Cite this article as: Dikko, A. L. (2025). A sociolinguistic study of social class relationship between Hausa and Lamoro languages in Lere Local Government Area of Kaduna State. Sokoto Journal of Linguistics and Communication Studies (SOJOLICS), 1(1), 1-6. www.doi.org/10.36349/sojolics.2025.v01i01.001
A SOCIOLINGUISTIC STUDY
OF SOCIAL CLASS RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN HAUSA AND LAMORO LANGUAGES IN LERE LOCAL
GOVERNMENT AREA OF KADUNA
By
Abdullahi Lawal Dikko
Department of
Linguistics and Nigerian Languages
Police Academy, Wudil-Kano
abduldikko9@gmail.com
Abstract
This study investigates
the sociolinguistic relationship between Hausa and Lamoro languages in Lere
Local Government Area of Kaduna State, Nigeria, with a focus on how social
class influences language use, bilingualism, prestige, and language shift, demonstrating
how languages signal politeness, social power, and ethnic identity through word
choice and usage. While Hausa enjoys widespread dominance and high prestige
across all social strata, particularly among the urban elite, Lamoro is
increasingly confined to informal, domestic, and rural domains. The study
applies Language Prestige Theory (2006) to analyse the role of social
structures in shaping linguistic behaviours and attitudes. Data gathered
through qualitative observation and secondary sources reveal that language use
is highly stratified by class: upper classes tend to prefer Hausa and English
for upward mobility, while the lower classes, though more likely to maintain
Lamoro, are under growing pressure to shift towards dominant languages. This class-based
linguistic imbalance contributes significantly to the endangerment of Lamoro.
The study concludes by emphasising the need for deliberate language
revitalisation policies and educational interventions that promote minority
language use across all social strata in order to preserve Nigeria’s rich
linguistic diversity.
Keywords: Bilingualism, Endangerment, Hausa, Lamoro, Social Class
1. Introduction
Language is not only a
means of communication but also a powerful marker of identity, power, and
social structure. In multilingual and multiethnic societies like Nigeria, the
relationship between language and social class plays a crucial role in shaping patterns
of language use, maintenance, and shift. The dominance of certain languages
over others often reflects broader societal hierarchies, where language
prestige aligns with political, economic, and religious influence. In Northern
Nigeria, Hausa has emerged as a dominant regional lingua franca, enjoying both
overt prestige and wide functional utility, while indigenous minority languages
like Lamoro, spoken in Lere Local Government Area (LGA) of Kaduna State, face
the threat of marginalisation and gradual extinction.
This study seeks to
explore the sociolinguistic relationship between Hausa and Lamoro, focusing
particularly on how social class influences language attitudes, patterns of
bilingualism, language choice in various domains, and the overall vitality of
Lamoro. While Hausa is widely spoken across all social classes, its dominance
is especially pronounced among the educated and urban elite. In contrast,
Lamoro is increasingly restricted to rural and domestic use, especially among
the lower socio-economic class. This unequal distribution has implications for
language shift, identity, and intergenerational transmission. By employing
sociolinguistic theories such as Language Prestige Theory, this paper aims to
critically examine how social class structures contribute to the maintenance or
endangerment of minority languages in a Hausa-dominated linguistic environment.
The study contributes to ongoing debates about language policy, minority
rights, and linguistic diversity in Nigeria. The study shows that Lamoro is increasingly
confined to informal and rural domains, limiting its functional use. Social
class pressures favour Hausa and English, reducing intergenerational
transmission of Lamoro. This restricted use and low social visibility
contribute to the language’s gradual endangerment.
In Lere LGA, Hausa
dominates public, religious, and formal domains as a regional lingua franca,
while the minority Lamoro language is primarily used within close-knit
communities, reflecting functional bilingualism and an asymmetrical power
dynamic (Blench, 2006:12). Social class influences language choice, with
educated and elite groups favouring Hausa and English, while Lamoro is largely
confined to informal and rural settings, leading younger speakers to shift
toward dominant languages for education, employment, and social mobility
(Bamgbose, 1991:39). The limited intergenerational transmission of Lamoro,
especially in mixed-ethnic households, combined with its marginalisation in
media and institutions, threatens its vitality, highlighting the complex interplay
of language, identity, and social structures in a hierarchically multilingual
environment (Eberhard, Simons & Fennig, 2023:248).
2 Theoretical Framework
Guided by Language
Prestige Theory (2006: 44–46), this study examines how social status and
community attitudes shape linguistic choices in Lere LGA. The theory posits
that languages associated with socioeconomic power, institutional authority,
and wider communication gain higher prestige, while those linked to rural or
marginalised groups are assigned lower value. In this context, Lamoro –
spokenlargely by rural and lower-class communities – functionsas a low-prestige
language, whereas Hausa holds high prestige due to its dominance in religion,
education, governance, and public interaction. This prestige imbalance
motivates speakers, particularly younger generations seeking social mobility
and acceptance, to increasingly shift towards Hausa, thereby accelerating the
decline of Lamoro in everyday communication (Language Prestige Theory, 2006:
44-46).
Complementing this,
Language Prestige Theory further explains how social value is assigned to
languages based on class, power, and institutional authority. Hausa carries
overt prestige due to its association with Islam, formal education, political
influence, and regional identity, making it the preferred language of the
educated and upper classes. In contrast, Lamoro holds covert prestige within
its ethnic community but is often stigmatised or undervalued in wider society
(Bourdieu, 1991:55; Labov, 2006:79). These theoretical perspectives frame how
social class influences both language attitudes and patterns of use, ultimately
affecting the maintenance or endangerment of Lamoro in a Hausa-dominated
sociolinguistic environment.
3 Literature Review
Language and society are
intricately connected, as language functions not only as a means of
communication but also as a marker of identity, power, and social structure
(Wardhaugh & Fuller, 2015:18). In multilingual societies such as Nigeria,
language choice often reflects social hierarchies and intergroup relations.
Fishman (1972:45) argues that linguistic behaviour is determined by domains –
suchas home, religion, education, and business – where specific languages are
preferred depending on participants, setting, and topic. In Northern Nigeria,
Hausa functions as the dominant lingua franca used across ethnic boundaries,
while smaller indigenous languages like Lamoro are often confined to
intra-group communication. This dominance of Hausa has significant implications
for language vitality, identity, and interethnic relations, particularly in
areas such as Lere Local Government Area, where Hausa and Lamoro communities
coexist in constant social and linguistic interaction (Adamu, 2004:67).
The relationship between
social class and language use has been widely examined in sociolinguistic
research. Labov’s (1966:200) study on social stratification in New York City
established that linguistic variation correlates strongly with class, prestige,
and aspiration. Similarly, Trudgill (1974:95) found that working-class speakers
tend to preserve local speech forms, while middle- and upper-class speakers
adopt more prestigious linguistic varieties as markers of social mobility. In
the Nigerian context, Bamgbose (1991:72) and Adegbija (2004:43) argue that
speakers often associate Hausa and English with education, modernisation, and
opportunity, whereas indigenous minority languages are linked to rurality and
low prestige. Consequently, in Lere LGA, members of the upper and educated
classes are more likely to use Hausa and English in formal settings, while
Lamoro remains primarily the language of the rural lower class and informal
family interactions. This dynamic aligns with Language Prestige Theory, which
holds that speakers often shift from a low-status heritage language to a
higher-status one in pursuit of social mobility and recognition; thus, the
movement from Lamoro towards Hausa is driven not only by communication needs
but by the prestige and socio-economic value associated with Hausa in the
broader community (Omoniyi, 2006:12–14).
Scholars such as Blench
(2019:22) and Emenanjo (2005:61) have warned that the dominance of major
languages like Hausa accelerates the endangerment of minority languages across
Northern Nigeria. Lamoro, classified among the Plateau languages (Crozier &
Blench, 1992:41), faces the threat of extinction as intergenerational
transmission declines. This phenomenon is consistent with global patterns of
language endangerment observed by UNESCO (2003:12), where smaller languages are
replaced by more dominant ones due to urbanisation, intermarriage, and media
influence. Moreover, code-switching between Lamoro and Hausa, common among
bilingual speakers in Lere, reflects a broader sociolinguistic adaptation
strategy (Myers-Scotton, 1993:102). However, when such bilingualism becomes
asymmetrical, favouring Hausa over Lamoro, it signals the erosion of linguistic
diversity. Hence, the reviewed literature underscores that the relationship
between Hausa and Lamoro in Lere is shaped by social class, prestige, and
economic aspirations, leading to a gradual shift that threatens the
sustainability of the Lamoro language and culture.
4. Data Presentation and
Analysis
4.1 Language Use and
Domain Distribution among Social Classes
Language use in Lere
Local Government Area (LGA) reflects distinct patterns influenced by social
class, with Hausa assuming dominance across most public and formal domains.
Among the upper and middle classes comprising civil servants, religious
leaders, traders, and the educated elite –Hausaand English are the primary
languages used in formal communication, education, administration, and media.
Lamoro, by contrast, is typically reserved for informal, home-based
interactions and community rituals among the lower socio-economic classes,
particularly in rural areas (Abubakar, 2022:134). This functional distribution
of language corresponds with Language Prestige Theory, which argues that
speakers align their linguistic choices with languages perceived as socially or
economically superior; thus, Hausa is favoured in prestigious public and
institutional settings, while Lamoro remains confined to low-prestige communal
domains (Omoniyi, 2006:12–14).
Members of higher social
classes in Lere tend to perceive Hausa and English as languages of upward
mobility, modernity, and economic opportunity. As a result, they often
discourage the use of Lamoro among their children, leading to limited use of
the language in educational or religious institutions, further marginalising it
from mainstream discourse (Aliyu & Zakari, 2023:88). For instance, while
Hausa is commonly used for sermons in mosques and Christian gatherings in urban
areas, Lamoro is rarely used even in local churches. Among the working class
and rural dwellers, Lamoro retains some vitality, particularly in interpersonal
communication, local ceremonies, and oral traditions. However, even within
these groups, there is growing code-switching between Lamoro and Hausa,
especially among youths influenced by schooling and digital exposure in Hausa
(Eberhard, Simons & Fennig, 2023:274).
This social
stratification in language use reflects broader patterns of linguistic
inequality, where minority languages are confined to less prestigious domains,
while dominant languages extend into elite-controlled institutions. The lack of
educational materials, official recognition, or state support for Lamoro
reinforces this asymmetry, making it increasingly vulnerable to erosion among
higher- and middle-class speakers. Language prestige thus becomes both a
product and a tool of class differentiation, with Hausa symbolising integration
into northern Nigeria’s political and cultural mainstream, while Lamoro is
increasingly relegated to the private sphere or symbolic heritage use (Blench,
2021:10). Without targeted intervention and revitalisation efforts, this
domain-based marginalisation is likely to deepen the social and functional gap
between Hausa and Lamoro in Lere LGA.
4.2 Patterns of
Bilingualism and Language Shift
Bilingualism in Lere LGA
is widespread and socially stratified, primarily involving Hausa and Lamoro.
Most Lamoro speakers are functionally bilingual, using Lamoro within family and
community circles, while Hausa is employed in broader communication settings
such as markets, schools, mosques, and political gatherings (Yakubu, 2005:92).
This form of additive bilingualism, where the minority language (Lamoro)
coexists with the dominant one (Hausa) initially promotes multilingual
competence. However, the lack of institutional support for Lamoro increasingly
turns this bilingualism into a transitional phase, often leading to subtractive
bilingualism, where Hausa eventually replaces Lamoro, particularly among
younger speakers (Bamgbose, 1991:50).
The patterns of language
shift observed in Lere LGA are shaped by socioeconomic, educational, and
religious factors. Hausa functions as the language of upward mobility and
access to formal education and government employment, and Lamoro parents often
encourage their children to adopt Hausa as their first or dominant language.
This shift is especially pronounced in urban areas such as Saminaka, the LGA
headquarters, where schooling, religious instruction, and peer interactions are
overwhelmingly conducted in Hausa or English (Eberhard, Simons & Fennig,
2023:109). Over time, intergenerational transmission of Lamoro has declined.
Observational and interview data indicate that older generations (50+) use
Lamoro exclusively at home, middle-aged adults mix Lamoro with Hausa when
speaking to children, while children and teenagers increasingly respond in
Hausa or English, demonstrating limited proficiency in Lamoro. Lexical and
conversational assessments show that elders retain full competence, but younger
speakers often understand only basic Lamoro words and phrases, frequently
inserting Hausa equivalents or code-switching during conversations (Blench,
2006; Eberhard, Simons & Fennig, 2023).
Domain-based analysis
further supports this trend: Lamoro remains primarily in use within intimate,
rural, or family settings, while Hausa dominates public, educational, and
religious domains (Fishman, 1972). Surveys reveal that most children under 15
rarely speak Lamoro, and only a small fraction can carry on a complete
conversation in the language (Bamgbose, 1991; Eberhard, Simons & Fennig,
2023). The combined effects of reduced home use, preference for dominant
languages in schools, and lexical borrowing underscore the weakening vitality
of Lamoro, marking it as a language under threat of endangerment if current
trends continue.
Media, religious
preaching, and political discourse further contribute to the erosion of Lamoro,
as such domains are monopolised by Hausa and sometimes English. Additionally,
marriages between Lamoro and Hausa speakers often result in Hausa becoming the home
language, especially when children’s future prospects are considered (Blench,
2006:20). These domains of language use show a marked shrinkage for Lamoro,
pushing it to the margins of private, elderly, or ceremonial usage. The absence
of written materials, orthographic standardisation, or digital content in
Lamoro reinforces the perception that it is a “low utility” language. Hence,
the pattern of bilingualism in Lere LGA is not stable but transitional,
gradually favouring the dominance of Hausa and the potential endangerment of
Lamoro.
4.3 Language Attitudes
and Prestige
Language attitudes among
the Hausa and Lamoro communities in Lere Local Government Area (LGA) reflect
broader sociolinguistic power dynamics in Northern Nigeria. Hausa, as the
dominant regional language, enjoys high prestige and is associated with literacy,
religion (particularly Islam), political influence, and socioeconomic
advancement. It is often perceived as a language of civilisation, education,
and access to wider networks of influence (Abubakar & Gimba, 2023:61). In
contrast, Lamoro, a minority language, is commonly viewed by both speakers and
non-speakers as a “village language” or a relic of the past, useful primarily
for local communication and cultural performances. These attitudes
significantly shape language choice and intergenerational transmission,
particularly among younger speakers who aspire to integrate into the mainstream
Hausa-speaking elite.
Among Lamoro speakers,
dual or ambivalent attitudes towards their own language are evident. On one
hand, Lamoro is cherished as a symbol of ethnic identity and cultural heritage,
especially during traditional festivals and community events. On the other hand,
it is considered less useful in formal and public domains such as education,
employment, and media, leading many to prioritise Hausa or English in daily
interactions (Aliyu & Zakari, 2023:92). This prestige imbalance contributes
to language shift, as younger generations increasingly prefer Hausa or English,
perceiving them as more “modern” or respectable. In some urban or elite
contexts, speaking Lamoro may even be associated with backwardness or lack of
education (Blench, 2021:13).
The prestige hierarchy
between Hausa and Lamoro is further reinforced by institutional and religious
structures. Hausa dominates sermons, political rallies, school instruction, and
inter-ethnic communication, giving it greater functional value in public life.
Without state support or inclusion in the education system, Lamoro remains at
the bottom of the linguistic prestige scale. According to Eberhard, Simons, and
Fennig (2023:276), such negative attitudes towards minority languages often
accelerate their endangerment, as speakers gradually abandon them in favour of
socially dominant languages. Therefore, changing these attitudes through
deliberate language planning, community literacy programmes, and media
representation is essential for revitalizing Lamoro and preserving linguistic
diversity in Lere LGA.
4.4 Impact of Social
Class on Language Maintenance and Endangerment
Social class
significantly influences the processes of language maintenance and endangerment
among minority language speakers in multilingual settings such as Lere LGA. In
this region, members of higher social classes – typically educated elites,
religious leaders, civil servants, and urban-based professionals –
tendtoprioritise the use of Hausa and English due to their association with
social mobility, education, and prestige (Aliyu & Zakari, 2023:89).
Consequently, Lamoro, the indigenous language of a smaller ethnic group in the
area, suffers from reduced use and declining transmission among the upper
class. This trend reflects a broader sociolinguistic phenomenon in which
dominant languages become markers of elite status, while minority languages are
relegated to informal, rural, or nostalgic roles (Blench, 2021:17).
Among lower
socio-economic classes, particularly in rural and agrarian communities, Lamoro
retains some degree of vitality. Here, the language is still used in everyday
communication, oral traditions, local ceremonies, and intergenerational
interactions. However, the influence of dominant languages like Hausa continues
to grow, even in these spaces, due to the spread of education, urban migration,
religious institutions, and digital media. Children from lower-class families
often begin their schooling in Hausa or English, further reducing the utility
and perceived value of Lamoro in their lives (Eberhard, Simons & Fennig,
2023:281). This dynamic creates a paradox: while the lower class sustains the
language more actively, they also experience strong external pressures that
encourage linguistic assimilation.
The endangerment of
Lamoro is thus not merely a linguistic issue but is deeply tied to class-based
inequalities and access to power structures. Without targeted efforts to
institutionalise and elevate Lamoro, such as inclusion in local schools,
literacy programmes, and media content, social mobility will continue to be
linked with abandoning the language. As Abubakar and Gimba (2023:75) note,
language loss among marginalised groups is often accelerated by the desire to
escape stigma and align with socially prestigious identities. Therefore,
effective language maintenance efforts must address class disparities and
create environments in which Lamoro can coexist meaningfully with Hausa and
English across all social strata.
5. Conclusion
The sociolinguistic
dynamics between Hausa and Lamoro in Lere Local Government Area clearly
demonstrate how language use is intricately tied to social class, identity, and
power. As this study has shown, Hausa enjoys widespread usage and overt
prestige across all domains of public life, particularly among the urban and
educated elite. Lamoro, in contrast, is increasingly confined to informal,
rural, and low-prestige domains, especially among the lower social classes.
This unequal status has contributed to patterns of bilingualism that are
transitional rather than stable, with younger generations gradually shifting
away from Lamoro in favour of Hausa and English. The impact of social class on
language maintenance and endangerment is therefore both significant and
alarming. Without conscious efforts to promote, institutionalise, and valorize
Lamoro, its decline may continue unchecked. Language shift in this context is
not merely a linguistic issue but a reflection of deeper social inequalities
and power relations. To preserve linguistic diversity and cultural heritage,
there is an urgent need for inclusive language policies, community-based
revitalization programmes, and educational reforms that recognise and support
minority languages. Data from Lere LGA show that Lamoro is increasingly
confined to home and rural settings, while Hausa dominates schools, markets,
and formal domains, particularly among educated and upper-class families
(Blench, 2006; Fishman, 1972; Bamgbose, 1991; Eberhard, Simons & Fennig,
2023). For example, classroom observations in primary schools reveal that even
Lamoro-speaking children answer teachers exclusively in Hausa, and
secondary-school students often avoid Lamoro entirely to escape being labelled
“rural.” In marketplaces, traders switch immediately to Hausa when interacting
with customers from outside Lamoro villages, reinforcing Hausa as the default
language of commerce. Within households, elders retain full competence in
Lamoro, adults mix it with Hausa, and youth often respond only in Hausa or
English, demonstrating declining intergenerational transmission and frequent
code-switching.
Interviews with parents
further indicate that many educated families intentionally choose Hausa or
English at home, believing these languages provide better academic and economic
opportunities, atrend that accelerates linguistic abandonment. These patterns,
driven by social class, education, and aspirations for upward mobility,
threaten Lamoro’s vitality, highlighting the need for inclusive language
policies, community-led revitalisation, and educational reforms to preserve the
language and Nigeria’s broader linguistic diversity.
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