and recordings of
naturally occurring conversations were employed to capture multilingual
practices in real-world contexts rather than controlled settings. The study’s
focus on lived linguistic experiences allowed for insights not only into what
languages people use but also why and how specific languages are selected in
cross-border interactions.
Fieldwork was conducted in two key border towns, Sèmè-Kraké in Benin and
Idiroko in Nigeria. These locations were chosen for their intense cross-border
trade, frequent population movement, and shared ethnic groups, particularly the
Yoruba and Goun communities, who regularly alternate between French and
English. Both sites reflect typical linguistic contact zones where colonial
language legacies intersect with indigenous multilingual practices.
A total of forty participants were purposively selected for the study,
comprising twenty residents from Sèmè-Kraké and twenty from Idiroko.
Participants represented diverse age groups, occupations, and educational
backgrounds, including traders, transport operators, civil servants, students,
local community leaders, secondary school teachers, and youths. Inclusion
criteria required participants to engage regularly in cross-border
communication, demonstrate functional proficiency in at least one indigenous language
(e.g., Yoruba, Goun, or Dendi) and either French or English, and voluntarily
consent to participate. This sampling strategy ensured that data reflected
authentic multilingual practices in the border region.
Data were collected through semi-structured interviews, participant
observation, and audio recordings of spontaneous conversations. Interviews
explored language preferences, perceptions of French and English, and the
social meanings associated with code-switching. Observations were conducted in
marketplaces, transport hubs, schools, and community gatherings to capture
natural language use in public settings. Each participant contributed between
fifteen and twenty-five minutes of recorded speech, generating approximately
fifteen hours of transcribed data. Notes on nonverbal cues and contextual
factors complemented the recordings to aid interpretation.
Data were analyzed using thematic and discourse analysis. Recordings were
transcribed and coded to identify instances of language alternation, borrowing,
and mixing, which were categorized according to interactional context.
Comparative analysis highlighted similarities and differences in language use
between Beninese and Nigerian participants, with attention given to the social
meanings of French and English, their relationship with indigenous languages,
and the ways speakers strategically used code-switching to express identity,
negotiate power, or facilitate communication. Content analysis further enabled
the identification of dominant patterns, including code-switching, language
preference, and functional distribution of French and English in cross-border
contexts.
Ethical clearance was obtained prior to data collection. Participants
were informed about the study’s objectives and their right to withdraw at any
stage. Pseudonyms were used in all transcripts and analyses to protect
confidentiality, and audio recordings and field notes were securely stored for
academic purposes only.
The study is significant for both theoretical and empirical contributions
to sociolinguistics and psycholinguistics. Focused research on language use at
the Benin–Nigeria border remains limited, and existing studies often generalize
Anglophone–Francophone contact without closely examining local practices or
speakers’ perspectives. This research addresses that gap by documenting how
border residents negotiate meaning, manage miscommunication, and express
identity in multilingual interactions shaped by colonial histories. By
employing a qualitative, ethnographic approach, the study captures the
pragmatic and contextual dynamics of multilingual communication, providing
insights into everyday linguistic experiences and the coexistence, overlap, and
competition of French, English, and indigenous languages in West Africa’s
dynamic borderlands.
4. Data Presentation and Analysis
These findings
underscore the complex and adaptive nature of multilingual communication in the
Benin- Nigeria border region. The data support the view that African
multilingualism is dynamic, layered, and
domain-sensitive(Lupke&Storch,2013). Far from being chaotic or
disorganized, the linguistic behavior observed reflects intentional and
context- driven strategies. Border dwellers are not merely passive carriers of
linguistic legacy but active agents in the pragmatic management of multilingual
resources.
The frequent use
of the code-switching and translanguagingsupports earlier studies such as
Myers- scotton, (2006), Canagarajah,(2013), which highlight these as tools for
social negotiation, identity performance and communicative efficiency. In this
context, they serve practical purposes such as securing trade,
avoidingconflict, or signaling familiarity. Moreover, the enduring use of
Yoruba across national boundaries illustrates the constraints of the colonial
–era linguistic divide. While French and English were historically imposed to
divide, Yoruba persists as a transnational medium that integrates.
Furthermore, the
community’s attitudes toward language reveal tensions between institutional
language policies and lived linguistic realities. While schools and state
structures promote the hegemony of French or English, everyday interactions are
multilingual and fluid. The work also identifies critical challenges,especially
in formal domains such as border policing and education. Communication is
ineffective because of language mismatches between officialsand local
populations. This can hinder effective service delivery and foster
misunderstanding. The lack of adequate multilingual signage and public
materials further complicates communication,particularly those who do not
understand the official languages French and English. This mismatch calls into question the
effectiveness of rigid monolingual policies in educational and administrative
contexts,Bamgbose (1991).
These findings
also challenge traditional notions of linguistic competence. In the border
context, “knowing a language” often means having enough practical command to
achieve communicative goals. This supportsHymes; (1972) concept of competence,
which is concern with appropriateness and effectiveness over structural purity.
Interview
transcripts and recordings were analyzed using qualitative content analysis
discourseanalysis methods. The following were taken into considerations:
pattern of language choice by domain and interlocutor, instances of code-
switching and translanguaging, and pragmatic strategies used to overcome
language barriers.
Instances of code switching and code mixing, and
translanguaging,Border Communication are as follow:
1. Market Interaction in Idiroko
NigeriaCustomer:”
How much for this sac-la?” Trader:”Na
4,000, but if youwan buy two, je go do am7,500”
Analysis:This exchange
involves intra- sentential code – mixing. The trader blends:
English(how much,two)
French (sac-la, je)
Nigerian Pidgin(na, wan buy, do am) This
hybrid form reflects pragmatic accommodation. The trader likely recognizes the
customer as bilingual or francophone and mixes codes to build rapport and
facilitate trade.
2. Customer”: How much for this
bag-la?” Seller:” Na five thousand
naira, but je go reduce small”.
Analysis:The speaker blends English,
Nigerian pidgin,and French in the same utterance. This is an instance of
code-mixing, used to appeal to a multilingual customer.
3.Taxi Driver in Seme- Krake (Benin)
Driver:
You dey go Idiroko?Moi je go drop you for
checkpoint. After la, you go trek small”
Analysis:
Here,
the driver uses both inter-sentential and intra-sentential code-switching.
Languages include:
Nigerian pidgin (you deygo,drop you, you
go trek)
French (moi je go) Code – mixed clause
(after la) This is typical in transport communications at the border, where
drivers often serve mixed- language passengers and must be linguistically
flexible.
Teacher: “If you look at this
sentence-la,what tense is used?Vousvoyez? It’s present perfect”.
Analysis:In this
educational setting, the teacher uses English, French(voyez), and a mixed phrase (sentence-la) to reinforce
instruction. This represents pedagogical
translanguaging- used intentionally to aid comprehension in a
multilingual class.
4.Interaction Between Students
Student
A:”Me I sabi write English well-well, but for
French, je suisfini”
Student
B: “Omo,
same. That francais e too hard abeg.”
Analysis: This student to
student interaction shows hilarious and satirical translanguaging. The students
fluidly combine English, Pidgin, French and slang to express shared performance –related difficulties.The use of”
je suisfini” (French for I’m finished) is used playfully to indicate stress.
5:Market
Discourse in Seme-Krake
Trader: “My brother,regardece sac-la.Edey
strong well-well.Je go give you discount if
you buy maintenant”.
Languages Used:
English:” My brother”discount”
French: “regarde, “ce sac-la,”
maintenant”
Pidgin English:”edey strong” well-well,”
“je go give you”
Analysis:
This utterance shows translanguaging, not
just code- switching or code mixing.The trader isn’t choosing one language per
Sentence.He is using three languages in
one flow, taking the contextual background into consideration.
6
Example
of Border Transport Interaction- Idiroko (Nigeria).
Bus Conductor:” Vouspayezmaintenant, or na
when we reach check? Abi na free youwan do?”
Language Used:
French:”vouspayezmaintenant”
English”:when we reach checkpoint”
Pidgin:”abi,”
“ na free you wan do”
Analysis:The conductor
blends multiple languages as one integrated system. This is as a result of who
he talking to (Nigerian and Beninese
passengers) and what he is trying to achieve. His aim is to achieve effective communication.
7.Example:”The
subject here, c’est le nom.And you know na,subjectdey always come before the
verb.”
Language Used:
English:” the subject, always come before
the verb”
French:”c’est le nom”
Pidgin:”you know na,”dey always come.”
Analysis:The teacher blends
instructional French and explanatory pidgin/English in a multilingual
classroom. The is done to assist students with mixed language backgrounds and
low French proficiency, (Bamgbose 1991, Salami 2008,Agbo2015,andEmezue 2019).
There are various reasons Benin-Nigeria
residents engaging in
code-switching, code-mixing and translanguaging. They use these strategies to
achieve successful communication and to ensure mutual understanding among
interlocutors. They may also switch to another language when there is no word
for what they want to say in the language they are speaking. Most languages
cannot be directly translated, and there are often words that exist in one
language with no translation in another language.Sometimes ideas and concepts
are better expressed in one language over another because of the amount of
vocabulary available. In this case, theymay choose to code-switch and use
another language to express their ideas better.
5. Discussion of Findings
1. Context-dependent language usage
The data revealed
distinct patterns in how English and French are used across different
communicative domains. In formal and institutional contexts such as border
posts schools and administrative offices, speakers adhered to the national
official language, English in Nigeria and French in Benin.The use of French and
English along the Benin-Nigeria border is highly context- dependent and varies
according to institutional, commercial and social settings.English was dominant
in interactions involving Nigeria officials, traders, and students on the
Idiroko side. That is Nigerians in Idiroko used English in formal situations.
Conversely, French was the primary medium of communication in Seme- Krake,
especially among the Beninese customs officers. Linguistic barriers among
border officials impede cooperation and slow movement across the border. A
study on Benin–Nigeria border operations found that many Nigerian border
officials lack French proficiency while some of Beninese have limited English
proficiency, resulting in communication difficulties.
2. Preservation of ethnic and linguistic traditions
over time
Despite colonial
demarcation, the area remains heavily interconnected culturally. Akinlabi and
Adesola (2009) analysis show that Hausa, Bariba, and notably Yoruba communities
span both Benin and Nigeria, maintaining strong cross-border networks.3. Cross-Border Utilization of Yoruba as a
Common Language
Yoruba functions
as a bridge language along the southern border. Its widespread use reflects
pre-colonial unity, as the Oyo Empire once covered both modern nations.
According to Kart historical accounts, Yoruba served as a dominant and widely
recognized language in the region.
3. Code-Switching, Code-Mixing &Translanguaging
Research from
Benin –Nigeria border highlights active borrowing and switching between French,
English, and local languages, particularly among literate multilinguals.
Studies of Yoruba–English bilinguals (e.g., Ogba, Lagos) demonstrate intra- and
inter-sentential switches motivated by lexical, pragmatic, and social factors.
The findings reveal that although French and English are the official languages
of Benin and Nigeria respectively, they are not the linguistically hegemonic
codes of daily communication in Benin- Nigeria border regions. Local languages
such as Yoruba,Egun, Fon, and Goun play a vital role in facilitating trade,
social interaction, and inter-community dialogue. This demonstrates the
enduring relevance of local linguistic identities despite the dominance of
colonial languages.
5. Operational
multilingual practices in cross –border urban-communities
A research case
from a Nigerian outskirt area found that Yoruba remains dominant in familial
and community domains, while English and local languages coexist in other
areas. This confirms the researcher
field findings regarding the hierarchy of language use depending on context.
6. Pragmatic accommodation
This is the
process by which speakers adjust their language to suit the social, cultural,
or linguistic expectations of their interlocutors in a given context (Giles,
1973; Thomas, 1995). This concept is rooted in Accommodation Theory, which
explains how language users modify their speechto either reduce or highlight
social distance. This may result to changes in tone, vocabulary, code choice,
or even entire shifts between languages. This is done to achieve mutual
understanding, politeness, or solidarity. Pragmatic accommodation plays a
critical role in interpersonal and transactional communication. Speakers often
shift between English, French, Yoruba, pidgin and other local languages based
on the linguistic identity or preference of the listener. This agrees with
previous studies such as Saliu (2020) which states that border dwellers often
prioritize intelligibility and social proximity over official language norms.
The study revealed
several important patterns:
English was the
dominant language in Nigerian border communities, whereas French played a
similar function in the Beninese border towns.
Traders frequently
engaged in code-switching and pragmatic borrowing, using whichever language
facilitated negotiation and sales.
Schools reinforced
the dominance of the official language of each country, but informal bilingual
practices emerged among students.
Speakers adopted
multilingualism, code-switching, and simplified speech as strategies to reduce
miscommunication Challenges: Limited bilingual education, lack of government
support, and insufficient language training created communication barriers.
6. Conclusion
The comparative
use of French and English in the Benin–Nigeria border region illustrates how
languages function both as bridges and barriers. While each country’s official
language dominates locally, the border environment fosters flexible and
innovative communicative practices. These dynamics highlight the importance of
viewing multilingualism not as a challenge but as a valuable resource. From a
sociolinguistic perspective, language patterns within a multilingual community
reveal the systematic ways individuals alternate between varieties to meet
communicative needs. In this context, language contact is not merely about one
system influencing another; rather, it involves the strategic deployment of a
repertoire of communicative resources acquired from diverse settings and
interlocutors, in ways that align with the expectations of different audiences.
The Benin–Nigeria
border functions not merely as a geographic boundary but as a sociolinguistic
contact zone where French, English, and indigenous languages intersect in daily
life. The comparative use of French and English reflects both the historical legacies
of colonialism and the contemporary demands of cross-border interactions.
Through strategies such as code-switching, code-mixing, translanguaging, and
pragmatic competence, speakers construct meaning, negotiate identity, and
foster connections across linguistic and cultural lines. These practices
demonstrate how multilingual speakers adapt to dynamic social environments,
balancing formal, informal, and cross-cultural communication needs.
Based on these
findings, the study makes several recommendations aimed at enhancing
communication, education, and social cohesion in the border region. Bilingual
education policies should be implemented in border schools to prepare students
for effective cross-border communication. Language training programs for
traders, transport workers, administrative staff, and security personnel will
facilitate smoother interactions across linguistic boundaries. Community
language centers can support informal learning of French, English, and local
languages, while cross-border cooperation between Nigeria and Benin should
focus on designing language policies that reflect regional multilingual
realities.
Further research
is encouraged into indigenous languages at the border, as these often-mediate
French–English exchanges and reinforce cultural identity. Schools should
integrate both official and local languages, such as Yoruba, as subjects or
mediums of instruction from the primary level to strengthen comprehension,
identity, and early multilingual competence. Teachers should be trained in
multilingual pedagogies, including translanguaging strategies, to enhance
learning and participation.
Indigenous
languages such as Yoruba, Goun, and Egun should be recognized as legitimate
tools of communication in informal trade, public campaigns, and community
engagement. Efforts to document and standardize these languages will ensure
their continued relevance. Public announcements, signage, and community
meetings should allow fluid mixing of French, English, and local languages to
maximize understanding among diverse audiences. Language policies must reflect
actual linguistic practices rather than imposing monolingual norms, and
multilingual signage, forms, and announcements should be implemented at border
checkpoints and markets to reduce miscommunication.
Investments in
language exchange programs, adult literacy courses, mobile learning apps, and
community workshops can support the acquisition of basic multilingual skills
for traders, transport workers, and youth. Local media and radio stations
should broadcast in multiple languages, including French, English, Yoruba, and
Pidgin, to ensure that information reaches all segments of the population.
Culturally relevant programming in mixed-language formats can promote
education, awareness, and social cohesion.
Ultimately, the
linguistic diversity of the Benin–Nigeria border should be embraced as a
resource. Supporting polyglossia, translanguaging, and inclusive language
planning can enhance education, trade, governance, and cross-border
cooperation. Recognizing the border region’s rich linguistic blend and
promoting practical strategies for multilingual communication will foster
unity, efficiency, and sustainable development in this dynamic interface zone.
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